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OUR NEW NAVY 



BY 

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EDWARD SHIPPEN 

OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY 




P. W. ZIEGLER & CO., 

PHILADELPHIA, PA. and ST. LOUIS, MO. 



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COPYRIGHTED BY 

JAMES C. McCURDY. 
1S94. 



PREFACE. 



This collection is intended to present, in a popular 
form, an account of many of the important naval battles 
of all times, as well as of some combats of squadrons and 
single ships, which are interesting, from the nautical skill 
and bravery shown in them. 

In most instances an endeavor has been made to give, 
in a concise manner, the causes whidr led to these 
encounters, as well as the results obtained. 

As this book is not intended for professional men, 
technicalities have been, as far as possible, avoided. But 
it is often necessary to use the language and phraseology 
of those who fought these battles. 

In all there has been a desire to give an unbiased 
account of each battle; and, especially, to make no 
statement for which authority cannot be found. 

The " new navy " is a subject in which all Americans 
are interested. Enough has been said to give, with the 
illustrations, a good idea of what our navy is to day, as 
well as its relative standing among the navies of the 
world. 



in 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/navalbattlesofwo03ship 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE 

i. Return of the Greeks from Salamis Frontispiece. 

2. Early Naval Architecture, No. 1 s . 

3. Early Naval Architecture, No. 2 2I 

4. Naval Types, No. 1 2 g 

5. A Norse Galley 

6. Capture of the Carthaginian Fleet by the Romans ?6 

7. Naval Types, No. 2 

45 

8. Roman Galley 

9. Battle of Actium _ o 

10. The Ptolemy Philopater -c 

11. Battle of Lepanto g. 

12. The English Fleet Following the Invincible Armada 85 

13. Naval Types, No. 3 

14. A Spanish Galleass of the Sixteenth Century I02 

15. Sir Francis Drake in Central America I03 

16. Naval Types, No. 4 Io6 

17. Henry Grace de Dieu x , x 

18. Naval Types, No. 5 

' ° 145 

19. A Caravel of the Time of Columbus j I5 6 

20. Naval Types, No. 6 l6o 

21. Norman ship of the Fourteenth Century i 73 

22. Venetian Galley of the Sixteenth Century ^2 

23. Life at Sea, No. 1 lg2 

24. BUCENTORO jgg 

25. Engagement Between Serapis and Bonhomme Richard 1S7 

26. Life at Sea, No. 2 2I - 

27. Medal Awarded to John Paul Jones 217 

28. Naval Battle, Eighteenth Century 218 

29. Life at Sea, No. 3 22 t 

30. Le Soleil Royale • _ 226 

31. Howe's Action of June i, 1794 24 o 

32. Battle of Cape St. Vincent, 1797 247 

S3- Naval Manoeuvres, No. i _ 2 r Q 

34. English Fleet off Teneriffe 272 

35. Nelson Wounded at Teneriffe 27 6 

36. Dutch Man of War, Seventeenth Century 276 

37. Naval Manoeuvres, No. 2 _ 2 gr 

38. Battle of the Nile 2 g g 

39. Capture of Admiral Nelson's Despatches 320 

(v) 



VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

40. Siege of Acre, 1799 337 

41. Le Tonnant Dismasted 341 

42. Pontifical Galley, 1550 341 

43. Capture of Alexandria, 1801 348 

44. La Galere Reale 357 

45. The Victory 357 

46. Management of V „ls, No. i 364 

47. Battle of Copenhagen 369 

48. Nelson's Victory at Trafalgar 384 

49. The " Fighting Ti <:meraire " Towed to Her Last Berth. 422 

50. The U. S. Sailing Frigate, Constitution 422 

51. The Wasp Boarding the Frolic 427 

52. Capture of the Guerriere by the Constitution 432 

53. Perry's Victory on Lake Erie 449 

54. McDonough's Victory on Lake Champlain 515 

55. Capture of the Cyane and Levant by the Constitution 526 

56. The Clermont — Fulton's First Steamboat — 1807 546 

57. Fight With Algerine Pirates 546 

58. Sinope, 1853 559 

59. Battle of Lissa, 1866 562 

60. Engagement Between the Monitor and Merrimac 575 

61. The " Miantonomoh " 583 

62. Gunboats on Western River 583 

63. New Orleans — Fleet Passing Forts Jackson and St. Philip 5S6 

64. Sinking of the Alabama by the Kearsarge 612 

65. Grosser Kurfuerst 621 

66. The " New Ironsides " 621 

67. Le Solferino, 1865 651 

68. Lieut. Cushing's Torpedo Boat Sinking the Albemarle 657 

69. Monitor Fleet in a Gale 672 

70. Management of Vessels, No. 2 694 

7 1 . The Dreadnaught 696 

72. Appearance of the Huascar after Capture 699 

73. Steel Torpedo Boat and Pole 709 

74. Bombardment of Alexandria, 1882 710 

75. The Vice- Admiral Popoff 715 

76. Italian Ironclad " Duilio," 1880 715 

77. The Alexandria, 1877 718 

78. Unarmored Cruiser Boston 720 

79. Unarmored Cruiser Atlanta 725 

80. Protected Cruiser Philadelphia 732 

81. Dispatch Boat Dolphin 737 

82. Coast Defence Monitor Miantonomoh 737 

83. Gunboat Petrel 741 

84. Dynamite Cruiser Vesuvius 748 

85. Torpedo Boat Cushing 748 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 



!t page. 

The Ancients' Dread of the Sea; Homer's Account of It; Slow Progress in 

Navigation before the Discovery of the Lode-stone ; Early Egyptians ; The 

Argonauts; The Phenicians and Greeks ; Evidences of sea-fights Thousands 

of Years before Christ; Naval Battle Fought by Rameses III; The Fleets of 

Sesostris ; Description of Bas-relief at Thebes ; Roman Galleys Described ; 

Early Maritime Spirit of the Carthaginians ; Herodotus' Account of the Battle 

of Artemisium; The Greeks under Alexander; Romans and Carthaginians. 19 

I. SALAMIS. B. C. 480. 

The Island of Salamis; Xerxes; His Immense Power; His Fleet and Army; 
Events Preceding the Battle ; The Contending Hosts Engage in Worship be- 
fore the Fight Begins; The Greek Admiral Gives the Signal for Action; 
Many Persian Vessels Sunk at the First Onset; Fierce Hand-to-Hand 
Fighting ; A Son of the Great Darius Falls ; Dismay Among the Asiatics ; 
Panic-stricken ; Artifice of Queen Artemisia ; She Escapes ; Xerxes Power- 
less ; He Rends his Robes and Bursts into Tears ; Resolves to Return to Asia ; 
Greece Wins her Freedom. 



II. NAVAL BATTLE AT SYRACUSE. B. C. 415. 

A Bloody Battle; Strength of the Athenians ; The Fleet enters Syracuse Harbor 
in Fine Order ; The Sicilians Blockade the Entrance and Imprison the Fleet 
The Perils of Starvation Compel the Greeks to Attempt to Raise the Blockade 
Both Fleets Meet at the Mouth of the Harbor; Confusion Among the Greeks 
They are Finally Compelled to Turn Back and Take Refuge in their Docks 
Another Attempt to Escape from the Flarbor ; Mutiny Among the Sailors 
The Syracusans Appear in their Midst and Capture both Men and Ships 
End of Athens as a Naval Power. 

III. ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 

Carthage a Place of Interest for Twenty Centuries ; Romans and Carthaginians 
in Collision; First Punic War; Rome Begins the Construction of a Navy; 
A Stranded Carthaginian Vessel Serves as a Model; They Encounter the 
Carthaginians at Myloe ; Defeat of the Latter ; Renewed Preparations of both 
Countries for the Mastery of the Mediterranean : A Great Battle Fought, 260 
B. C. ; The Romans Finally Victorious; They Land an Army in Africa and 

vii 



?5 



31 



VJ11 CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
Sail for Home; Encounter a " Sirocco" and Lose nearly all their Galleys 
on the Rocks ; The Succeeding Punic Wars ; Rome in Her Greatness ; 
Antony and Octavius Appear Upon the Scene. 36 

IV. ACTIUM. B. C. 31. 

The Decisive Battle of Philippi, B. C. 42 ; Antony and Octavius Divide the 
Empire of the World Between Them ; Trouble between Antony and Octa- 
vius; Antony's Dissipations; His Passion for Egypt's Queen; Octavius 
(the Future Augustus) Raises Fresh Legions to Oppose Antony ; The Latter 
Proclaims Cleopatra Queen of Cyprus and Cilicia; The Republic Suspicious of 
Antony ; Octavius Declares War Against Cleopatra ; Crosses the Ionian Sea 
with his Fleet and Army, and Anchors at Actium, in Epirus; Meeting of the 
Roman and Antony's Fleets; Preparation for Battle; A Grand Scene; 
Cleopatra's Magnificent Galley; Discomfiture of Antony's Centre ; Cleopatra 
Panic-stricken; Flight of the Egyptian Contingent ; Antony Follows Cleopatra; 
His Fleet Surrenders to Octavius ; The Land Forces Refuse to Believe in 
Antony's Defection; Despairing of His Return, they Accept Octavius' Over- 
tures and Pass Under his Banner ; Octavius Master of the World ; Suicide of 
Antony and Cleopatra. 48 

V. LEPANTO. A. D. 1571. 

A Momentous Battle that Decides the Sovereignty of Eastern Europe ; Naval 
Events Preceding Lepanto ; Turkish Encroachments ; Pope Pius V Forms a 
League Against Them; Siege and Capture of Famagousta by the Turks; 
Barbarities of Mustapha ; Christian Europe Aroused ; Assembly of the Pon- 
tifical Fleet and Army; Don John, of the Spanish Squadron, Placed in Chief 
Command ; Resolves to Seek and Attack the Ottoman Fleet ; Encounters the 
Enemy in a Gulf on the Albanian Coast ; Character of Don John ; Preparations 
for Battle; Strength of his Fleet; A Magnificent Scene; The Turkish Fleet; 
AH Pasha in Command; The Battle Opens; Desperate Fighting at all Points, 
Barberigo, of the Venetian Fleet, Badly Wounded ; Two Renowned Seamen 
Face to Face; Uluch All Captures the Great " Capitana " of Malta ; The Galley 
of Don John Encounters that of Ali Pasha ; They Collide ; Terrible Hand- 
to-Hand Fighting; Bravery of a Capuchin Friar; The Viceroy of Egypt 
Killed; Ali Pasha Killed; His Galley Captured; Dismay among the Turks; 
Uluch Ali Gives the Signal for Retreat ; Terrible Loss of Life in the Battle ; 
Christian Slaves Liberated ; The Turkish Fleet Almost Annihilated ; Alex- 
ander Farnese ; Cervantes ; Fierce Storm ; Two Sons of Ali Prisoners ; Don 
John and Veniero; Division of the Spoils; The Te Deum at Messina; Joy 
Throughout Christendom ; Colonna in Rome ; The Great Ottoman Standard; 
Decline of the Ottoman Empire. 56 

VI. THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. A. D. 1588. 

Significance of the Term ; Philip II ; His Character ; Determines to Invade 
England ; The Duke of Parma ; Foresight of Elizabeth ; The Armada 
Ready ; An Enormous Fleet ; It Encounters a Tempest ; Mutiny ; The 



CONTENTS. IX 

PAGE 
Armada reaches the English Channel in July ; Lord Howard, Drake, 

Frobisher and Hawkins in Command of the English Fleet ; Tactics of the 

English; Capture of the "Santa Anna" by Drake; The Spanish Reach 

Calais; Disappointment of the Spanish Commander; Another Storm Sets 

In ; Distress in the Spanish Fleet ; The English hang on its Rear and cut 

off Straggling Vessels; Shipwreck and Disaster Overtake the Armada on 

the Scottish and Irish Coast ; A Fearful Loss of Life ; Apparent Indifference 

of Philip II Concerning the Armada's Failure; The Beginning of Spain's 

Decline. 85 



VII. SOME NAVAL EVENTS OF ELIZABETH'S TIME, SUCCEEDING 

THE ARMADA. 

The Armada's Discomfiture Encourages England to Attack Spain; Drake and 
Norris Unsuccessful at Lisbon ; The Earl of Cumberland's Expedition ; Meets 
with a Bloody Repulse ; League of Elizabeth with Henri Quatre, against the 
Duke of Parma; Sir Thomas Howard in Command of an English Fleet to 
the Azores; Frobisher and Raleigh's Expedition of 1592; Prizes Taken on 
the Coast of Spain ; Frobisher Wounded ; His Death ; Richard Hawkins ; 
Walter Raleigh's Expedition to Guiana; Expedition of Sir Francis Drake 
and Sir John Hawkins ; Repulsed at Porto Rico ; Death of Hawkins ; England 
Anticipates Philip II in 1596 and Attacks Cadiz; The City Taken; The 
English Attack and Capture Fayal ; Attempt to Intercept Spanish Merchant- 
men. 103 



VIII. NAVAL ACTIONS OF THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND 
HOLLAND. A. D. 1652-3. 

The Dutch Supreme on the Sea ; The Commonwealth and the United Provinces ; 
Negotiations for an Alliance Broken Off; An English Commodore Fires into 
a Dutch Fleet ; Van Tromp sent to Avenge this Insult ; Blake in Command of 
the English ; The English Temporarily Masters in the Channel ; Great Naval 
Preparations in Holland; The South of England at Van Tramp's Mercy; 
Blake Collects his Fleet to meet Van Tromp ; A Storm Scatters Both ; The 
Dutch People Dissatisfied with Van Tromp ; He Resigns ; De Witt Assumes 
Chief Command; Blake Meets the French Fleet under Vendome ; He Cap- 
tures the Latter' s Fleet; Battle of North Foreland; De Witt Withdraws 
at Nightfall ; Van Tromp to the Front Again ; Denmark Declares Against 
the Commonwealth ; The Dutch and English Meet in the English Channel ; 
Blake Beaten; Van Tromp Sails Up and Down the Channel with a Broom 
at his Masthead; Battle off Portland; A Decisive Engagement; Van 
Tromp Escorts Dutch Merchantmen into Port; Discontent in the Dutch 
Fleet; Terrible Loss on Both Sides; Blake Learns of a New Fleet Fitted 
out by Van Tromp in April ; They Meet Again ; A Two Days' Battle ; 
Another Effort Two Months Later ; The Brave Van Tromp Killed ; The 
Power of Holland Broken ; The States General Sues for Peace. 112 



X CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

IX. FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. A. D. 1676. 

Revolt of Messina and Sicily ; Louis XIV Sends Duquesne with a Fleet to 
Sustain the Insurgents ; Sketch of Duquesne ; England Makes Peace with 
Holland ; Duquesne Repulses the Spanish Fleet and Captures the Town of 
Agosta; Learns of De Ruyter's Presence in the Mediterranean; Meeting 
of the Hostile Fleets, Jan. 16, 1676; Splendid Manoeuvres; The Advantage 
with the French ; They Meet Again, in Spring, Near Syracuse ; Sharp and 
Terrible Firing ; De Ruyter Mortally Wounded ; The Dutch -Seek Shelter 
in Syracuse Harbor; The Sicilian and French Fleets Encounter the Dutch 
and Spanish Fleets Again, in May; Destruction of the Latter; Honors to the 
Remains of De Ruyter; Recompensing Duquesne; His Protestantism Dis- 
tasteful to Louis XIV ; Humiliates Genoa ; Edict of Nantes; His Death and 
Private Burial ; Subsequent Honors to his Memory. 146 

X. BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. A. D. 1692. 

Louis XIV Prepares to Attack England, to Seat James II on the Throne ; 
Count de Tourville in Command of the French Fleet; Sketch of his Life; 
He is Ordered to Sail from Brest; Bad Weather; Arrogance of Pontchar- 
train, the Minister of Marine ; Tourville meets a Powerful English and 
Dutch Fleet ; Bravery of the Soleil Royal, the French Flag-ship ; A Fog 
Ends the Fight ; Louis XIV Compliments Tourville on his Gallant Defence 
Against Such Great Odds; Bestows the Title of Field Marshal on Him. 15^ 

XL BENBOW, A. D. 1702. 

Benbow a Favorite of William III ; Queen Anne Declares War Against France ; 
Benbow Sent to the West Indies; He Falls in with a French Fleet; A 
Vigorous Attack Commenced; Disobedience of his Captains; He is Badly 
Wounded and Dies; The Captains Court-martialed ; Detailed Account of the 
Capture and Destruction of the French and Spanish Fleets. 166 

XII. BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. A. D. 1756. 

Sketch of Admiral Byng; War between England and France; Capture of 
Minorca by the Latter ; Byng sent to the Relief of the Island ; La Galissoniere 
in Command of the French ; Failure to Engage the Latter's Fleet, as Directed, 
by Byng ; The English Driven Back to Gibraltar ; Byng Superseded Without 
a Hearing ; Tried by Court-martial and Sentenced to Death ; The Sentence 
Considered Unjustly Severe by Pitt ; Wrangling among the Officers of the 
Admiralty; Final Execution of the Sentence ; Voltaire's Sarcasm. 174 

XIII. SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. A. D. 1759. 

Sketch of Hawke; Succeeds the Ill-fated Admiral Byng; In Command of a 
Blockading Squadron at Brest ; Meets the French Fleet Under Admiral Con- 
flans Near Belleisle ; The Latter Inferior in Strength and Numbers ; A Gale 
Arises During the Fight and Many Injured French Vessels Wrecked ; The 
Latter Fleet Almost Entirely Disabled and Destroyed; Honors to Hawke. 183 



CONTENTS. XI 

PAGK 

XIV. SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. A. D. 1779. 

A Remarkable Action ; Sketch of the Hero, John Paul Jones ; Receives a 
Commission in the United Colonial Navy ; Hoists the First American Flag on 
Sea; The French Salute the " Stars and Stripes;" France Gives Him a Large 
Merchantman, which he Names the Bonhomme Richard ; Sketch of Jones' 
Later Life ; Lafayette ; Franklin ; Additional Ships Fitted out for Jones in 
France; Description of the Bonhomme Richard; Sailing of the Fleet; 
Richard Dale ; Cruises on the Coast of Scotland ; Discovery of the Serapis 
Convoying About Forty Merchantmen ; Description of Her ; The Serapis 
Stands Out to Protect Her Convoy ; The Two Vessels Engage as Night Comes 
On; Two of Jones' 1 8 pounders Burst at the First Discharge; Captain 
Pearson, of the Serapis, Inquires whether the Bonhomme Richard has Struck ; 
Jones Replies that He has Not yet Commenced to Fight; The Vessels 
Come Afoul Again; Jones Lashes Them Together; The Americans Drop 
Hand-grenades and Matches Down the Hatches of the Serapis and Cause a 
Terrific Explosion ; The Serapis Finally Surrenders ; Jones Transfers His Men 
to the Serapis ; The Bonhomme Richard Sinks ; Jones Carries His Force to 
the Texel; One of the Most Remarkable Sea Fights on Record. 187 

XV. DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. A. D. 1782. 

Skeich of De Grasse; Earliest Exploits; Aids Washington in the Reduction of 
Yorktown; Recognition by Congress; Subsequent Events; Encounters an 
English Fleet, Under Rodney ; De Grasse Loses Five Line-of Battle Ships ; 
Exultation in England; De Grasse a Prisoner; Assists in Bringing About 
a Treaty of Peace Between the United States and England; Career of 
Rodney ; Receives the Title of Baron and a Pension. 218 

XVI. LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. JUNE 1, A. D. 1794. 

The First of a Series of Memorable Engagements; Traits of Lord Howe; 
Anecdotes ; Watching the French Fleet ; The Latter Put to Sea ; Skirmishing, 
May 28 ; A Great Battle, June I ; The French Open Fire First ; Concen- 
trated and Deadly Firing on Both Sides; The French Lose Six Line-of- 
Battle Ships; Howe's Orders Not Obeyed by Some of the Captains; Some 
French Ships that Had Struck Escape in the Darkness ; Anecdotes Con- 
cerning the Battle. 227 

XVII. BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. A. D. 1797. 

Location of Cape St. Vincent ; Admiral Sir John Jervis in Command of the 
English ; Strength of His Fleet ; Commodore Horatio Nelson ; Chased by a 
Spanish Fleet ; The Latter in Command of Don Joseph de Cordova ; Feb. 14 
a Disastrous Day for Spain ; Surprised to See so Large an English Fleet ; 
The Battle Opens; Boarding the San Nicolas; The Spanish Beaten at Every 
Point; The Battle over by 5 o'clock ; Both Fleets Lay To to Repair Damages; 
Escape of the Spanish During the Night; Damages Sustained; Description of 



XII CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
the Santissima Trinidada ; The Cause of the Spanish Discomfiture ; Great 
Rejoicing in Lisbon ; Honors and Pensions Awarded to the English Com- 
manders at Home ; Admiral Cordova and His Captains. 247 

XVIII. ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. A. D. 1797. 

English Expedition to the Canary Islands ; Cutting Out a Brig in the Harbor 
of Santa Cruz ; Attempt of the English to Capture the Town of Santa Cruz ; 
An Expedition Under Rear Admiral Nelson Organized for the Purpose ; The 
Garrison Apprised of Their Coming ; Nelson Shot in the Ann and Disabled ; 
The English Agree not to Molest the Canary Islands any Further if Allowed to 
Retire in Good Order; The Spanish Governor Finally Accepts this Offer; A 
Disastrous Defeat for Nelson. 266 

XIX. BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. iith OCTOBER, A. D. 1797. 

Viscount Duncan ; His Early Life ; The Mutiny of the Nore ; Causes Leading 
to It; Disgraceful Practices of the English Admiralty of this Period; War 
with Holland; The Dutch Fleet Off the Texel under the Command of Vice- 
Admiral De Winter ; The English Immediately Set Out to Intercept them ; 
The Battle Opens about Noon of October nth; Hard Fighting; The English 
Victorious ; Accurate Firing of the Hollanders ; The Losses Heavy on Both 
Sides; Actual Strength of Both Fleets; Duncan's Admirable Plan of Attack ; 
Nelson's Memorandum. 



273 



XX. BATTLE OF THE NILE, ist AUGUST, 1798. 



Aboukir Bay ; Its History ; Learning that a Strong French Fleet Had Left 
Toulon, Nelson Seeks Them , He Finds the Fleet in Aboukir Bay ; He 
Comes Upon Them at 6 o'clock in the Evening and Resolves to Attack Them 
at Once ; A Terrible Battle Misunderstanding of the French Admiral's 
Instructions; Many Acts of Individual Heroism; Death of the French 
Admiral ; Villeneuve Escapes with Four French Vessels; The Battle Over by 
1 1 o'clock ; The Most Disastrous Engagement the French Navy Ever Fought ; 
Detailed Account of the Great Fight; The French Ship L'Orient Blown Up 
with a Terrific Explosion; Summary of the Losses on both sides ; Masterly 
Tactics of Nelson; Gallant Behavior of the French; The Loss of This Battle 
of Immense Consequences to the Latter ; Nelson Sails for Naples ; Honors to 
Him Everywhere; His Official Report; French Officers of High Rank 
Killed ; Anecdotes on Board the Vanguard on the Voyage to Naples. 289 

XXL LEANDER AND GENEREUX. i6th AUG., A. D. 1798. 

Contest Between Single Ships; The Leander a Bearer of Dispatches from 
Nelson ; Encounters the French Frigate Genereux ; Attempts to Avoid the 
Latter; A Close and Bloody Fight of Six Hours; The Leander Surrenders; 
Captain Le Joille ; Plundering the English Officers ; Captain Thompson ; 
Another Striking Incident ; A French Cutter in Alexandria Harbor Abandoned 
on Being Attacked by Two English Frigates ; The Officers and Crew of the 
Former, on Reaching the Shore, Massacred by the Arabs ; General Carmin 
and Captain Vallette Among the Slain; Dispatches from Bonaparte Secured 
by the Arabs. 320 



CONTENTS. Xlll 

PAGE 

XXII. ACTION BETWEEN THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 

A. D. 1798. 

Decisive Single Ship Actions ; A Fruitful Source of Discussion ; The British 
Account of It ; History and Description of the Ambuscade ; Unexpected 
Meeting with the Bayonnaise; The English Vessel the Fastest Sailer; A 
Battle Takes Place ; Detailed Account of the Fight ; The English Frigate 
Surrenders to the French Corvette ; Causes of Discontent on Board the Former ; 
Great Rejoicing in France; Promotion of the French Captain. 327 

XXIII. SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. A. D. 1799. 

Minister to the Sublime Porte ; Notified of Bonaparte's Presence in Syria ; The 
Latter Lays Siege to Acre ; He Repairs Thither with a Fleet and Assists the 
Turks in Defending the Place ; Admiral Peree, of the FreWh Navy, Puts in an 
Appearance ; Desperate Attempts to Storm the Place ; Strength of Napoleon's 
Army on Entering Syria; Kleber's Grenadiers; Repeated and Desperate 
Assaults of the French ; Unsuccessful Each Time ; The Siege Abandoned 
After Sixty-one Days ; Importance of the Place as Viewed by Napoleon. 334 

XXIV. FOUDROYANT AND CONSORTS IN ACTION WITH THE 
GUILLAUME TELL. A. D. 1800. 

Preliminary History; Rear Admiral Denis Decres; Sketch of this Remarkable 
Man ; His Tragic End ; Engagement of the Guillaume Tell with the English 
Fleet Near Malta; Detailed Account of the Fight; Entirely Dismasted and 
Surrounded by English Vessels, the Guillaume Tell at last Surrenders ; A 
More Heroic Defence Not To Be Found in the Record of Naval Actions ; 
Taken to England, the Guillaume Tell is Refitted for the English Service, 
Under the Name of Malta; A Splendid Ship. 342 

XXV. NAVAL OPERATIONS AT ABOUKIR BAY AND CAPTURE OF 

ALEXANDRIA. A. D. 1801. 

Expulsion of the French Determined Upon ; An English Fleet and Army Sent 
Thither Under Command of Lord Keith and Sir Ralph Abercrombie ; The 
French Under Command of General Friant ; The Former Land Troops Under 
a Galling Fire from Fort Aboukir and the Sand Hills; Sir Sidney Smith in 
Command of the Marines; A Heavy Battle Fought March 21 ; The French 
Forced to Retire; General Abercrombie Mortally Wounded; The French, 
Shut in at Alexandria, Finally Capitulate ; Renewed Interest in this Campaign 
on Account of Recent Events ; Points of Similarity. 348 

XXVI. THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. JULY, A. D. 1801. 

An Example of a " Cutting-out Expedition " ; The Combined French and 
Spanish Fleets at Anchor in Brest; The English Watching Them; The 
Chevrette at Anchor in Camaret Bay; The English Resolve to Cut Her Out; 



XIV CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
An Expedition Starts Out at Night, in Small Boats ; They Board and Capture 
Her, in Spite of the Desperate Resistance of the French ; Details of the Fight ; 
The Losses on Both Sides. 352 

XXVII. BOAT ATTACK UPON THE FRENCH FLOTILLA AT 
BOULOGNE. A. D. 1801. 

Another Boat Attack by the English, with Less Favorable Results ; Lord Nelson 
in Command ; Darkness and the Tides Against Them ; They " Catch a 
Tartar " ; The Affair a Triumph for the French. 358 

XXVIII. COPENHAGEN. A. D. 1801. 

Preliminary History; An English Fleet Under Sir Hyde Parker and Lord 
Nelson Ordered to the Cattegat; A Commissioner Empowered to Offer Peace 
or War Accompanies Them ; Denmark Repels Their Insulting Ultimatum 
and Prepares for Defence ; Strength of the English Fleet ; They Attempt to 
Force the Passage of the Sound, and the Battle Begins; Early Incidents ; Diffi- 
culties of the Large English Vessels in Entering the Shallow Waters ; Strength 
of the Danish Fleet and Shore Batteries ; Sir Hyde Parker Makes Signal to 
Withdraw; Lord Nelson Disobeys and Keeps up the Fight; The Danish 
Adjutant General Finally Appears and an Armistice is Agreed Upon; A 
Characteristic Action of Lord Nelson ; Death of the Emperor Paul, of Russia ; 
Second Attack on Copenhagen, 1807; Observations Concerning England's 
Conduct ; A Powerful English Fleet Appears in the Sound ; The Crown 
Prince Rejects England's Humiliating Proposals ; Copenhagen Bombarded 
and Set on Fire ; Final Surrender; Plunder by the English. 361 

XXIX. TRAFALGAR. OCTOBER, 21st, A. D. 1805. 

Napoleon's Grand Schemes; Nelson in Search of the French Fleet; His 
Extensive Cruise; Napoleon's Orders to His Admiral, Villeneuve; The 
English Discover the French and Spanish Fleets at Cadiz ; Nelson's Order 
of Battle a Master-piece of Naval Strategy ; Strength of the English Fleet ; 
Villeneuve Ordered to Sea ; Strength of the Combined French and Spanish 
Fleets ; The Hostile Forces Meet at Cape Trafalgar ; The Battle ; One of the 
Most Destructive Naval Engagements Ever Fought ; The French Account of 
It; The Allied Fleet Almost Annihilated; Nelson Mortally Wounded; 
Further Particulars of the Battle ; Estimate of Nelson's Character ; Honors to 
His Memory. 382 

XXX. WASP AND FROLIC. A. D. 1812. 

The American Sloop Wasp Encounters the English Sloop Frolic ; The Fight 
Begins in a Rough Sea; Accurate Firing of the Americans; The Frolic Terri- 
bly Shattered ; She Surrenders ; The Wasp and Her Prize Overtaken and 
Captured by a British 74. 427 

XXXI. CONSTITUTION. A. D. 1812. 

Description of the English Squadron Sent to American Waters ; They Discover 
the U. S. Frigate Constitution and Give Chase ; She Escapes and Reaches 




Vi 



OZ (v! 

ft- 3 < 

<° & 






w 



CONTENTS. XV 

PAl>E 

Boston, by Good Seamanship ; Puts to Sea again and Meets the Guerriere ; A 
Sharp Conflict ; The British Frigate Dismasted and Compelled to Surrender ; 
Controversies Regarding the Relative Strength of the Two Frigates; An 
English View of the Fight. 432 

XXXII. LAKE ERIE, 10th SEPTEMBER, A. D. 1813. 

Importance of This Victory; Observations by Roosevelt; Sketch of Oliver 
Hazard Perry; He Equips a Fleet on Lake Erie; Strength of the Enemy's 
Forces; Captain Robert Heriot Barclay in Command of the Latter; His 
Brilliant Career; Description of the American Fleet; The British Discovered 
Near Put-in-Bay; Perry Prepares to Meet Them ; The Battle Opens ; Perry's 
Flag-ship Suffers Severely ; Her Guns Disabled ; Perry Leaves in an Open 
Boat, for the Niagara ; He Brings Her Into Action and Forces the Enemy to 
Surrender in Short Order ; Condition of Both Fleets ; The Losses ; Perry's 
Famous Letter ; Incidents Related by Surgeon Parsons. 445 

XXXIII. ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 

A Remarkable Engagement ; First Appearance of Farragut in History ; Sketch 
of Captain Porter, Commander of the Essex ; Sent to the South Sea to Destroy 
the English Merchant Marine ; Success of His Mission ; The English Send 
Commodore James Hillyar to Look After Him ; Porter Goes Into Valparaiso 
Bay, a Neutral Port ; The Phoebe and Cherub Appear in the Harbor ; 
Friendly Salutations of the Opposing Commanders ; Various Incidents ; Hear- 
ing of Other English Vessels, Porter Determines to Escape to Sea ; Meets 
with an Accident in Rounding a Point ; Attacked by the Phoebe and Cherub 
while Attempting to Regain Pier Former Anchorage ; She is Terribly Cut Up, 
and Finally Surrenders; Later Incidents; Farragut's Observations. 475 

XXXIV. BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, SEPTEMBER 1 ith, A. D. 1814. 

Important Results of This Battle ; Events Relating Thereto ; Both Nations 
Begin the Building of a Fleet ; Captain Thomas McDonough ; The English 
Invade the Country by Land and Water ; Relative Strength of the Two 
Armies and Navies; Captain Downie in Command of the English; The 
Hostile Fleets Meet Off Plattsburg, September nth, 1814; Good Judgment 
of Captain McDonough in Selecting a Position ; The Battle Begins ; Steady 
and Accurate Firing on Both Sides; McDonough's Flag-ship, after Having 
all the Guns on one side Silenced, Shifts Round, and with the Other Broad- 
side Decides the Day; Concluding Remarks; Honors to McDonough. 502 

KXXV. THE CONSTITUTION IN ACTION WITH THE CYANE AND 
LEVANT. A. D. 1815. 

A Singular Action ; Captain Charles Stewart ; History of the Constitution Prior 
to this Event ; She Meets the Cyane and Levant and Captures Both After a 
Short Action ; Details of the Fight ; Skillful Management of the Constitution 



XVI CONTENTS. 

PAGK 
by Captain Stewart; He Carries His Prizes to Porto Praya ; Discovers a Large 

Vessel Outside the Harbor ; He gives Instant Orders to Put to Sea ; Three 

British Vessels of War Turn Up ; The Cyane Escapes to New York ; The 

Levant Returns to Porto Praya Harbor, where the English Recapture Her; 

Good Judgment of Captain Stewart; Later History of the Constitution. 526 

XXXVI. LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. A. D. 1816. 

Biographical Sketch of Lord Exmouth ; Atrocities of the Algerines Prompt the 
English to Send a Fleet, Under Lord Exmouth, Against Them; A Dutch 
Fleet Joins Them at Gibraltar ; Strength of the Combined Fleet ; Fruitless 
Negotiations with the Algerines; Strength of their Fortifications; The Allied 
Fleets Open Fire on the Forts and City ; A Tremendous Cannonade ; The 
Dey Comes to Terms ; Capture of the Place by the French, Fourteen Years 
Later. 

XXXVII. NAVARINO. A. D. 1827. 



539 



Assembly of the Allied English, French and Russian Fleets in the Mediterranean ; 
Their Object; An Egyptian Fleet, with Troops, enters Navarino Harbor; 
History and Geographical Position of the Latter; Strength of the Oppos- 
ing Fleets; Treachery of the Egyptians; The Battle Opens; Desperate 
Fighting; Bad Gunnery of the Turks; Destruction of Their Fleet. 549 

XXXVIII. SINOPE. A. D. 1853. 

History of Sinope ; An Abuse of Superior Force on the Part of the Russians ; 
They Encounter the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbor and Demand the Latter's 
Surrender ; They Decline and the Battle Opens Furiously ; The Turkish Fleet 
Totally Destroyed and That of the Russians rendered Comparatively Useless ; 
Appearance of the Town of Sinope. 559 

XXXIX. LISSA. A. D. 1866. 

Position of the Island of Lissa; Its History; Attacked and Taken by the 
Italians ; The Austrians Shortly After Come to its Relief; A Great Naval 
Battle Takes Place; Strength of the Opposing Fleets; The Ironclads That 
Took Part; Bad Management of the Italians Under Admiral Persano; They 
are Badly Beaten ; Sketch of the Italian Admiral ; His Court-Martial ; 
William Baron Tegethoff, the Austrian Commander. 562 

XL. MONITOR AND MERRIMAC. MARCH 9TH, A. D. 1862. 

Origin and History of the Merrimac ; Strength of the Union Fleet at Hampton 
Roads ; Government Preparations to Meet the Ironclad Merrimac ; The Latter 
Makes Her Appearance ; Sinks the Cumberland and Compels the Congress 
to Strike Her Colors ; The Guns of the Union Fleet Harmless on the Armor 
of the Merrimac ; The Monitor puts in an Appearance ; Her History, and 
That of Captain Ericsson, Her Inventor; Details of Her Engagement With 
the Merrimac ; The Latter Finally Retires ; Armament of the Opposing Iron- 
clads; Subsequent History of the Monitor. 57 1 



CONTENTS. Xvil 

PAGE 

XLI. FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 

The Government Determines to Regain Possession of the Mississippi ; Farragut 
sent to the Gulf; The Army Under Gen. Butler to Co-operate With Him; 
Description of the Approaches to New Orleans, the Obstructions and Fortifica- 
tions; Strength of Farragut' s Fleet; He Determines to Pass the Forts; The 
Fleet Advances on the Night of April 23-24 ; Detailed Account of the Thrilling 
Incidents ; New Orleans at His Mercy ; The City Surrenders ; Destruction of 
Property by the Confederates ; The Forts Surrender ; Minor Details. 58 j 

XLII. ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. JUNE 17TH, A. D. 1863. 

The Blockade-runner Fingal Converted Into the Ironclad Atlanta ; Description 
of Her ; Confidence in Her Ability to Destroy the Monitors ; She Leaves 
Savannah to Break the Blockade and Encounters the Weehawken ; A Trial 
of Heavy Artillery and Heavy Armor ; The Atlanta Strikes Her Colors in 
Fifteen Minutes After the Battle Begins ; Details of this Extraordinary En- 
gagement ; Practical Results of this Fight. 607 

XLIII. KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. JUNE ioth, A. D. 1864. 

Origin and History of the Alabama ; Her Destruction of Our Commerce ; Eludes 
Our Cruisers ; Discovered in Cherbourg Plarbor by Captain Winslow, of the 
United States Steamer Kearsarge; Serames, of the Alabama, Challenges 
Winslow ; The Former is Escorted Beyond the French Jurisdiction by the 
French Ironclad Couronne, June 19th, 1864; The Kearsarge Clears for 
Action; The Battle Opens; Terrible Effects of the Latter's Guns; The 
Alabama Soon Disabled and Sinking; She Surrenders; An English Yacht, 
Permitted to Pick Up the Prisoners, Among Whom are Captain Semmes and 
Other Officers, Treacherously Makes Off With Them to England ; Letter of 
Secretary Welles to Winslow ; Other Interesting Particulars. 612 

XLIV. MOBILE BAY. AUGUST 5TH, A. D. 1864. 

Farragut's Movements After the Battle of New Orleans; His Promotion; 
Prepares to Attack Mobile; Minor Incidents; Description of the Enemy's 
Fleet and Fortifications ; Names of Farragut's Vessels and Their Commanders ; 
The Order to Advance ; Sinking of the Monitor Tecumseh by a Torpedo ; 
Splendid Manoeuvring of the Fleet; Heavy Cannonading on Both Sides; 
Surrender of the Confederate Ironclad Tennessee ; Further Details of this 
Great Battle ; Honors to Farragut. 624 

XLV. CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. OCTOBER, A. D. 1864. 

The Confederates Discovered Building an Ironclad on Roanoke River, North 
Carolina ; She Makes Her Appearance, Destroys One Union Vessel, and 
Injures Several Others; Lieutenant Cushing ; His Singular Character and 
Daring Adventures ; He Sinks the Albemarle with a Torpedo, while she is 
Lying at a wharf; His Official Report ; His Subsequent Career ; His Death. 652 



XVili CONTENTS. 



PAGE 



XLVI. FORT FISHER. DECEMBER A. D. 1864, JANUARY A.-D. 1865. 

Importance of the Place to the Confederates; The Largest Fleet That Ever 
Sailed Under the American Flag Invests It, Under Admiral Porter ; The 
Army Co-operates With the Fleet; Failure of the First Attack; Gen. Terry- 
Arrives With Reinforcements, and a Fresh Investment of the Place Begins 
January 13th, 1865 ; Details of This Famous Engagement; Fort Fisher Sur- 
renders ; Appearance After the Battle ; Other Incidents ; Blockade-runners. 667 



XLVII. SOME NAVAL ACTIONS BETWEEN BRAZIL, THE ARGEN 
TINE CONFEDERATION AND PARAGUAY. A. D. 1865-68. 

Origin of the Long and Deadly Struggle ; The Brazilian Fleet Starts Out on a 
Cruise ; Lopez, Dictator of Paraguay, Determines to Capture this Fleet ; His 
Preparations; The Hostile Fleets Encounter each other; Details of the 
Fight; Bad Management on both sides; The Paraguayans Forced to Retire; 
Another Battle in March, 1866, on the Parana River; Full Account of the 
Desultory Fighting; The Paraguayans Driven Out of their Earthworks ; Two 
Unsuccessful Attacks, in 1868, on the Brazilian Monitors lying off Tayi; 
Interesting Account of one of these Attacks, 681 

XLVIII. THE CAPTURE OF THE HUASCAR. OCTOBER 8th, A. D. 1879. 

Description of the Huascar; Her Earlier Exploits; Strength of the Chilian 
Squadron; The Latter Seek the Huascar; The Enemies Recognize each 
other; The Battle Begins at Long Range; Full Details of this Spirited 
Engagement ; Terrible Loss of Life on Board the Huascar ; She Finally 
Surrenders ; Condition of the Chilian Fleet. 697 

XLIX. BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. JULY iith, A. D. 1882. 

Political Complications ; Arabi Pasha ; Important Events Preceding the Bom- 
bardment ; England Demands that Work on the Fortifications Cease ; Arabi 
Promises to Desist, but Renews the Work Secretly ; A Powerful English Fleet 
Opens Fire on the Defences ; Silenced by the Fleet and Abandoned ; Alex- 
andria Set on Fire and Pillaged ; Sailors and Marines from the American 
and German Fleets Landed to Protect the Consulates ; Injury Sustained 
by the English Fleet. 710 

L. OUR NEW NAVY. 

Use of Armor for Ships; Harveyized Nickel Steel; Modern Explosives; The 
Question of Fuel; Torpedo Boats; Torpedo Catchers ; Speed; Need of a 
Better Navy ; Merchant Vessels ; Machinery ; Duty of Officers ; Training of 
Officers; Naval Academy; Marine Corps ; Revenue Marine ; Marine Hospital 
Service; Training Ships; Life Saving Service; The Flag. 719-762 



NAVAL BATTLES, 

ANCIENT AND MODERN 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Ancients were full of horror of the mysterious 
Great Sea, which they deified; believing that man no 
longer belonged to himself when once embarked, but was 
liable to be sacrificed at any time to the anger of the 
Great Sea god; in \vftich case no exertions of his own 
could be of any avail. 

This belief was not calculated to make seamen of 
ability. Even Homer, who certainly was a great traveler, 
or voyager, and who' had experience of many peoples, 
gives us but a poor idea of the progress of navigation, 
especially in the blind gropings and shipwrecks of Ulysses, 
which he appears to have thought the most natural 
things to occur. 

A recent writer says, " Men had been slow to establish 
completely their dominion over the sea. They learned 
very early to build ships. They availed themselves very 
early of the surprising power which the helm exerts over 
the movements of a ship; but, during many ages, they 
found no surer guidance than that which the position of 
the sun and of the stars afforded. When clouds inter- 
vened to deprive them of this uncertain direction, they 
were helpless. They were thus obliged to keep the land 
in view, and content themselves with creeping timidly 
along the coasts. But at length there was discovered a 
stone which the wise Creator had endowed with strange 
properties. It was observed that a needle which had 

19 



20 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

been brought in contact with that stone ever afterwards 
pointed steadfastly to the north. Men saw that with a 
needle thus influenced they could guide themselves at sea 
as surely as on land. The Mariner's compass loosed the 
bond which held sailors to the coast, and gave them 
liberty to push out into the sea." 

As regards early attempts at navigation, we must go 
back, for certain information, to the Egyptians. The 
expedition of the Argonauts, if not a fable, was an 
attempt at navigation by simple boatmen, who, in the 
infancy of the art, drew their little craft safely on shore 
every night of their coasting voyages. We learn from 
the Greek writers themselves, that that nation was in igno- 
rance of navigation compared with the Phenicians, and 
the latter certainly acquired the art from the Egyptians. 
We know that naval battles, that is, battles between 
bodies of men in ships, took place thousands of years 
before the Christian era. On the walls of very ancient 
Egyptian tombs are depicted such events, apparently 
accompanied with much slaughter. 

History positively mentions prisoners, under the name 
of Tokhariy who were vanquished by the Egyptians in a 
naval battle fought by Rameses III, in the fifteenth 
century before our era. These Tokhari were thought to 
be Kelts, and to come from the West. According to 
some they were navigators who had inherited their skill 
from their ancestors of the lost Continent, Atlantis. 

The Phenicians have often been popularly held to have 
been the first navigators upon the high seas ; but the 
Carians, who preceded the Pelasgi in the Greek islands, 
undoubtedly antedated the Phenicians in the control of 
the sea and extended voyages. It is true that when the 
Phenicians did begin, they far exceeded their predeces- 
sors. Sidon dates from 1837 before Christ, and soon 




5 z 
< < 

- j 



INTRODUCTION. 21 

after this date she had an extensive commerce, and 
made long voyages, some even beyond the Mediter- 
ranean. 

To return to the Egyptians. Sesostris had immense 
fleets 1437 years before Christ, and navigated not only 
the Mediterranean, but the Red Sea. The Egyptians 
had invaded, by means of veritable fleets, the country of 
the Pelasgi. Some of these ancient Egyptian ships were 
very large. Diodorus mentions one of cedar, built by 
Sesostris, which was 280 cubits (420 to 478 feet) long. 

One built by Ptolemy was 478 feet long, and carried 
400 sailors, 4000 rowers, and 3000 soldiers. Many other 
huge vessels are mentioned. A bas-relief at Thebes 
represents a naval victory gained by the Egyptians over 
some Indian nation, in the Red Sea, or the Persian Gulf, 
probably 1400 years before Christ. 

The Egyptian fleet is in a crescent, and seems to be 
endeavoring to surround the Indian fleet, which, with oars 
boarded and sails furled, is calmly awaiting the approach 
of its antagonist. A lion's head, of some metal, at the 
prow of each Egyptian galley, shows that ramming was 
then resorted to. These Egyptian men-of-war were 
manned by soldiers in helmets, and armed as those of the 
land forces. 

The length of these vessels is conjectured to have been 
about 120 feet, and the breadth 16 feet. They had high 
raised poops and forecastles, filled with archers and 
slingers, while the rest of the fighting men were armed 
with pikes, javelins, and pole-axes, of most murderous 
appearance, to be used in boarding. Wooden bulwarks, 
rising considerably above the main-deck, protected the 
rowers. Some of the combatants had bronze coats of 
mail, in addition to helmets of the same, and some carried 
huge shields, covered, apparently, with tough bull's hide. 



22 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

These vessels had masts, with a large yard, and a huge 
square sail They are said to have been built of acacia, 
so durable a wood that vessels built of it have lasted a 
century or more. They appear to have had but one rank 
of oars; although two or three tiers soon became com- 
mon. None of the ancient Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek 
or Roman monuments represent galleys with more than 
two tiers of oars, except one Roman painting that gives 
one with three. Yet quinqueremes are spoken of as 
very common. It is not probable that more than three 
tiers were used; as seamen have never been able to 
explain how the greater number of tiers could have been 
worked; and they have come to the conclusion that 
scholars have been mistaken, and that the term quinque- 
reme, or five ranks of oars, as translated, meant the 
arrangement of the oars, or of the men at them, and noi 
the ranks, one above another, as usually understood. 

Much learning and controversy has been expended 
upon this subject, and many essays written, and models 
and diagrams made, to clear up the matter, without satis- 
fying practical seamen. 

The Roman galleys with three rows of oars had the 
row ports in tiers. These ports were either round or 
oval, and were called columbaria, from their resemblance 
to the arrangement of a dove-cote. The lower oars could 
be taken in, in bad weather, and the ports closed. 

The "long ships" or galleys of the ancient Mediter- 
ranean maritime nations — which were so called in oppo- 
sition to the short, high and bulky merchant ships — ■ 
carried square or triangular sails, often colored. The 
"long ships" themselves were painted in gay colors, 
carried flags and banners at different points, and images 
upon their prows, which were sacred to the tutelary 
divinities of their country. The "long ships " could make 



INTRODUCTION. 23 

with their oars, judging from descriptions of their voyages, 
perhaps a hundred miles in a day of twelve hours. In 
an emergency they could go much faster, for a short 
time. It is reliably stated that it took a single-decked 
galley, 130 feet long, with 52 oars, a fourth of an hour to 
describe a full circle in turning. 

Carthage was founded by the Phenicians, 1137 years 
before our era ; and not very long after the Carthaginians 
colonized Marseilles. Hanno accomplished "Wis periplus, 
or great voyage round Africa, 800 years B. C, showing 
immense advance in nautical ability, in which the Greeks 
were again left far behind. Still later, the Carthaginians 
discovered the route to the British Islands, and traded 
there — especially in Cornish tin — while 330 years B. C. 
Ultima Thtde, or Iceland, was discovered by the Marseil- 
lais Pitheas. Thus Carthage and her colonies not only 
freely navigated the Atlantic, but some have thought 
that they actually reached northern America. 

Four hundred and eighty years before the Christian 
era the Grecian fleet defeated that of the Persians, at 
Salamis ; and the next year another naval battle, that of 
Mycale (which was fought on the same day as that of 
Platsea on land), completely discomfited the Persian 
invaders, and the Greeks then became the aggressors. 

Herodotus, who wrote about 450 years B. C, gives 
accounts of many naval actions, and even describes 
several different kinds of fighting vessels. He mentions 
the prophecy of the oracle at Delphi, when "wooden walls" 
were declared to be the great defence against Xerxes' 
huge force— meaning the fleet — just as the "wooden 
walls of England" were spoken of, up to the time of 
ironclads. Herodotus says the Greek fleet at the battle 
of Artemisium, which was fought at the same time as 
Thermopylae, consisted of 271 ships, which, by their very 



24 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

skillful handling, defeated the much larger Persian arma- 
ment, which latter, from its very numbers, was unwieldy. 

At Artemisium, the Greeks " brought the sterns of 
their ships together in a small compass, and turned their 
prows towards the enemy." And, although largely out- 
numbered, fought through the day, and captured thirty 
of the enemy's ships. This manner of manoeuvring was 
possible, from the use of oars ; and they never fought 
except in calm weather. 

After this, the Greeks, under Alexander, renewed their 
energies, and his fleet, under the command of Nearchus, 
explored the coast of India and the Persian Gulf. His 
fleets principally moved by the oar, although sails were 
sometimes used by them. 

Among other well authenticated naval events of early 
times, was the defeat of the Carthaginian fleet, by Regulus, 
in the first Punic war, 335 years B. C. This victory, 
gained at sea, was the more creditable to the Romans, 
as they were not naturally a sea-going race, as the nations 
to the south and east of the Mediterranean were. 

When they had rendered these nations tributary, they 
availed themselves of their nautical knowledge ; just as 
the Austrians of to-day avail themselves of their nautical 
population upon the Adriatic coast, or the Turks of their 
Greek subjects, who are sailors. 

Of naval battles which exercised any marked influence 
upon public events, or changed dynasties, or the fate of 
nations, the first of which we have a full and definite 
description is the battle of Actium. But before proceed- 
ing to describe that most important and memorable 
engagement, we may look at two or three earlier sea 
fights which had great results, some details of which have 
come down to us. 



NAVAL BATTLES, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



I. 

SALAMIS. B. C. 480. 




HIS great sea fight took place at the above 
date, between the fleet of Xerxes and that 
of the allied Greeks. 

Salamis is an island in the Gulf of 
JEgmsi, ten miles west of Athens. Its 
modern name is Kolouri. It is of about 
thirty square miles surface; mountainous, 
wooded, and very irregular in shape. 
It was in the channel between it and the main land 
that the great battle was fought. 

Xerxes, in the flush of youth, wielding immense power, 
and having boundless resources in men and money, 
determined to revenge upon the Greeks the defeat of the 
Persians, so many of whom had fallen, ten years before, 
at Marathon. After years of preparation, using all -his 
resources and enlisting tributary powers, he marched 
northward, in all the pomp and circumstance of war, and 
laid a bridge of boats at the Hellespont, over which it 
took seven days for his army to pass. His fleet consisted 
of over 1 200 fighting vessels and transports, and carried 
240,000 men. 

Previous to the naval battle of which we are about to 

25 



26 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

speak, he lost four hundred of his galleys in a violent 
storm; but still his fleet was immensely superior in num- 
ber to that of the Greeks, who had strained every nerve 
to get together the navies of their independent States. 
Such leaders as Aristides and Themistocles formed a 
host in themselves, while the independent Greeks were, 
man for man and ship for ship, superior to the Persians 
and their allies. Of the Greek fleet the Athenians com- 
posed the right wing; the Spartans the left, opposed 
respectively to the Phenicians and the Ionians; while the 
/Eginetans and Corinthians, with others, formed the 
Greek reserve. 

The day of the battle was a remarkably fair one, and 
we are told that, as the sun rose, the Persians, with one 
accord (both on sea and land, for there was a famous 
land battle as well on that day), prostrated themselves in 
worship of the orb of day. This was one of the oldest 
and greatest forms of worship ever known to man, and 
it still exists among the Parsees. It must have been a 
grand sight; for 240,000 men, in a thousand ships, and 
an immense force on the neighboring land, bowed down 
at once, in adoration. 

The Greeks, with the "canniness" which distinguished 
them in their dealings with both gods and men, sacrificed 
to all the gods, and especially to Zeus, or Jupiter, and to 
Poseidon, or Neptune. 

Everything was ready for the contest on both sides. 
Arms, offensive and defensive, were prepared. They 
were much the same as had been used for ages, by the 
Egyptians and others. Grappling irons were placed 
ready to fasten contending ships together; gangways or 
planks were arranged to afford sure footing to the 
boarders, while heavy weights were ready, triced up to 
the long yards, to be dropped upon the enemy's deck, 



SALAMIS. 27 

crushing his rowers, and perhaps sinking the vessel. 
Catapults and balistae (the first throwing large darts 
and javelins, the second immense rocks) were placed in 
order, like great guns of modern times. Archers and 
slingers occupied the poops and forecastles ; while, as 
additional means of offence, the Rhodians carried long- 
spars, fixed obliquely to the prows of their galleys, and 
reaching beyond their beaks, from which were suspended, 
by chains, large kettles, filled with live coals and com- 
bustibles. A chain at the bottom capsized these on the 
decks of the enemy, often setting them on fire. Greek 
fire, inextinguishable by water, is supposed, by many, to 
have been used thus early; while fire ships were certainly 
often employed. 

Just as the Greeks had concluded their religious cere- 
monies, one of their triremes, which had been sent in 
advance to reconnoitre the Persian fleet, was seen return- 
ing, hotly pursued by the enemy. 

An Athenian trireme, commanded by Ameinas, the 
brother of the poet ./Eschylus, dashed forward to her 
assistance. Upon this Eurybiades, the Greek admiral, 
seeing that everything was ready, gave the signal for 
general attack, which was the display of a brightly bur- 
nished brazen shield above his vessel. (This, and many 
other details may be found in Herodotus, but space pre- 
vents their insertion here.) 

As soon as the shield was displayed the Grecian 
trumpets sounded the advance, which was made amid 
great enthusiasm, the mixed fleets, or contingents, from 
every state and city, vying with each other as to who 
should be first to strike the enemy. The right wing- 
dashed forward, followed by the whole line, all sweeping 
down upon the Persians, or Barbarians, as the Greeks 
called them. 



28 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

On this occasion the Greeks had a good cause, and 
were fighting to save their country and its liberties. 
Undaunted by the numbers of the opposing fleet, they 
bent to their long oars and came down in fine style. The 
Athenians became engaged first, then the ^Eginetans, and 
then the battle became general. The Greeks had the 
advantage of being in rapid motion when they struck the 
Persian fleet, most of which had not, at that critical moment, 
gathered way. The great effect of a mass in motion is 
exemplified in the act of a river steamboat running at 
speed into a wharf; the sharp, frail vessel is seldom much 
damaged, while cutting deep into a mass of timber, iron 
and stone. Many of the Persian vessels were sunk at 
once, and a great gap thereby made in their line. This 
was filled from their immense reserve, but not until after 
great panic and confusion, which contributed to the suc- 
cess of the Greeks. The Persian Admiral commanding 
the left wing, seeing that it was necessary to act promptly 
in order to effectually succor his people, bore down at 
full speed upon the flagship of Themistocles, intending 
to board her. A desperate hand-to-hand struggle ensued, 
and the vessel of Themistocles was soon in a terrible 
strait; but many Athenian galleys hastened to his rescue, 
and the large and magnificent Persian galley was sunk by 
repeated blows from the sharp beaks of the Greeks, 
while Ariamenes, the Admiral, was previously slain and 
thrown overboard. At this same moment the son of the 
great Darius, revered by all the Asiatics, fell, pierced by 
a javelin, at which sight the Persians set up a melancholy 
wailing cry, which the Greeks responded to with shouts 
of triumph and derision. 

Still, the Persians, strong in numbers, renewed and 
maintained the battle with great fury; but the Athenian 
fleet cut through the Phenician line, and then, pulling 






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SALAMIS. 29 

strong with starboard and backing port oars, turned 
short round and fell upon the Persian left flank and 
rear. 

A universal panic now seized the Asiatics ; and in 
spite of numbers, they broke and fled in disorder — all, 
that is, except the Dorians, who, led by their brave queen 
in person, fought for their new ally with desperate valor, 
in the vain hope of restoring order where all order was 
lost. The Dorian queen, Artemisia, at last forced to the 
conviction that the fugitives were not to be rallied, and 
seeing the waters covered with wreck, and strewn with 
the floating corpses of her friends and allies, reluctantly 
gave the signal for retreat. 

She was making off in her own galley, when she found 
herself closely pursued by a Greek vessel, and, to divert 
his pursuit, as well as to punish one who had behaved 
badly, she ran her galley full speed into that of a Lycian 
commander, who had behaved in a cowardly manner 
during the engagement. The Lycian sank instantly, and 
the Greek, upon seeing this action, supposed that Arte- 
misia's galley was a friend, and at once relinquished pur- 
suit ; so that this brave woman and able naval commander 
succeeded in making her escape. 

Ten thousand drachmas had been offered for her capture, 
and this, of course, was lost. Ameinas, who had pursued 
her, was afterwards named, by general suffrage, one of the 
" three valiants" who had most distinguished themselves 
in the hard fought battle against such odds. Polycritus 
and Eumenes were the two others. 

The victory being complete at sea, Aristides, at the head 
of a large body of Athenians, landed at a point where 
many of the Persians were. The latter were divided from 
the main body of Xerxes' army by a sheet of water, and 
were slain, almost to a man, by the Greeks, under the 



30 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

very eyes of the Persian monarch and his main army, 
who could not reach them to afford assistance. 

The discomfiture of his fleet rendered Xerxes powerless 
for the time ; and, recognizing- the extent of the misfortune 
which had befallen him, the mighty lord of so many 
nations, so many tributaries, and so many slaves, rent his 
robes, and burst into a flood of tears. 

Thus ended the great battle of Salamis, which decided 
the fate of Greece. 

The forces of the several independent Greek States 
returned to their homes, where their arrival was celebra- 
ted with great rejoicing, and sacrifices to the gods. 

Xerxes, as soon as he realized the extent of the disaster 
which had befallen him, resolved at once to return with 
all possible expedition into Asia. His chief counsellor in 
vain advised him not to be downcast by the defeat of his 
fleet: "that he had come to fight against the Greeks, not 
with rafts of wood, but with soldiers and horses." In 
spite of this, Xerxes sent the remnant of his fleet to the 
harbors of Asia Minor, and after a march of forty-five 
days, amidst great hardship and privation, arrived at the 
Hellespont with his army. Famine, pestilence and battle 
had reduced his army from a million or more to about 
300,000. 

The victory at Salamis terminated the second act of 
the great Persian expedition. The third, in the following 
year, was the conclusive land battle of Plataea, and subse- 
quent operations. These secured not only the freedom 
of Greece and of adjoining European States, but the 
freedom and independence of the Asiatic Greeks, and their 
undisturbed possession of the Asiatic coast — an inestim- 
able prize to the victors. 



SYRACUSE. 



31 



II. 



NAVAL BATTLE AT SYRACUSE. B. C. 415. 




HIS battle was not only remarkable for its 
desperate fighting and bloody character, 
but for the fact that the complete and over- 
whelming defeat of the Athenians was the 
termination of their existence as a naval 
power. 

An Athenian fleet had been despatched 
to the assistance of the small Greek Re- 
public of ^gesta, near the western end of Sicily, then 
threatened by Syracuse. 

The Athenian fleet numbered one hundred and thirty- 
four triremes, 25,000 seamen and soldiers, beside trans- 
ports with 6000 spearmen and a proportionate force of 
archers and slingers. This considerable armament was 
designed to cooperate not only in the reduction of Syra- 
cuse, the implacable enemy of the ^gestans, but also to 
endeavor to subdue the whole of the large, rich and 
beautiful island of Sicily, at that time the granary and 
vineyard of the Mediterranean. 

The Greek fleet drew near its destination in fine order, 
and approached and entered Syracuse with trumpets 
sounding and flags displayed, while the soldiers and 
sailors, accustomed to a long succession of victories, and 
regarding defeat as impossible, rent the air with glad 
shouts. 

Syracuse is a large and perfect harbor; completely 



32 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

landlocked, and with a narrow entrance. The Sicilians, 
entirely unprepared to meet the veteran host thus sud- 
denly precipitated upon them, looked upon these demon- 
strations with gloomy forebodings. Fortunately for their 
independence, they had wise and brave leaders, while the 
commander of the great Athenian fleet was wanting in de- 
cision of character and in the ability to combine his forces 
and move quickly; a necessity in such an enterprise as 
his. It therefore happened that the tables were turned, 
and the proud invaders were eventually blockaded in the 
harbor of Syracuse, the people obstructing the narrow 
entrance so as to prevent escape, while the country 
swarmed with the levies raised to resist the invaders by 
land, and to cut them off from all supplies. 

In the meantime the Greeks had seized a spot on the 
shores of the harbor, built a dock yard, and constructed a 
fortified camp. 

Such being the state of affairs, a prompt and energetic 
movement on the part of the Athenians became necessary 
to save them from starvation. Nikias, their commander- 
in chief, entrusted the fleet to Demosthenes, Menander, 
and Euthydemus, and prepared to fight a decisive battle. 

Taught by recent partial encounters that the beaks of 
the Syracusan triremes were more powerful and de- 
structive than those of his own vessels, he instructed his 
captains to avoid ramming as much as possible, and to 
attack by boarding. His ships were provided with plenty 
of grappling irons, so that the Sicilians could be secured 
as soon as they rammed the Greek vessels, when a mass 
of veteran Greeks was to be thrown on board, and the 
islanders overcome in a hand-to-hand fight. 

When all was ready the fleet of the Athenian triremes, 
reduced to one hundred and ten in number, but fully 
manned, moved in three grand divisions. Demosthenes 



SYRACUSE. 33 

commanded the van division, and made directly for the 
mouth of the harbor, toward which the Syracusan fleet, 
only seventy-five in number, was also promptly con- 
verging. 

The Athenians were cutting away and removing the 
obstructions at the narrow entrance, when their enemy 
came down rapidly, and forced them to desist from their 
labors, and form line of battle. This they did hurriedly, 
and as well as the narrow limits would permit. They 
were soon furiously attacked, on both wings at once, by 
Licanus and Agatharcus, who had moved down close to 
the shore, the one on the riorht and the other on the left 
hand of the harbor. The Syracusans, by this manoeuvre, 
outflanked the Greeks, who, their- flanks being turned, 
were necessarily driven in upon their centre, which point 
was at this critical moment vigorously attacked by the 
Corinthians, the faithful allies of the Syracusans. The 
Corinthian squadron, led by Python, had dashed down the 
middle of the harbor, and attacked, with loud shouts, as 
if assured of victory. Great confusion now ensued among 
the Athenian vessels, caught at a great disadvantage, and 
in each other's way. Many of their triremes were at once 
stove and sunk, and those which remained afloat were so 
hemmed in by enemies that they could not use their oars. 
The strong point of the Athenian fleet had consisted in 
its ability to manoeuvre, and they were here deprived of 
that advantage. 

Hundreds of their drowning comrades were calling for 
assistance, while their countrymen on shore, belonging to 
the army, witnessed their position with despair, being 
unable to come to the rescue. Still, the Athenians fought 
as became their old renown. They often beat off the 
enemy by sheer force of arms, but without avail. The 
Syracusans had covered their forecastles with raw bulls' 



34 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

hides, so that the grappling irons would not hold for 
boarding; but the Greeks watched for the moment of 
contact, and before they could recoil, leaped boldly on board 
the enemy's triremes, sword in hand. They succeeded 
thus in capturing some Sicilian vessels ; but their own loss 
was frightful, and, after some hours of most sanguinary 
contest, Demosthenes, seeing that a continuance of it 
would annihilate his force, took advantage of a temporary 
break in the enemy's line to give the signal for retreat. 
This was at once begun; at first in good order, but the 
Syracusans pressing vigorously upon the Athenian rear, 
soon converted it into a disorderly flight, each trying to 
secure his own safety. 

In this condition the Greeks reached the fortified docks, 
which they had built during their long stay, the entrance 
to which was securely guarded by merchant ships, which 
had huge rocks triced up, called " dolphins," of sufficient 
size to sink any vessel upon which they might be dropped. 
Here the pursuit ended, and the defeated and harassed 
Athenians hastened to their fortified camp, where their 
land forces, with loud lamentations, deplored the event of 
the naval battle, which they had fondly hoped would have 
set them all at liberty. 

The urgent question now was as to the preservation of 
both forces — and that alone. 

That same night Demosthenes proposed that they 
should man their remaining triremes, reduced to sixty in 
number, and try again to force a way out of the harbor ; 
alleging that they were still stronger than the enemy, who 
had also lost a number of ships. Nikias gave consent ; 
but when the sailors were ordered to embark once more, 
they mutinied and flatly refused to do so ; saying that 
their numbers were too much reduced by battle, sickness, 
and bad food, and that there were no seamen of experi- 



SYRACUSE. 35 

ence left to take the helm, or rowers in sufficient numbers 
for the benches. They also declared that the last had 
been a soldiers' battle, and that such were better fought 
on land. They then set fire to the dock-yard and the 
fleet, and the Syracusan forces appearing, in the midst of 
this mutiny, captured both men and ships. Her fleet 
being thus totally destroyed, Athens never recovered 
from the disaster, and ceased from that day to be a naval 
power. 

The subsequent events in this connection, though inter- 
esting and instructive, do not belong to naval history. 




1 



m 











36 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



Ill 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 




ARTH AGE, the Phenician colony in Africa, 
which became so famous and powerful, 
was very near the site of the modern city 
of Tunis. It has been a point of interest for 
twenty centuries. Long after the Pheni- 
cian sway had passed away, and the Arab 
and Saracen had become lords of the soil, 
Louis XI, of France, in the Crusade of 1 2 70, 
took possession of the site of the ancient city, only to give 
up his last breath there, and add another to the many 
legends of the spot. The Spaniards afterwards con- 
quered Tunis and held it for a time; and, in our own day, 
the French have again repossessed themselves of the 
country, and may retain it long after the events of our 
time have passed into history. 

As soon as Rome rose to assured power, and began 
her course of conquest, trouble with the powerful State 
of Carthage ensued. Their clashing interests soon in- 
volved them in war, and Sicily and the Sicilian waters, 
being necessary to both, soon became their battle ground. 
The Carthaginians had obtained a footing in Sicily, by 
assisting Roman renegades and freebooters of all nations 
who had taken refuge there. The Romans therefore passed 
a decree directing the Consul, Appius Claudius, to cross 
over to Messina and expel the Carthaginians who, from 
that strong point, controlled the passage of the great thor- 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 37 

oughfare, the strait of the same name. Thus commenced 
the first Punic war. The Romans were almost uniformly 
successful upon land, but the Carthaginians, deriving 
nautical skill from their Phenician ancestors, overawed, 
with their fleet, the whole coast of Sicily, and even made 
frequent and destructive descents upon the Italian shores 
themselves. 

The Romans at this time had no ships of war ; but they 
began the construction of a fleet, to cope with their 
enemy, then the undisputed mistress of the seas. 

Just at this time a Carthaginian ship of large size was 
stranded upon the Italian shores, and served as a model 
for the Romans, who, with characteristic energy, in a 
short time put afloat a hundred quinqueremes and twenty 
triremes. No particular description of these vessels is 
necessary, as they were the same in general plan as 
those already spoken of as in use among the Egyptians, 
Phenicians, and Greeks, for centuries. Able seamen 
were obtained from neighboring tributary maritime States, 
and bodies of landsmen were put in training, being exer- 
cised at the oar on shore ; learning to begin and cease 
rowing at the signal. For this purpose platforms were 
erected, and benches placed, as in a galley. 

It will here be necessary to give a short account of the 
Roman naval system, which was now rapidly becoming 
developed and established. As has been said, they had 
paid no attention, before this period, to naval affairs ; and 
were only stirred up to do so by the necessity of meeting 
the Carthaginians upon their own element. 

It is true that some authorities say that the first Roman 
ships of war were built upon the model of those of Antium, 
after the capture of that city, A. U. C. 41 7 ; but the Romans 
certainly made no figure at sea until the time of the first 
Punic war. 



38 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The Roman ships of war were much longer than their 
merchant vessels, and were principally driven by oars, 
while the merchant ships relied almost entirely upon sails. 

It is a more difficult problem than one would at first sight 
suppose, to explain exactly how the oars were arranged in 
the quadriremes and quinqueremes of which we read. 
The Roman ships were substantial and heavy, and con- 
sequently slow in evolutions, however formidable in line. 
Augustus, at a much later period, was indebted to a 
number of fast, light vessels from the Dalmatian coast, 
for his victory over Antony's heavy ships. 

The ship of the commander of a Roman fleet was dis- 
tinguished by a red flag, and also carried a light at night. 
These ships of war had prows armed with a sharp beak, 
of brass, usually divided into three teeth, or points. They 
also carried towers of timber, which were erected before 
an engagement, and whence missiles were discharged. 
They employed both freemen and slaves as rowers and 
sailors. The citizens and the allies of the State were 
obliged to furnish a certain quota of these ; and some- 
times to provide them with pay and provisions ; but the 
wages of the men were usually provided by the State. 

The regular soldiers of the Legions at first fought at 
sea as well as on land; but when Rome came to main- 
tain a permanent fleet, there was a separate class of 
soldiers raised for the sea service, like the marines of 
modern navies. But this service was considered less 
honorable than that of the Legions, and was often per- 
formed by manumitted slaves. The rowers, a still lower 
class, were occasionally armed and aided in attack and 
defence, when boardine; but this was not usual. 

Before a Roman fleet went to sea it was formally 
reviewed, like the land army. Prayers were offered to 
the gods, and victims sacrificed. The auspices were 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 39 

consulted, and if any unlucky omen occurred (such as a 
person sneezing on the left of the Augur, or swallows 
alighting on the ships), the voyage was suspended. 

Fleets about to engage were arranged in a manner 
similar to armies on land, with centre, right and left 
wings, and reserve. Sometimes they were arranged in 
the form of a wedge, or forceps, but most frequently in 
a half moon. The admiral sailed round the fleet, in a 
light galley, and exhorted the men, while invocations and 
sacrifices were again offered. They almost always fought 
in calm or mild weather, and with furled sails. The red 
flag was the signal to engage, which they did with trum- 
pets sounding and the crews shouting. The combatants 
endeavored to disable the enemy by striking off the kinks 
of oars on one side, or by striking the opposing hulls with 
the beak. They also employed fire-ships, and threw pots 
of combustibles on board the enemy. Many of Antony's 
ships were destroyed by this means. When they returned 
from a successful engagement the prows of the victors 
were decorated with laurel wreaths; and it was their 
custom to tow the captured vessels stern foremost, to 
signify their utter confusion and helplessness. The 
admiral was honored with a triumph, after a signal 
victory, like a General or Consul who had won a decisive 
land battle ; and columns were erected in their honor, 
which were called Rostral, from being decorated with the 
beaks of ships. 

And now, to return to the imposing fleet which the 
Romans had equipped against the Carthaginians : — 

When all was ready the Romans put to sea; at first 
clinging to their own shores, and practicing in fleet 
tactics. They found their vessels dull and unwieldy, and 
therefore resolved to board the enemy at the first oppor- 
tunity, and avoid as much as possible all manoeuvring. 



40 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

They therefore carried plenty of grappling-irons, and had 
stages, or gangways, ingeniously arranged upon hinges, 
which fell on board of the enemy, and afforded secure 
bridges for boarding. By this means many victories were 
secured over a people who were much better seamen. 

After various partial engagements with the Carthaginian 
fleet, productive of no definite results, Duilius assumed 
command of the Roman fleet, and steered for Mylce, 
where the Carthaginians, under Hannibal, were lying at 
anchor. 

The latter expected an easy victory, despising the pre- 
tensions of the Romans to seamanship, and they accord- 
ingly left their anchorage in a straggling way, not even 
thinking - it worth while to form line of battle to engage 
landsmen. 

Their one hundred and thirty quinqueremes approached 
in detachments, according to their speed, and Hannibal, with 
about thirty of the fastest, came in contact with the Roman 
line, while the rest of his fleet was far astern. Attacked 
on all sides, he soon began to rep.ent of his rashness, and 
turned to fly — but the "corvi" fell, and the Roman 
soldiers, advancing over the gangways, put their enemies 
to the sword. The whole of the Carthaginian van divi- 
sion fell into the Roman hands, without a single ship 
being lost on the part of the latter. Hannibal had fortu- 
nately made his escape in time, in a small boat, and at 
once proceeded to form the rest of his fleet to resist the 
Roman shock. He then passed from vessel to vessel, 
exhorting his men to stand firm; but the novel mode of 
attack, and its great success, had demoralized the Cartha- 
ginians, and they fled before the Roman advance; fifty 
more of Hannibal's fleet being captured. 

So ended the first great naval engagement between 
Rome and Carthage; bringing to the former joy and 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 41 

hope of future successes, and to the latter grief and des- 
pondency. 

Duilius, the Consul, had a rostral column of marble 
erected in his honor, in the Roman forum, with his statue 
upon the top. 

Hannibal was soon afterward crucified by his own sea- 
men, in their rage and mortification at their shameful 
defeat. 

Slight skirmishes and collisions continued to occur, 
and both nations became convinced that ultimate success 
could only be obtained by the one which should obtain 
complete mastery of the Mediterranean Sea. Both, there- 
fore, made every effort; and the dock-yards were kept 
busily at work, while provisions, arms, and naval stores 
were accumulated upon a large scale. 

The Romans fitted out three hundred and thirty, the 
Carthaginians three hundred, and fifty quinqueremes; 
and in the spring of the year 260 b. c, the rivals took the 
sea, to fight out their quarrel to the bitter end. 

The Roman Consuls Manlius and Regulus had their 
fleet splendidly equipped, and marshaled in divisions, 
with the first and second Legions on board. Following 
was a rear division, with more soldiers, which served as 
a reserve, and as a guard to the rear of the right and left 
flanks. 

Hamilcar, the admiral of the opposing fleet, saw that 
the Roman rear was hampered by the transports which 
they were towing, and resolved to try to separate the 
leading divisions from them; hoping to capture the 
transports, and then the other divisions in detail ; with this 
intention he formed in four divisions. Three were in 
line, at rieht angles to the course the Romans were 
steering, and the fourth in the order called " forceps." 



42 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The last division was a little in the rear and well to the 
left of the main body. 

Having made his dispositions, Hamilcar passed down 
the fleet in his barge, and reminded his countrymen of 
their ancestral renown at sea, and assured them that their 
former defeat was due, not to the nautical ability of the 
Romans, but to the rash valor of the Carthaginians 
against a warlike people not ever to be despised. "Avoid 
the prows of the Roman galleys," he continued, " and 
strike them amidships, or on the quarter. Sink them, or 
disable their oars, and endeavor to render their military 
machines, on which they greatly rely, wholly inoperative." 
Loud and continuous acclamations proclaimed the good 
disposition of his men, and Hamilcar forthwith ordered 
the advance to be sounded, signaling the vessels of the 
first division — which would be the first to eneaee — to 
retreat in apparent disorder when they came down close 
to the enemy. The Carthaginians obeyed his order to 
the letter, and, as if terrified by the Roman array, turned 
in well simulated flight, and were instantly pursued by 
both columns, which, as Hamilcar had foreseen, drew 
rapidly away from the rest of the fleet. When they were 
so far separated as to preclude the possibility of sup- 
port, the Carthaginians, at a given signal, put about, and 
attacked with great ardor and resolution, making a 
desperate effort to force together the two sides of the 
"forceps" in which the Romans were formed. But these 
facing outward, and always presenting their prows to the 
Carthaginians, remained immovable and unbroken. If 
the Carthaginians succeeded in ramming one, those on 
each side of the attacked vessel came to her assistance, and 
thus outnumbered, the Carthaginians did not dare to board. 

While the battle was thus progressing in the centre — 
without decided results — Hanno, who commanded the 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 43 

Carthaginian right wing, instead of engaging the left 
Roman column in flank, stretched far out to sea, and bore 
down upon the Roman reserve, which carried the soldiers 
of the Triarii. The Carthaginian reserve, instead of 
attacking the Roman right column, as they evidently 
should have done, also bore down upon the Roman 
reserve. Thus three distinct and separate engagements 
were going on at once — all fought most valiantly. Just 
as the Roman reserve was overpowered, and about to 
yield, they saw that the Carthaginian centre was in full 
retreat, chased by the Roman van, while the Roman 
second division was hastening to the assistance of their 
sorely pressed reserve. This sight inspired the latter 
with new courage, and, although they had had many 
vessels sunk, and a few captured, they continued the fight 
until the arrival of their friends caused their assailant, 
Hanno, to hoist the signal for retreat. The Roman third 
division, embarrassed by its convoy, had been driven back 
until quite close to the land, and while sharp-pointed, 
surf-beaten rocks appeared under their sterns, it was 
attacked on both sides and in front, by the nimble Car- 
thaginians. Vessel by vessel it was falling into the 
enemy's hands, when Manlius, seeing its critical condition, 
relinquished his own pursuit, and hastened to its relief. 
His presence converted defeat into victory, and insured 
the complete triumph of the Roman arms ; so that, while 
the Carthaginians scattered in flight, the Romans, towing 
their prizes stern foremost, as was their custom in victory, 
entered the harbor of Heraclea. 

In this sanguinary and decisive battle thirty of the Car- 
thaginian and twenty-four of the Roman quinqueremes 
were sent to the bottom, with all on board. Not a single 
Roman vessel was carried off by the enemy; while the 
Romans captured sixty-four ships and their crews. 



44 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Commodore Parker, of the U. S. Navy, in commenting 
upon this important naval action, says, "Had Hanno and 
the commander of the Carthaginian reserve done their 
duty faithfully and intelligently upon this occasion, the 
Roman van and centre must have been doubled up and 
defeated, almost instantly ; after which it would have 
been an easy matter to get possession of the others, with 
the transports. Thus the Carthaginians would have 
gained a decisive victory, the effect of which would have 
been, perhaps, to deter the Romans from again making 
their appearance in force upon the sea; and then, with 
such leaders as Hamilcar, Hasdrubal and Hannibal to 
shape her policy and conduct her armaments, Carthage, 
instead of Rome, might have been the mistress of the 
world. Such are the great issues sometimes impending 
over contending armies and fleets." 

As soon as the Consuls had repaired damages they set 
sail from Heraclea for Africa, where they disembarked an 
army under Regulus ; and most of the naval force, with 
the prisoners, then returned home. Regulus, however, 
soon suffered a defeat, and the Roman fleet had to be des- 
patched to Africa again, in hot haste, to take off the scant 
remnant of his army. Before taking on board the de- 
feated Legions the fleet had another great naval battle, 
and captured a Carthaginian fleet of one hundred and four- 
teen vessels. With the soldiers on board, and their 
prizes in tow, Marcus Emilius and Servius Fulvius, the 
Consuls then in command, determined to return to Rome 
by the south shore of Sicily. This was against the 
earnest remonstrances of the pilots, or sailing masters, 
"who wisely argued that, at the dangerous season when, 
the constellation of Orion being not quite past, and the 
Dog Star just ready to appear, it were far safer to go 
North about." 




s< 



O 

P-, 
>> 
H 

> 



Sd'si 



«l w z 
X a s 

r> fi} Pi 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 45 

The Consuls, who had no idea of being advised by 
mere sailors, were unfortunately not to be shaken in their 
determination ; and so, when Sicily was sighted, a course 
was shaped from Lylybeum to the promontory of Pachy- 
mus. The fleet had accomplished about two- thirds of 
this distance, and was just opposite a coast where there 
were no ports, and where the shore was high and rocky, 
when, with the going down of the sun, the north wind, 
which had been blowing steadily for several days, 
suddenly died away, and as the Romans were engaged 
in furling their flapping sails they observed that they were 
heavy and wet with the falling dew, the sure precursor of 
the terrible "Scirocco." Then the pilots urged the Consuls 
to pull directly to the southward, that they might have 
sea room sufficient to prevent them from being driven on 
shore when the storm should burst upon them. But 
this, with the dread of the sea natural to men unaccus- 
tomed to contend with it, they refused to do; not com- 
prehending that, although their quinqueremes were illy 
adapted to buffet the waves, anything was better than a 
lee shore, with no harbor of refuge. 

The north wind sprang up again after a little, cheering 
the hearts of the inexperienced, blew in fitful gusts for an 
hour or more, then died nearly away, again sprang up, 
and finally faded out as before. The seamen knew what 
this portended. "Next came a flash of lightning in the 
southern sky; then a line of foam upon the southern sea; 
the roaring of Heaven's artillery in the air above, and 
of the breakers on the beach below — and the tempest was 
upon them !" From this time all order was lost, and the 
counsels and admonitions of the pilots unheeded. The 
Roman fleet was completely at the mercy of the hurri- 
cane, and the veterans who had borne themselves bravely 
in many a hard fought battle with their fellow man, now, 



46 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

completely demoralized in the presence of this new 
danger, behaved more like maniacs than reasonable beings. 
Some advised one thing, some another ; but nothing 
sensible was done — and when the gale broke, out of four 
hundred and sixty-four quinqueremes (an immense fleet) 
three hundred and eighty had been dashed upon the 
rocks and lost. 

The whole coast was covered with fragments of wreck 
and dead bodies; and that which Rome had been so many 
years in acquiring, at the cost of so much blood, labor, and 
treasure, she lost in a few hours, through the want of 
experienced seamen in command. 

During the succeeding Punic wars Rome and Carthage 
had many another well contested naval engagement. 

Adherbal captured ninety-four Roman vessels off 
Drepanum, but the dogged courage of the Roman was 
usually successful. 

We have few details of these engagements. What the 
Romans gained in battle was often lost by them in ship- 
wreck; so that, at the end of the first Punic war, which 
lasted twenty-four years, they had lost seven hundred 
quinqueremes, and the vanquished Carthaginians only five 
hundred. 

At the time spoken of, when the Romans were fighting 
the Carthaginians, the former were a free, virtuous and 
patriotic people. No reverses cast them down; no loss 
of life discouraged them. 

After a lapse of two hundred years, Marcus Brutus and 
Cassius being dead, and public virtue scoffed at and fast 
expiring, an arbitrary government was in process of 
erection upon the ruins of the Republic. 

The triumvirate had been dissolved, and Octavius and 
Antony, at the head of vast armies and fleets, were pre- 



ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 



47 



paring, on opposite sides of the Gulf of Ambracia, to 
submit their old quarrel to the arbitrament of the sword. 
In this emergency Antony's old officers and soldiers, 
whom he had so often led to victory, naturally hoped 
that, assuming the offensive, he would draw out his 
legions, and, by his ability and superior strategy, force 
his adversary from the field. But, bewitched by a woman, 
the greatest captain of the age — now that Csesar and 
Pompey were gone — had consented to abandon a faithful 
and devoted army, and to rely solely upon his fleet; 
which, equal to that of Octavius in numbers, was far 
inferior in discipline and drill, and in experience of actual 
combat. 




ROMAN GALLEY. 



48 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



IV. 



ACTIUM. B.C. 31. 



Scene VII. Near Actium. Antony's Camp. 
E?iter Antony and Canidius. 



Ant. Is it not strange, Canidius, 

That from Tarentum and Brundusium 

He could so quickly cut the Ionian Sea, 

And taken in Toryne? you have heard on't, sweet? 
Cleo. Celerity is never more admired 

Than by the negligent. 
Ant. A good rebuke, 

Which might have well becomed the best of men, 

To taunt at slackness. Canidius, we 

Will fight with him by sea. 
Cleo. By sea ! What else ? 

Canid. Why will my lord do so ? 
Ant. For that he dares us to 't. 
Enob. So hath my lord dared him to single fight. 
Canid. Ay, and to wage this battle at Pharsalia, 

Where Caesar fought with Pompey : but these offers 

Which serve not for his vantage he shakes off; 

And so should you. 
Enob. Your ships are not well mann'd ; 

Your mariners are muleteers, reapers, people 

Ingrossed by swift impress ; in Caesar's fleet 

Are those that often have 'gainst Pompey fought; 

Their ships are yare ; yours, heavy ; no disgrace 

Shall fall you for refusing him at sea, 

Being prepared for land. 
Ant. By sea, by sea. 

Enob. Most worthy sir, you therein throw away 

The absolute soldiership you have by land ; 

Distract your army, which doth most consist 



ACTIUM. 



49 



Of war-mark'd footmen ; leave unexecuted 
Your own renowned knowledge ; quite forego 
The way which promises assurance ; and 
Give up yourself merely to chance and hazard, 
From firm security. 

Ant. I'll fight at sea. 

Cleo. I have sixty sails, Caesar none better. 

Ant. Our overplus of shipping will we burn ; 

And, with the rest full inann'd, from the head of Actium, 
Beat the approaching Caesar. But if we fail, 
We then can do 't at land. 

Shakespeare — Antony and Cleopatra. 




HILIPPI, the decisive battle between Octa- 
vius and Brutus and Cassius, took place 
B. C. 42. Octavius, who afterward as- 
sumed the name of Augustus, is very differ- 
ently described by historians. It is said 
that he did not fight at Philippi ; and he is 
called a coward by some writers, who de- 
clare that he was always sick on critical 
days. Be that as It may, it seems certain that Antony 
fought that battle, although Octavius got the credit of 
success with the Roman public, which soon endowed him 
with every quality which goes to make the title of 
"August," which title he was the first to bear ; being the 
favorite of the citizens, much more by reason of his 
ancestry, and by the judicious bestowal of offices and of 
money, than by feats of arms. 

After their victory at Philippi, Antony and Octavius 
divided the empire of the world between them. But the 
two were devoured by an equal ambition ; and, although 
a common danger had for a time lulled their mutual sus- 
picion and dislike, and forced them to act in unison, har- 
4 



50 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

mony between them could not long continue. Neither of 
them wished to share empire, and each was determined 
that the other, sooner or later, should be forced to 
renounce power, if not life itself. The repudiation of 
Octavia the sister of Octavius, by Antony, added increased 
fuel to the fires of hatred, and we learn from contem- 
porary writers that clear-sighted persons not only fore- 
saw that a death struggle between the two great leaders 
was only a question of time, but they predicted the result, 
as Antony, in the midst of feasts and other dissipation, 
was fast losing that activity of mind and body which had 
brought him his successes, and had, in former days, 
pained him the esteem and confidence of Caesar. 

While Antony was placing his laurels and his renown 
under the feet of an Egyptian queen, the cool and astute 
Octavius, never losinp- sip;ht of the end he had in view, 
turned to his own aggrandizement and elevation, in the 
estimation of the Roman people, Antony's disgraceful 
conduct. 

The future Augustus, with the full consent of the Senate, 
raised fresh legions in Italy, equipped a fleet, and made 
every preparation for an enterprise upon which was to 
depend the control of the whole civilized world. 

As if Antony had taken pains to furnish his already too 
powerful rival with the pretexts which should serve as a 
mask to his ambitious views, the former caused general 
disgust and indignation at Rome by dismembering the 
Empire — so to speak — in the interests of Cleopatra, whom 
he proclaimed Queen of Cyprus, Cilicia, Ccelesyria, 
Arabia and Judea ; while he gave to the two sons whom 
he had had by her the title of "King of Kings." This 
insane defiance of the susceptibility and pride of the 
Republic was one of the principal causes of Antony's de- 
struction. People ceased to fear him when they learned 



ACTIUM. 51 

that he had become habitually intemperate ; and they no 
longer saw in him a redoubtable and successful Roman 
general, but an Eastern Satrap, plunged in pleasure and 
debauchery. 

Octavius, affecting rather contempt than anger at 
Antony's proceedings, declared war against Cleopatra 
only, and seemed to regard Antony as already deprived 
of the power and majesty which he had sullied in 
committing them to the hands of the Egyptian queen. 

Octavius could only raise on the Italian peninsula, then 
exhausted by civil war, 80,000 legionaries, with 12,000 
cavalry, and two hundred and fifty ships — a small force 
to oppose to the five hundred ships and 1 20,000 men of 
Antony, without counting the allied troops which his 
rival was able to bring against him. But, more active 
and daring than Antony, he had, with astonishing celerity, 
collected his forces, and crossed the Ionian Sea, while 
Antony was lingering in Samos, and indulging in all sorts 
of debasing pleasures, with little thought devoted to pre- 
paration for the inevitable and momentous struggle. 

At last the imminence of the danger awoke him to the 
realities surrounding him, and he brought forward his 
powerful fleet, anchoring it near the promontory of 
Actium, in Epirus, ready to oppose the advance of 
Octavius. 

His ships were double in number those of the Romans, 
well armed and equipped, but heavy, and badly manned, 
so that their manoeuvres did not compare in celerity with 
those of the western fleet. 

Although Octavius had fewer ships and fewer men, 
those which he had were Romans ; and he was fighting, 
ostensibly, to vindicate the wounded pride and honor of 
his country, which had been trampled under foot by 
Antony and a stranger queen. 



52 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The generals of Antony united in imploring him not to 
confide his destiny to the uncertainty of winds and waves, 
but to give battle on shore, where, they answered for it, 
victory would perch upon their banners. But Antony 
remained deaf to their supplications, and Cleopatra, who 
had joined him with seventy Egyptian ships, also pre- 
ferred to fight a naval battle; it is said, in order that, if 
her lover was vanquished, she herself could more easily 
escape. 

Boldly searching for Antony, the Roman fleet came in 
contact with his, near the promontory of Actium. 

On opposite shores of the bay partly formed by that 
promontory lay the two armies, spectators of a conflict 
which was to decide their fate, but in which they were not 
to join. 

The wind and weather were both favorable, but the two 
fleets remained for a long time opposite to each other, 
as if hesitating to begin the struggle, the issue of which 
was fraught with such momentous consequences. 

Antony had confided the command of his left wing to 
Ccelius; the centre to Marcus Octavius and Marcus 
Inteius; while he himself, with Valerius Publicola, assumed 
command of the right wing. 

The fleet of Octavius was commanded by Agrippa, to 
whom all the glory of the victory is due. Octavius and 
his admiral at first regarded with surprise and uneasiness 
the immobility of the enemy, who were ensconced in the 
arm of the sea, which sheet of water contained many shoals 
and reefs, and therefore, if the enemy remained there, 
deprived Octavius of the advantage to be derived from 
the rapidity of manoeuvre of his vessels. 

But Antony's officers, eager to show their prowess, 
proceeded to get their left wing under way, and moved 
to the attack of Octavius' rigrjht. The latter, taking advan- 



ACTIUM. 53 

tage of this false move, made a retrograde movement, 
and endeavored to draw out the whole opposing force 
from their commanding position unto the high sea, where 
the Romans would have room to manoeuvre, and thereby 
successfully assail Antony's heavier vessels. 

At this moment the scene was grand. The flashing 
of arms, and glinting of the sun upon polished casques, 
the streaming flags, and thousands of oars simultaneously 
put in motion, gave life and animation ; while the blare 
of the brazen trumpets and the shouts of the myriads of 
combatants were echoed from the shores by the cheers 
and cries of two large armies, each encouraging its own 
fleet, and inciting them to the greater exertion. 

Cleopatra's large and magnificent galley hovered in 
the rear of the fleet, with the purple sails furled, and the 
poop occupied by herself and her ladies, surrounded by 
all the splendor of the Egyptian court. 

Thinking, as we have said, that Octavius' fleet fled 
before them, Antony and his commanders abandoned 
their advantageous position, and followed Agrippa out to 
sea. 

Once there, the Roman fleet quickly put about, in good 
order, and a terrible battle at once began — Roman dis- 
puting with Roman the empire of the world. 

At last an able movement of Agrippa caused Antony's 
centre to give way; but despite the disorder which 
resulted, the action was steadily maintained, the losses on 
each side being about equal,' and victory undecided. 

The force of Agrippa made up by celerity of move- 
ment for the greater number of Antony's fleet, and the 
battle was at its height, when, suddenly, Cleopatra, panic- 
stricken by the noise and dreadful carnage, gave a signal 
for retreat, hoisted her purple sails, and, with the whole 
Egyptian contingent, retreated rapidly, leaving a great 



54 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

gap in the line of battle. Some were sunk by the beaks 
of their pursuers, but the majority made their escape, and 
were soon far from the scene. 

This shameful action should have opened Antony's 
eyes, and have stimulated him — being even yet superior 
in numbers — to repair by renewed exertions the defection 
of the beautiful queen. But his movements seemed to be 
controlled by her's, and, forgetting his own honor, his 
former glory, his empire, and his duty as commander, as 
a soldier and as a man, he abandoned the brave sea- 
men and soldiers who were fighting for him, and took a 
fast, light vessel, and followed the woman who had been 
his ruin, and at whose shrine he was about to offer as a 
sacrifice the dishonor of Caesar's greatest lieutenant. 

It is said that for some time he sat upon the deck, his 
head bowed between his hands, and wrapped in his own 
thoughts. But he only regained sufficient command of 
himself to resolve to protect the cause of his ruin. He 
therefore continued his flight to the promontory of 
Tenaros ; and then soon after learned of the entire defeat 
of his fleet. 

Even after being thus shamefully abandoned by their 
commander, his troops and sailors had for a long time 
maintained the combat; but bad weather coming on they 
at last surrendered, after a loss of five thousand killed, and 
having three hundred ships captured, with their crews. 

For a long time the land forces of Antony could not 
believe in his defection, and looked for him to reappear, 
and, at their head, redeem the fortunes of the sea fight. 
Indeed, for many days after the victory they declined the 
overtures of Octavius. But at last, despairing of Antony's 
return, their general, with his principal officers and the 
troops, passed under the banners of Octavius. This 
event left him the undisputed master of the world. 



ACTIUM. 



55 



Upon his return to Rome he was decreed a three days' 
triumph, and he now assumed in public the imperial 
powers which he had long virtually possessed. 

The shocking death of both Antony and Cleopatra, by 
suicide, hardly belongs to the account of Actium, although 
the direct consequence of the overwhelming defeat there 
sustained. 




THE PTOLEMY PHILOPATER — 405 B. C. 

(Constructed by Ptolemy Philopater, of Egypt, after a Greek Model.) 



56 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



V. 
LEPANTO. A. D. 1571. 




^> IXTEEN hundred years after Actium 
another great naval battle took place upon 
the coast of Greece. It was of momentous 
importance, as it is not too much to say that 
it decided the future fate and sovereignty 
of at least the eastern part of Europe. 

Before we speak of Lepanto, however, it 
may be well to glance at naval events for 
two or three centuries previous to the eventful year 1 571 . 
After the Republic of Venice had become strong, their 
first great sea fight was with the Saracens, then a terror 
to all the Christian nations of the Mediterranean. The 
Venetians, at the solicitation of the Emperor Theodosius, 
cooperated with the Greeks against their implacable 
enemy. The hostile fleets met at Crotona, in the Gulf of 
Taranto, where the Greeks fled at the first onset of the 
Saracens, leaving their Venetian allies to fight against 
vastly superior numbers. In spite of their courage 
and constancy, which maintained the unequal fight for 
many hours, the Venetians were defeated, and lost nearly 
every one of the sixty ships which they took into the 
fight. 

Twenty-five years afterwards the Venetian fleet met 
the Saracens again, almost in the very spot of their 
former discomfiture, and obtained a splendid victory ; and 
their naval fights continued, almost without intermission, 



LEPANTO. 57 

and with varying fortunes ; the Venetians, on the whole, 
holding their own. 

On February 13th, 1353, there was a remarkable naval 
fight between the allied fleets of Venice, Aragon, and 
Constantinople, and the Genoese fleet, under the com- 
mand of the redoubtable Paganino Doria. The Genoese 
were victorious. 

In spite of the successful achievements of Doria, which 
should have brought him the respect and support of his 
contrymen, he was supplanted by his bitter foe, Antonio 
Grimaldi, who was put in command of the fleet. He was, 
not long after, defeated by the allied fleets of Spain and 
Venice, with tremendous loss. Grimaldi, thereupon, fell 
out of favor ; and the next year the Genoese were 
obliged to again place Doria in command of their fleet, 
with which he gained a great victory over the Venetians 
at Porto Longo, capturing the whole of their fleet. 

Peace between the two Republics was then made, and 
continued until 1378, when war was again declared. 
Victor Pisani, in command of the fleet of Venice, had a 
successful battle with the Genoese off Actium, the 
scene of the wonderful fight just before the commence- 
ment of the Christian era. 

In 1379 Pisani was forced by the Venetian Senate, 
against his own judgment, to fight a far superior Genoese 
fleet, under Luciano Doria, off Pola, in the Adriatic. The 
Venetian fleet was almost annihilated, and Pisani, on his 
return, was loaded with chains, and thrown into a 
dungeon. The Genoese, after burning several Venetian 
towns upon the Adriatic, appeared off Venice, entered 
the lagoon, took Chioggia, and filled the Venetians with 
consternation and terror. The people flocked to the 
Piazza San Marco, in thousands, and demanded that 
Pisani be restored to the command of the fleet. The 



58 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

authorities were at their wits' ends, and consented, while 
Pisani, with true patriotism, condoned his wrongs and ill 
treatment, and applied himself at once to the work of 
organization. After unheard of exertions he succeeded 
in discomfiting the enemy, and Venice was saved. 

Pisani afterwards made a cruise in command of the 
fleet on the Asiatic coast, but, worn out by hard service 
and his former ill treatment, he died soon after his return, 
to the common sorrow and remorse of all Venetians. 

The Turks took Constantinople in 1453, and the con- 
tests between them and the Venetians continued with 
even greater bitterness; and after the capture of Cyprus 
by the Moslems, and the fitting out by the Sultan Selim 
of an immense and powerful fleet, it became evident to 
the western world that some supreme effort should be 
put forth to curb the advance of the Turkish power. 

Let us now glance at the state of affairs about the time 
of Lepanto. 

The latter part of the 1 6th century was a stirring and 
eventful period in the world's history. 

Charles V had resigned his empire to that sullen bigot, 
his son, Philip II. 

About the same time Moscow was being burned by 
the Tartars; the Russians having been the abject subjects 
of the Tartars but a few years before. 

Prussia, so powerful to-day, was then a small hereditary 
duchy, Lutheran in religion, and still a fief of Poland. 
The Poles were then a much more powerful nation than 
the Russians. 

The States of the north, Sweden and Denmark, were 
very strong, and made their influence felt in all Europe. 
Tycho Brahe, the subject of the latter, was then a young 
man. 



LEPANTO. 59 

Portugal, from her brilliant maritime discoveries, had 
extended relations with Japan, China, India and Brazil ; 
and had rendered Lisbon the market of the world, usurp- 
ing the place of Antwerp. Her decline was, however, 
soon to follow. 

Soon after Lepanto, Holland, driven to despairing 
effort by the tyranny of Philip, revolted, and William of 
Orange became Stadtholder. He was succeeded by 
Maurice, whose efforts to secure independence were so 
ably seconded by Elizabeth of England, as to draw down 
upon the latter nation the vengeance of Philip, shown 
later in the despatch of his grand Armada, but a very few 
years after the event of Lepanto. 

The Church of England had been established, and 
Elizabeth was enjoying her splendid reign. Sir Walter 
Raleigh, Drake, and other heroes of the sea were then 
young men. 

Florence was about to enjoy her highest distinction as 
the home of learning and art, under Cosmo de Medici, 
and Pius V was Pope ; one of the greatest that ever 
occupied the Papal throne. 

Rodolph, of Hapsburg, had had his fierce struggle with 
the Turks, by land ; but Austria then had no naval force. 

In France the weak and bloody Charles IX was upon 
the throne, and the massacre" of Saint Bartholomew was 
close at hand. 

And now, to come to the great event of Lepanto, which 
decided the question of supremacy between Christianity 
and Islamism. 

The Turks had captured Cyprus ; possessed almost 
irresistible power, and everything looked very dark for 
Christendom. 

But in spite of the connivance of Charles IX in their 
advance, who by this base conduct preluded the great 



60 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

crime of his reign ; in spite of the calculated inaction of 
England; the timidity of Austria; the exhaustion of 
Poland, after a long war with still barbarous Muscovy, 
the genius of Christianity took a fresh flight, and the star 
of the west once more rose in the ascendant. 

The honor of being the head of the effort at resistance 
to the encroaching Turkish power, and of victorious 
reprisals, belongs especially to Pope Pius V, a simple 
monk who had been exalted to the Pontifical throne ; 
a zealous and austere priest, of a disposition naturally 
violent, which had been subdued by experience, foresight, 
and real greatness of soul. 

This Pontiff, upon the first menace of the Turks against 
Cyprus, bestirred himself to form a league of several 
Christian States. 

A crusade was no longer possible, from the condition 
of Europe, which was divided by religious schism, and by 
the ambition of princes. But, if the Pope could no longer 
send the whole of Europe to a holy war, such as was 
condemned by Luther as unjust and inhuman, he could 
at least, as a temporal prince, take his part in active 
operations. 

Not even the coolness and calculated slowness of 
Philip of Spain — the Monarch from whom he had a right 
to expect the most assistance — could arrest the zeal of the 
ardent and generous Pontiff, who saw that the time had 
come for Christendom to conquer or submit. 

Philip II, who was without mercy for the Mahomedans 
still scattered throughout his dominions, nevertheless 
hesitated to enter upon a struggle with the Turks ; and 
above all did he dislike to defend Venice against them — 
so much did he envy the latter her rich commerce. 

The first power asked to join the league against Selim, 
he only finally consented upon being given by the Pope 



LEPANTO. 61 

the revenues of the church throughout his vast realm, 
for as long as the war should last. But even this gilded 
bait became the source of delay, the avaricious and 
cunning monarch deferring preparations, and multiply- 
ing obstacles to the undertaking, so as to profit as long 
as possible from the rich revenue derived from that 
source. 

Thus it happened that, by his delay, in spite of the 
coalition, and of the allied fleet, equal in number and 
superior in condition and discipline to that of the Turks, 
the Island of Cyprus was captured, after stubborn sieges 
of its two capitals, Nicosia and Famagousta, without any 
assistance from the rest of Christendom. 

Famagousta was captured after a very prolonged and 
obstinate defence, which had been conducted at the 
expense of fifty thousand lives to the Turks, who had 
made six general assaults. Finally the city was allowed 
to capitulate on honorable terms. Mustapha, the same 
fierce Moslem general who had conducted the siege of 
Malta, requested four of the principal Venetian leaders to 
meet him at his quarters. Here a short and angry con- 
ference ensued, when, in violation of the terms of the 
capitulation, Mustapha ordered three of them to instant 
execution. But he reserved Bragadino, who had held the 
supreme command during the siege, and ordered him to 
have his ears cut off, and to be set to work to carry earth 
to repair the works. After a few days of this humiliation 
Mustapha caused him to be flayed alive, in the public 
market place. This horrible sentence was not only carried 
into effect, but his skin was stuffed and suspended from 
the yard arm of Mustapha's galley; and, with this shocking 
trophy thus displayed, he returned to Constantinople. 
Here he was rewarded by Selim for the capture of 
Cyprus. These terrible events added fuel to the flame 



62 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of revenge which the Venetians felt, and were, of course, 
additional incentives to their allies. 

The capture of Cyprus, and the disgraceful events 
following it, aroused the indignation of all Europe. The 
iron yoke of the Turk, with his following hosts of Asiatic 
robbers and cut-throats, owing to the delay in relief, 
extended over the whole of the large, rich and populous 
island. 

Pius V, in terrible grief at these events, and full of 
foreboding for the future, made himself heard throughout 
Europe ; and with renewed ardor he insisted upon 
carrying out the treaty of alliance already made, the 
assembly of the allied fleet, and upon vengeance upon 
the Ottomans, since succor for Cyprus would arrive too 
late. 

The greatest mark of his terrible earnestness was the 
assembling of a Pontifical fleet and army — a thing 
unheard of at that time. The Pope gave the command 
to a member of the very ancient Roman family of 
Colonna. 

In the latter part of 1 571, five months after the capture 
of ( " unn, = i the Christian armament appeared upon the 
Mediterranean, consisting of galleys to the number of two 
hundred, with galleasses, transports and other vessels, 
carrying fifty thousand soldiers. Then immediately 
followed the most important event of the sixteenth 
century. 

The Christian fleet made rendezvous at Messina ; 
whence Sebastian Veniero, the Venetian admiral, would 
have sailed at once, and have sought the enemy without 
delay, so much did he fear for the Venetian posses- 
sions in the Adriatic, from the rapid advance of the 
Ottomans. 

But Don John, the supreme commander, with a pru- 



LEPANTO. 63 

dence worthy of an older and less fiery man, would not 
move until he was strengthened by every possible rein- 
forcement, as he wished to use every means in his power to 
avoid a defeat which must be a final and crushing one to 
the side which should lose. He was certain that the 
great resources of the Ottoman empire would, on this 
supreme occasion, be strained to the utmost to equip 
their greatest armament. During this delay the Pope 
proclaimed a jubilee — granting indulgences to all engaged 
in the expedition — such as had formerly been given to the 
deliverers of the Holy Sepulchre. 

On September 16th, the magnificent armanent, unri- 
valed since the days of imperial Rome, put to sea from 
Messina. They were baffled by rough seas and head 
winds on the Calabrian coast, and made slow progress. 
The commander had sent a small squadron in advance, 
for intelligence. They returned with the news that the 
Turks were still in the Adriatic, with a powerful fleet, 
and had committed fearful ravages upon the Venetian 
territories. The fleet then steered for Corfu, and reached 
there on September 26th, seeing for themselves traces of 
the enemy in smoking towns and farms, and deserted 
fields and vineyards. The islanders welcomed them, and 
furnished what they could of needed supplies. 

Don John seems to have had his own plans: but he 
now called a council, because courtesy required that he 
should consult the commanders of the Allies — and be- 
cause he had promised Philip to do so — the latter fearing 
his fiery and impetuous disposition. 

The opinions were divided — as is always the case in 
councils of war. Those who had had personal experience of 
Turkish naval prowess appeared to shrink from encount- 
ering so formidable an armament, and would have confined 
the operations of the Christian fleet to besieging some 



64 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

city belonging to the Moslems. Even Doria, the old sea- 
dog, whose life had been spent in fighting the infidel, 
thought it was not advisable to attack the enemy in his 
present position, surrounded as he was by friendly 
shores, whence he could obtain aid and reinforcement. 
He wished to attack Navarino, and thus draw the enemy 
from the gulf where he was anchored, and force him to 
give battle in the open sea. But, strange to say (for a 
proverb has it that councils of war never fight), the 
majority took a different view, and said that the object 
of the expedition was to destroy the Ottoman fleet, and 
that a better opportunity could not present itself than 
when they were shut in a gulf, from which, if defeated, 
they could not escape. 

The most influential of the council held these views : 
among them the Marquis of Santa Cruz, Cardona, the 
commander of the Sicilian squadron, Barberigo, second 
in command of the Venetians, Grand Commander Re- 
quesens, Colonna, and young Alexander Farnese, Prince 
of Parma — the nephew of Don John, who was seeing his 
first service now, but who was to become, in time, the 
greatest captain of his age. 

Thus supported in his judgment, the young com- 
mander-in-chief resolved to give the Turks battle in the 
position they had chosen. But he was delayed by weather, 
and other causes, and the enemy were not actually 
met until October 7th. 

The Ottoman fleet, two hundred strong, rowed by 
Christian slaves, and accompanied by numbers of trans- 
ports, was moored in a gulf upon the Albanian coast, 
while the Christian fleet, seeking its enemy, came down 
from the north, led by the galleys of the Venetian con- 
tingent. 

As the time of conflict approached, the commander-in- 



LEPANTO. 65 

chief, Don John, rose superior to the timid counsels of the 
generals of Philip II, who accompanied him, and who 
were, in a manner, charged with his safety. 

Don John, of Austria, was the natural son of Charles 
V, but was fully recognized, not only by his father, but by 
Philip, his legitimate brother, who originally intended him 
for high ecclesiastical dignities. But Don John early 
showed great predilection for the profession of arms, and 
was conspicuous during the revolt of the Moors of 
Grenada. In 1570, when only twenty-six years old, he 
received the supreme command of the Spanish fleet; and 
his ability and success justified an appointment which was 
due to favoritism. 

After Lepanto he conquered Tunis, and the idea was 
entertained of founding a Christian kingdom there, for 
him ; but the jealousy of his arbitrary and suspicious 
brother prevented this. He then received the governor- 
ship of the Low Countries, succeeding the notorious and 
bloody Duke of Alva, and he there died, in his camp at 
Namur, in 1578, aged thirty-three. It is said that he was 
about to undertake an expedition to deliver Mary 
Stuart, at the time of his death, which was attributed by 
some to poison. 

Don John was one of the remarkable soldiers of his 
time. Generous, frank, humane, he was beloved by both 
soldiers and citizens. He was a fine horseman, handsome, 
well made, and graceful. 

Don John's principal force, in ships and fighting men, 
was Italian ; for, besides the twelve galleys of the Pope, 
and those of Genoa, Savoy, and other Italian States and 
cities, many were contributed by rich and generous Italian 
private citizens. The greater number, however, were 
Venetian ; this State contributing one hundred and six 
" royal galleys " and six galleasses. The galleasses were 
5 



66 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

large ships, rather dull as sailers, but carrying forty or 
fifty pieces of cannon. 

Among the complement of the Venetians were many 
Greeks — either refugees from the Morea, or recruited in 
Candia, Corfu, and other islands, then subject to the 
Venetian power. In keeping with the jealous policy of 
Venice, none of these subjects had any maritime com- 
mand or military rank ; but they fought valiantly under the 
flag of St. Marc, which lost in the battle its chief admiral 
and fifteen captains. 

The Spaniards had about eighty galleys ; but had also 
a number of brigantines, and vessels of small size — and 
were better manned than the Venetians — so that Don 
John drafted several thousand men from the other Italian 
ships, and from those of Spain, to make good the Vene- 
tian complement. Veniero, the Venetian Admiral, took 
great offence at this, and much trouble arose from it, but 
the imminence of the conflict and the importance of the 
result to Venice prevented him from withdrawing his 
force, as he at first threatened to do. 

The total number of men on board the allied fleet was 
eighty thousand. The galleys, impelled principally by 
oars, required a large number of rowers. Of the 29,000 
soldiers embarked, 19,000 were sent by Spain. They 
were good troops, officered by men of reputation, and most 
of them illustrious, not only for family, but for military 
achievement. It was so also with the Venetian officers, 
as it should have been — for her very existence was at 
stake, unless the Turks were defeated. 

Don John himself arranged the order of battle ; and, 
standing erect in a fast pulling boat, clad in his armor, 
and bearing in his hand a crucifix, he pulled round the 
fleet, exhorting the Allies, by voice and gesture, to make 
a common cause, and without reference to the flags they 



LEPANTO. 67 

bore, to act as one nationality in the face of the common 
foe. 

He then returned to his own galley, where a staff of 
young Castilian and Sardinian nobles awaited him, and 
unfurled the great banner of the League, presented by 
the Pope, and bearing the arms of Spain, Venice and 
the Pope, bound together by an endless chain. 

* The Real, or Admiral's galley of Don John, was of 
great size, and had been built in Barcelona, at that time 
famous for naval architecture. Her stern was highly 
decorated with emblems and historical devices, while her 
interior was furnished most luxuriously. But, most of 
all, she excelled in strength and speed, and right well did 
she do her part when exposed to the actual test of battle. 

Lepanto was fought on Sunday. The weather was 
beautiful, and the sun shone in splendor upon the pecu- 
liarly clear blue water of those seas. 

The sight on that morning must have been surpass- 
ingly grand. The beautiful galleys, with their numerous 
oars dashing the water into foam ; gaudy pennons stream- 
ing from the picturesque lateen yards ; gaily painted 
hulls, decorated with shields and armorial insignia ; cul- 
verins mounted at the prows, with matches smoking ; the 
decks filled with men in polished armor and gay plumes, 
and armed with sword and spear, matchlock and arque- 
bus, cross-bow and petronel. Shouts of command and 
of enthusiam went up amid a brandishing of weapons, 
while an occasional hush occurred when the holy fathers 
of the church gave absolution to those who were about 
to meet the fierce infidel. 

More than half the ships carried at their mast-heads 
the Lion of St. Marc, which waved over the sturdy sea- 
does of Venice, while other divisions showed the red and 
yellow of Spain, the white, with crossed keys and triple 



68 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

mitre of the Pope, or the varied ensigns of the Italian 
cities. 

On the other side were the Turks, with their numerous 
and powerful galleys, mostly pulled by Christian slaves, 
who were driven by cruel blows to put forth their utmost 
strength against their co-religionists ; for in every galley, 
Turkish or Christian, where slaves worked the oars, there 
extended between the benches of the rowers, fore ancl 
aft, a raised walk, on which two or three boatswains, with 
long rods, walked back and forth, dealing heavy blows 
upon those who were not thought to be doing their utmost 
at the oars. The slaves were shackled to the benches when 
they rowed ; and never left them, day or night. Their food 
and clothing were scanty, and the filth about them was 
seldom cleared away, except by the rain from heaven, or 
the seas, which sometimes washed on board. The fight- 
ing men of the galleys were mostly on the fore-deck, and 
on outside galleries, or platforms above the gunwales. 

The Turks had the wild music which they love to 
encourage their fighting men, kettle-drums and pipes, 
cymbals and trumpets. The horse-tails of the Pashas 
streamed from the poops of their galleys, as with loud 
cries they appealed to Allah to deliver the Christian dogs 
once more into their hands. And there was every reason 
to suppose that their wish would be fulfilled, for they had 
the stronger force, and carried with them the prestige 
of former victories won over the best efforts of the 
Christians. 

THE BATTLE. 

On the morning of the memorable 7th of October the 
Christian fleet weighed anchor for Lepanto, at two hours 
before dawn. The wind was light, but adverse, and oars 
had to be used. At sunrise they came up with a group 



LEPANTO. 69 

of rocky islets which form the northern cape of the Gulf 
of Lepanto. The rowers labored hard at the oars, while 
all others strained their eyes for the first glimpse of the 
great Moslem fleet. At length they were descried from 
the masthead of the Real, and almost at the same 
moment by Andrew Doria, who commanded on the right. 

Don John ordered his pennon to be displayed, unfurled 
the banner of the Christian League, and fired a gun, the 
preconcerted signal for battle. 

This was answered by an exultant shout fiom all the 
ships. 

The principal captains now came on board the Real, 
to receive their final orders; and a few, even then, 
doubted the propriety of fighting, but Don John sternly 
said, "Gentlemen, this is the time for battle, and not for 
counsel!" and the armada was at once deployed in fio-ht- 
ing array, according to orders previously issued. 

When ready for battle the Christian force had a front 
of three miles'. On the extreme right was Doria, whose 
name was justly held in terror by the Moslem, with sixty- 
four galleys. In the centre, consisting of sixty-three 
galleys, was Don John, supported on one side by 
Colonna, and on the other by Veniero. In his rear was 
the Grand Commander Requesens, his former tutor in 
military matters. The left wing was commanded by 
Barberigo, a Venetian noble, who was to keep his vessels 
as near the ^Etolian coast as the rocks and shoals would 
permit, to prevent his wing being turned by the enemy. 

The reserve, of thirty-five galleys, was commanded by 
the Marquis of Santa Cruz, a man of known courage and 
conduct, who had orders to act in any quarter where he 
thought his aid most needed. 

The smaller craft took little part in the battle, the action 
being fought almost entirely by the galleys. 



70 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Each commander was to take space enough for man- 
oeuvring, yet to keep so close as to prevent the enemy 
from piercing the line. Each was to single out his ad- 
versary, close with him, and board as soon as possible. 

Don John had the beak of his galley cut away ; so little 
did he rely upon an instrument once, and for so long, 
considered formidable. 

By this time galleys mounted guns upon their prows, 
and beaks were beginning to fall out of use. It is said 
that many commanders of the allies followed Don John's 
example. 

The Ottoman fleet weighed and came out to the battle. 
But they came on slowly, as the wind had suddenly shifted 
and was now against them, while, as the day advanced, 
the sun, which had been in the faces of the Allies, shone 
in those of the Moslem ; and both these natural pheno- 
mena were hailed by the Christians as an evidence of 
divine interposition. 

The Turkish armament proved to be even greater in 
number than had been anticipated by the Christians, con- 
sisting of nearly two hundred and fifty " royal galleys," 
most of them of the largest class ; and a number of smaller 
vessels in the rear, which, however, like the similar ones 
of the Allies, do not appear to have come much into action. 

The number of the Turks, including rowers, is said to 
have been 1 20,000. As we have said, the rowers were 
principally Christian slaves, with some blacks and crimi- 
nals. 

As was usual with the Turks, their order of battle was 
crescentic, and, being more numerous than the Allies, they 
occupied a wider space than the straight alignment of the 
Christians. 

As their formidable and magnificent array advanced, 
the moving sun shone upon gaudy paint and gilded prows, 



LEPANTO. 71 

thousands of pennons, polished cimeters and head pieces, 
and the jeweled turbans of the Pachas, and other chief 
men. 

In the centre of their long line, and opposite to Don 
John, was a huge galley, bearing the Turkish commander, 
Ali Pasha. 

His fleet was commanded on the right by the Viceroy 
of Egypt, a wary but courageous leader. His left was 
led by Uluch Ali, a Calabrian renegade and Dey of 
Algiers, noted as a successful corsair, who had made more 
Christian slaves than all the rest beside. 

Ali was, like Don John, young and ambitious, and had 
refused to listen to any counsels looking toward declining 
battle on that day. Selim had sent him to fight, and he 
was determined to do so ; although the prudent Viceroy 
of Egypt expressed some doubts of success. 

Ali found the Christian fleet more numerous than he 
had supposed, and at first he did not perceive their left 
wing, which was hidden by the yEtolian shore. 

When he saw the Christian line in its full extent, it is 
said that he faltered for a moment, but only for a moment, 
for he at once urged on the rowers to close with the 
enemy, and spoke of the prospects of the engagement, to 
those about him, in confident terms. 

It is said that Ali was of humane disposition, and that 
he promised the Christian slaves that, if by their exer- 
tions he won the day, they should all have their freedom. 

As he drew near the Allies, Ali changed his order of 
battle, separating his wings from the centre, to correspond 
to the Christian formation. He also fired a challenge 
gun, before he came within shot. This was answered 
by Don John, and a second one was promptly replied to 
from the Christian flag-ship. 

The fleets now rapidly neared each other. Men held 



72 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

their breath, and nerved themselves for the death grapple, 
and a perfect silence reigned; broken only by the plash of 
the huge oars, while the light breeze rippled the smiling 
blue waters. 

Just about noon this beautiful scene, a perfect pageant, 
was broken in upon by the fierce yells of the Turks, the 
war cry with which they were accustomed to join battle. 

At this moment, as if by contrast, every fighting man 
of the Christians fell upon his knee, as did Don John 
himself, and prayed the Almighty to be with his own that 
day. Absolution was then given by the priests, which 
were in each ship, and the men stood up, braced for the 
contest. 

When the foremost Turkish vessels had come within 
cannon shot, they opened fire ; and this ran along their 
line as they advanced, without cessation. The Christian 
kettle-drums and trumpets sounded in reply, with a 
general discharge of all the guns which would bear. 

Don John had caused the galleasses, the large, high, 
unwieldy war ships, to be towed about half a mile ahead 
of his fleet, where they could intercept the advance of the 
Turks. 

As the latter came abreast of them, the 'galleasses 
delivered their broadsides, with terrible effect. Ali caused 
his galleys to diverge, and pass these vessels, which were 
so high and formidable that the Turks did not attempt to 
board them. 

Their heavy guns caused some damage and confusion 
in the Pacha's line of battle, but this appears to have been 
the only part they took in the engagement, as they were 
too un wieldly to be brought up again. 

The real action began on the Allies' left wing, which 
the Viceroy of Egypt was very desirous of turning. But 
the Venetian admiral, to prevent that very thing, had 



LEPANTO. 73 

closed well in with the coast. The Viceroy, however, 
better acquainted with the soundings, saw that there was 
room for him to pass, and dashed by, thereby doubling up 
his enemy. Thus placed between two fires, the Christian 
left fought at very great disadvantage. Many galleys 
were soon sunk, and several more were captured by the 
Turks. 

Barberigo, dashing into the heat of the fight, was 
wounded in the eye, by an arrow, and was borne below. 
But his Venetians continued the fi^ht with unabated cour- 

o 

age and fury, fighting for revenge, as well as for glory. 

On the extreme Christian right a similar movement 
was attempted by Uluch AH. With superior numbers he 
attempted to turn that wing ; but here he met that ex- 
perienced and valiant seaman, Andrew Doria, who fore- 
saw the movement of Uluch, and promptly defeated it. 
The two best seamen of the Mediterranean were here 
brought face to face. Doria, to prevent being sur- 
rounded, extended his line so far to the right that Don 
John was obliged to caution him not to expose the centre. 
Indeed, he seriously weakened his own line, and the ex- 
perienced Uluch instantly detecting it, dashed down, sank 
several galleys, and captured the great " Capitana," of 
Malta. While the battle thus opened badly for the Allies, 
on both wings, Don John led his division forward ; at 
first with indifferent success. His own chief object was 
to encounter Ali Pasha, and the Turkish commander was 
also intent upon meeting him. 

Their respective galleys were easily distinguished, from 
their size and rich decoration, besides displaying, the one 
the great Ottoman standard, the other the holy banner 
ot the League. 

The Ottoman standard was held to be very sacred. 
It was emblazoned in gold, with texts from the Koran, 



74 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and had the name of Allah repeated 28,900 times. The 
Sultans had passed it from father to son, ever since the 
formation of the dynasty, and it was never seen unless 
the Grand Signior or his lieutenant was in the field. 

Both commanders urged forward their galleys, which 
soon shot ahead of the lines, and the two closed with a 
fearful shock, so powerful that the Pacha's, which was the 
largest, was thrown upon that of his antagonist so far 
that the prow reached the fourth bench of Don John's 
rowers. 

As soon as those on board the two vessels recovered 
from the shock, the carnage commenced. 

Don John had three hundred Spanish arquebusiers, the 
flower of the infantry. Ali had three hundred picked 
janizaries, and was followed by a small vessel with two 
hundred more. He had also one hundred archers on 
board ; the bow being still much in use among the Turks. 

The Pasha opened a terrible fire, which was returned 
with even greater spirit by the Spaniards. The latter had 
bulwarks, which the Mussulmen had not; and so the 
crowded janizaries presented an easy mark. Still, they 
filled up the gaps from the reserve in the small vessel, 
and the Spaniards wasted away under their fire. For a 
long time it was doubtful to which side victory would 
incline. 

This conflict was now complicated by the entrance of 
others. The bravest on each side came to the aid of the 
two commanders, and each leader at times found himself 
assailed by several enemies. They never lost sight of 
each other, however, and after beating off lesser assailants, 
returned to the single combat. 

The fight was now general, and the movements of both 
fleets obscured by clouds of smoke. Separate detach- 
ments desperately engaged each other, without regard 



LEPANTO. 75 

to what was going on in other quarters; and there were 
few of the combinations and manoeuvres of a great naval 
battle. 

The galleys grappled each other, and soldiers, sailors 
and galley slaves fought, hand to hand, boarding and 
repelling boarders, in turn. 

There was enormous loss of life; the decks being 
encumbered with the dead, and in some ships every man 
on board was either killed or wounded. The blood 
flowed in torrents out of the scuppers, and the waters of 
the gulf were stained for miles. Wrecks of vessels 
encumbered the sea, with hulls shattered, masts gone, 
and thousands of wounded and drowning clinging to 
spars, and crying vainly for help. 

As we have already seen, Barberigo, with the Christian 
left wing, was early in sore distress ; Barberigo himself 
being mortally wounded, his line turned, and several of 
his galleys being sunk or captured. But the Venetians, 
in sheer despair, increased their efforts, and succeeded 
in driving off their enemies. In turn they became the 
assailants, and boarded Turk after Turk, putting the crews 
to the sword. They were led to the assault by a Capu- 
chin friar, crucifix in hand — as were many other crews. 

In some cases the Christian galley slaves of the Turkish 
vessels broke their chains and joined their countrymen 
against their Moslem masters. 

The galley of the Viceroy of Egypt was sunk, and he 
himself was killed by John Contarini, the Venetians 
having no mercy for even a drowning Turkish enemy. 
The death oftheir commander spread dismay among his 
followers, and that division fled before the Venetians. 
Those nearest the land ran on shore, escaping, and 
leaving their vessels to be captured, and many perished 
before they could gain the land. Barberigo lived to 



76 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

hear the news, and giving thanks, expired in the moment 
of victory. 

All this time the combat between the two commanders- 
in-chief had been going on, with an incessant blaze of 
great guns and musketry, making a cloud of smoke, 
riven by flame. Both parties fought with stubborn cour- 
age. Twice the Spaniards had boarded, and twice had 
been repulsed with severe loss. The enemy was con- 
tinually reinforced, in spite of the loss inflicted by the 
steady fire of the Spanish arquebusiers. Occasionally 
interrupted, they always returned to each other ; and both 
commanders exposed themselves as fully as any soldier, 
there being no honorable place of safety. Don John was 
slightly wounded in the foot, but would not have it 
dressed. A third time his trumpets summoned the board- 
ers, and the Spaniards again boldly boarded the great Turk- 
ish galley. They were met by Ali, at the head of his jani- 
zaries ; but the Ottoman leader was just then knocked 
senseless by a musket ball, and his chosen troops, though 
fighting well, missed his voice and presence. After a 
short but furious struggle they threw down their arms. 
Under a heap of slain the body of Ali was found. Life was 
not extinct, but he would at once have been dispatched 
had he not told the soldiers who discovered him where 
his money and jewels were to be found. In their haste 
to secure these, they left him lying upon the deck. Just 
then a galley slave, who had been liberated and armed, 
severed the head of Ali from his body, and carried it to 
Don John, on board his galley. Don John was shocked 
at the sight, and, after a glance of horror and pity, ordered 
it to be thrown into the sea. This was not done, how- 
ever, but, in revenge for Bragadino, it was placed upon a 
pike, while the crescent banner was hauled down, and the 
cross run up in its place. The sight of the sacred banner 



LEPANTO. 77 

flying on board the captured flag-ship was welcomed by 
the Christian fleet with shouts of victory, which rose 
above the din of battle. The intelligence of the death 
of AH was soon passed along the line, cheering the Allies, 
and disheartening the Turks, whose exertions diminished 
and whose fire slackened. 

They were too far off to seek the shore, as their com- 
rades on the right had done, and they had either to fight 
or surrender. Most of them preferred the latter, and 
their vessels were now carried by boarding, or sunk by 
the Allies; and in four hours the centre of the Moslem 
fleet, like their right wing, had been annihilated. 

On the right of the Allies, however, Uluch Ali, the' 
redoubted Algerine, had cut Doria's weakened line, and 
inflicted great damage and loss, and would have done 
more but for the arrival of the reserve, under the Mar 
quis Santa Cruz. He had already assisted Don John 
when assailed by overwhelming numbers, and had enabled 
him again to attack Ali. 

Santa Cruz, seeing the critical condition of Doria, 
pushed forward to his relief, supported by the Sicilian 
squadron. Dashing into the midst of the melee, the two 
commanders fell like a thunder-bolt upon the Algerine 
galleys, few of which attempted to withstand the shock ; 
and in their haste to avoid it, they were caught again by 
Doria and his Genoese. 

Beset on all sides, Uluch Ali was compelled to abandon 
his prizes and seek safety in flight. He cut adrift his 
great prize, the Maltese "Capitana," which he had 
attached by a hawser to the stern of his own vessel, and 
on board of which three hundred corpses attested the 
desperate character of her defence. 

As tidings reached him of the defeat of the centre, and 
of the death of Ali Pasha, he felt that retreat alone was 



78 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

left for him,with as many of his own ships as he could save 
from capture. His contingent comprised the best vessels 
in the Turkish fleet, with crews in perfect discipline and 
hardened to the sea, having always been corsairs, and 
accustomed to scour the Mediterranean at all seasons. 

Making signal for retreat, the Algerine made off, under 
all the sail the battle had left him, and urged forward 
also by the exertions of his Christian galley slaves, 
smarting under the blows of his enraged comites. 

Doria and Santa Cruz followed swiftly in his wake, but 
he managed to distance them, and to carry off with him 
many of his ships. Don John himself joined in the 
chase, having disposed of his own assailants, and they 
finally managed to drive a few of the Algerine vessels 
upon the rocks of a headland; but their crews in great 
part escaped. Uluch's escape was due to the fact that 
the rowers of the Christian fleet had taken part in the 
battle, and while many were killed or wounded, the 
remainder were much exhausted, while the Algerine 
galley slaves, chained to their benches, and passive during 
much of the fight, were comparatively fresh. 

As already stated, the battle lasted more than four 
hours, and before it was over the sky showed signs 01 
a coming storm. Don John reconnoitred the scene ol 
action before seeking a shelter for himself and his num- 
erous prizes. Several vessels were found to be too much 
damaged for further service, and as these were mostly 
prizes, he ordered everything of value to be removed 
from them and the hulls burned. 

He then led his victorious fleet to the neighboring 
haven of Petala, which was accessible and secure. Be- 
fore he reached there the storm had begun, while the late 
scene of battle was lighted up by the blazing wrecks, 
throwing up streams of fire and showers of sparks. 



LEPANTO. 79 

The young commander-in-chief was now congratulated 
upon his signal victory, by his companions in arms. 

Officers and men recounted the various events of the 
day, and natural exultation was mingled with gloom as 
they gained certain tidings of the loss of friends who 
had bought this great success with their blood. 

The loss of life had indeed been very great ; greater 
by far than in any modern sea fight. It is supposed that 
the Turks suffered most heavily, but their loss was never 
known. It has been estimated at 25,000 killed and 
drowned, and 5000 prisoners. It was, indeed, a crushing 
blow to them. 

To the victors great pleasure was given by the fact 
that at least 1 2,000 Christian slaves, who had been (some 
of them for many years) chained to the oars of the Turk- 
ish galleys, were made free. Many of them were hope- 
lessly broken in health ; but tears streamed down their 
haggard cheeks at the prospect of dying in their own 
land and among their own people. 

The losses of the Allies, though very great, were as 
nothing compared to that of the Moslem. About one 
thousand Romans and two thousand Spaniards were 
killed, while the Venetians and Sicilians lost about five 
thousand. This disparity of loss has been attributed to 
the superiority of the Christians in the use of firearms. 
The Turks still clung to the bow, and a large proportion 
of their fighting men were thus armed. The Turks, 
moreover, were the vanquished party, and, as is generally 
the case, suffered terribly in the pursuit. Their great 
armada was almost annihilated, not more than forty of 
their galleys escaping. One hundred and thirty were 
actually taken, and divided among the conquerors ; the 
remainder were either sunk or burned. The Allies had 
about fifteen galleys sunk, and had many much damaged; 



80 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

but their vessels were much better constructed and 
stronger than those of the Turks, whom they also excelled 
in nautical evolutions. 

An immense booty of gold, jewels and brocades was 
found on board the prizes ; it being said that Ali Pasha's 
ship alone contained 170,000 gold sequins, or nearly 
$400,000, a very large sum for those days. 

The number of persons of rank and consideration who 
embarked in the expedition was very great, both among 
the Christians and the Moslem, and many of these were 
slain. The second in command of the Venetian force, 
the commander-in-chief of the Turkish fleet, and the com- 
mander of his right wing, all fell in the battle. Many a 
high-born Christian cavalier closed at Lepanto a long 
career of honorable service. On the other hand many 
dated the commencement of their success in arms from 
that day. Among these was Alexander Farnese, Prince of 
Parma, who became a great general, and whom we shall 
hear of again, in connection with the Spanish Armada. 
Although only a few years younger than his kinsman, 
Don John, he was making his first campaign as a private 
adventurer. During the battle the galley in which he 
was embarked was lying, yard arm and yard arm, along- 
side a Turkish galley, with which she was hotly engaged. 
In the midst of the fight Farnese sprang on board the 
enemy, hewing down with his Andrea Ferrara all who 
opposed him, thus opening a path for his comrades, who 
poured in, one after another, and after a bloody contest, 
captured the vessel. As Farnese's galley lay just astern 
of that of Don John, the latter witnessed, with great 
pride and delight, the gallant deed of his nephew. An- 
other youth was at Lepanto, who, though then unknown, 
was destined to win ereater laurels than those of the 
battle field. This was Miguel de Cervantes, then twenty- 



LEPANTO. 81 

four years of age, and serving as a common soldier. He 
had been ill of a fever, but on the morning- of the battle 
insisted on taking a very exposed post. Here he was 
wounded twice in the chest, and once in the left hand, 
from which he lost its use. The right hand served to 
write one of the most remarkable books ever known, 
Don Quixote; and Cervantes always said that, for all 
his wounds, he would not have missed the glory of being 
present on that memorable day. 

A fierce storm raged for twenty-four hours after the 
battle of Lepanto, but the fleet rode in safety at Petala ; 
and it remained there four days, during which Don John 
visited the different vessels, providing for their repairs 
and for the wounded, and distributing honors among 
those who had earned them. His kindly and generous 
disposition was not only shown to his own people, but 
to the Turkish prisoners. Among these were two young 
sons of Ali, the Moslem commander-in-chief. They had 
not been on board his galley, and to their affliction at his 
death was now added the doom of imprisonment. 

Don John sent for them, and they prostrated themselves 
before him on the deck ; but he raised and embraced 
them, and said all he could to console them, ordering 
them to be treated with the consideration due to their 
rank. He also assigned them quarters, and gave them 
rich apparel and a sumptuous table. A letter came from 
their sister, Fatima, soliciting the freedom of her brothers 
and appealing to Don John's well known humanity. He 
had already sent a courier to Constantinople, to convey 
the assurance of their safety. As was the custom then, 
Fatima had sent with her letter presents of enormous 
value. 

In the division of the spoils and slaves, the young 
Turkish princes had been assigned to the Pope, but Don 
6 



82 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

John succeeded in procuring their liberation. Unfortu- 
nately, the elder, who was about seventeen, died at 
Naples ; but the younger, who was only thirteen, was 
sent home with his attendants, and with him were sent 
the presents received from Fatima, on the ground that 
the young commander-in-chief only granted free favors. 

Don John also made friends with the testy old Vene- 
tian admiral, Veniero, with whom he had had a serious 
difficulty before the battle. 

Veniero afterwards became Doge — the third of his 
family to reach that eminence — -which office he held until 
his death. 

Before leaving Petala a council was held, to decide 
upon the next operation* of the fleet. Some were for an 
immediate attack upon Constantinople ; while others con- 
sidered the fleet in no condition for such an enterprise, 
and recommended that it be disbanded, go into winter 
quarters, and renew operations in the spring. 

Some agreed with Don John, that, before disbanding, 
they should do something more. An attack upon Santa 
Maura was determined on ; but on reconnoitering, it was 
found to be too strong to be captured otherwise than by 
siege. 

A division of spoils among the Allies then took place. 
One-half of the captured vessels, and of the artillery and 
small arms, was set apart for the King of Spain. The 
other half was divided between the Pope and the Republic 
of Venice ; while the money and rich goods were dis- 
tributed amone the officers and crews. 

The fleet then dispersed ; and Don John proceeded to 
Messina, where great joy was felt, and immense fetes 
awaited him; for he had been gone from them only six 
weeks, and had, in the meantime, won the greatest battle 
of modern times. The whole population flocked to the 



LEPANTO. 83 

water side to welcome the victorious fleet, which came 
back not without scars, but bearing the consecrated 
banner still proudly aloft. In their rear were the battered 
prizes, with their flags trailing ignominiously in the water. 
There were music, garlands of flowers, triumphal arches, 
salvos of artillery, a gorgeous canopy, and a Te Dcum 
in the Cathedral. A grand banquet followed, when Don 
John was presented with 30,000 crowns by the city, 
which also voted him a colossal statue in bronze. Don 
John accepted the money, but only for the sick and 
wounded; and his own share of booty from Ali's galley 
he ordered to be distributed among his own crew. 

The news of Lepanto caused a great sensation 
throughout Christendom, as the Turks had been con- 
sidered invincible at sea. Upon the receipt of the intelli- 
gence the Sultan Selim covered his head with dust, and 
refused food for three days — while all Christendom was 
repeating, after the sovereign Pontiff, "There was a man 
sent from God, whose name was John." 

In Venice, which might be said to have gained a new 
lease of life from the results of the battle, there were 
ceremonial rejoicings, and, by public decree, the 7th of 
October was set apart forever as a national anniversary. 

In Naples the joy was great, as their coasts had been 
so often desolated by Ottoman cruisers, and their people 
carried off as slaves. So, when Santa Cruz returned he 
was welcomed as a deliverer from bondage. 

But even greater honors were paid to Colonna, in 
Rome. He was borne in stately procession, and trophies 
were carried after him, with the captives following, quite 
in the style of the old Roman triumphs. 

Of course, the rejoicing in Spain did not fall short of 
that in the other countries concerned. 

The great Ottoman standard, the greatest trophy of 



84 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the battle, was deposited in the Escorial, where it was 
afterwards destroyed by fire. 

When the victory was announced to Philip he was at 
prayer, which he did not interrupt, and he pretended to 
receive the intelligence very coolly. But he ordered 
illuminations and masses; and commanded Titian, who 
was then in Madrid, and ninety years of age, to paint the 
"Victory of the League," still in the Museum of Madrid. 

The Pope made every effort, by special ambassadors, 
to have the King press the war, and to extend the alli- 
ance against the Turks. 

But Philip was lukewarm, even cold, and said that, 
for his part, he feared the Turks less than he did the 
Christian dissenters of Belgium, England, and the Low 
Countries. 

It has been said that Charles V would have followed 
his victory to the gates of Constantinople, but the Duke 
of Alva thought that, Don John's force being a mixed one, 
he would not have succeeded unless supported by the 
united force of Christendom, so great was the Moslem 
power at that time. 

The battle lost the Turks no territory, but broke the 
charm of invincibility which they had possessed. Venice 
gained confidence, and the Ottomans never again took the 
initiative against that State — while those who have most 
carefully studied the history of the Ottoman Empire date 
its decline from the battle of Lepanto. 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 85 

VI. 

THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. A. D. 1588. 




RMADA signifies, in Spanish, a Sea Army; 
and Philip the Second named the great 
fleet which he sent forth in 1 588 " invin- 
cible," because he thought that it must 
prevail against the forces of the heretic 
Hollanders and English, who excited his 
disgust and anger much more than the 
Moslem enemies with whom we have 
seen him last engaged. 
Philip II, son of Charles V, was born at Valladolid, in 
1527, and, by the abdication of his father, became King of 
Spain in 1556. His first wife was Maria, of Portugal, 
and his second was Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII. 
Philip was the most powerful prince of his time. Spain, 
Naples, Sicily, the Milanais, Franche Comte, the Low 
Countries, Tunis, Oran, the Cape Verdes, Canaries, and a 
great part of the Americas owned his sway. 

Always a fanatic, as he advanced in years the exter- 
mination of heretics became his one passion. He sent 
the pitiless Duke of Alva to the Low Countries, where, 
however, all his cruelties and persecutions could not pre- 
vent the spread of the Reformed religion. Fortunately 
for England, as we shall see, the Low Countries secured 
their independence in 1581. 

In Spain, Philip was employing the Inquisition against 
Moors and heretics ; and executions were depopulating 



86 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the Peninsula and ruining the country. It was only by 
serious insurrections that the Milanese resisted the es- 
tablishment of the Inquisition there ; but to make up for 
that, and for his loss of the Low Countries, Philip had 
made the conquest of Portugal, and had extended to that 
country the practices of Spain. 

Elizabeth of England had not only established heretical 
practices in her realm, but had executed Mary Stuart, 
and also added to her offences, in his eyes, by sending 
sympathy and assistance to the persecuted Flemings. 

Brooding over these things, in his secret, silent way, 
Philip determined to invade England, reestablish Catholi- 
cism, and avenge the Queen of Scots. 

To this end he devoted some years to the assembling 
of the most tremendous fleet which the world, up to that 
time, had seen. 

The Spanish nobility were encouraged to join in this 
new crusade, and responded to the invitation in crowds. 
The ships, collectively, were to carry more than three 
thousand guns. A Vicar-General of the Inquisition was 
to accompany the fleet, and establish the Inquisition in 
England ; and it has been affirmed that complete sets of 
instruments of torture were also taken. 

The Duke of Parma, with a large army, was to join the 
Armada from Belgium, and insure the conquest. This, 
we shall see, was prevented by the noble and faithful con- 
duct of Holland, which, in spite of legitimate cause of com- 
plaint against England, in the recent design of the Earl of 
Leicester, came nobly to the rescue, and blockaded Parma, 
so that he and his troops were rendered unavailable. 
But for this, and some mistakes of the naval commanders, 
in all probability English history would have been very 
different. Many reports of the expedition had reached 
England, but just about the time it was ready Elizabeth's 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 87 

fears had been lulled by the prospect of successful nego- 
tiations, and many of her advisers thought the threatened 
expedition would never approach English shores. 

Elizabeth, fortunately for England, had revived the 
navy, as well as the merchant service, which had been so 
greatly neglected between the death of her father and 
her own accession. 

The wealthier nobles and citizens, encouraged by the 
queen, built many men-of-war, and the Royal navy was 
soon able to take the sea with 20,000 fighting men. 

The prudence and foresight of the queen in these 
measures was rewarded by the success of her seamen in 
disposing of a force such as had hardly ever been arrayed 
against any country, by sea. Philip, "who from his closet 
in Madrid aspired to govern the world," and who 
hated Protestantism with so great a hatred that he de- 
clared " if his own son was a heretic he would carry wood 
to burn him," had good and devoted soldiers to carry 
out his views. The Duke of Alva was inconceivably cold- 
blooded and cruel, yet he was a man of great ability. No 
more perfect chevalier and enlightened soldier existed 
than the young Don John, whose career was so short; 
and the famous Duke of Parma, the greatest general of 
the day, was to command the army of invasion ; while 
the Duke of Medina Sidonia, one of the highest grandees 
of Spain, was a most gallant soldier. He was no sea- 
man, and was surrounded by a staff of soldiers, or else 
there might have been a different story to tell of Philip's 
Armada. But that does not detract from the Duke's 
personal devotion and gallantry; and the expedition was 
accompanied by hundreds of officers of like personal 

character. 

In regard to the Armada and its destination, Philip at 
first preserved the secrecy which was so consonant with 



88 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

his nature; but at last, when publicity could no longer 
be avoided, he had every dock-yard and arsenal in his 
dominions resounding with the hum and noise of a busy 
multitude, working day and night, to provide the means 
necessary to accomplish his purpose. New ships were 
built, and old ones repaired ; while immense quantities of 
military stores were forwarded to the Netherlands, a 
convenient base of supplies for the invaders. 

The New World was then pouring its treasures into 
Philip's coffers, the product of the enslavement of whole 
nations, and this immense wealth Philip poured out in 
turn, lavishly, to accomplish his darling ambition, which 
was the subjection of all that remained free in the Old 
World. 

" Rendezvous for the shipment of seamen were opened 
in every seaport town ; while throughout Philip's vast 
dominions there was not a hamlet so insignificant, or a 
cottage so lowly, but that the recruiting sergeant made 
his way to it, in his eagerness to raise troops for the grand 
army, which, blessed by the Pope, and led by the famous 
Duke of Parma, was destined, it was confidently believed, 
to march in triumph through the streets of London, and, 
by one sweeping auto-da-fe, extirpate heresy from that 
accursed land which every Spanish Catholic was taught 
to regard as the stronghold of the devil." 

" Volunteers of every degree, and from every corner 
of Europe, hastened to enlist under the banner of Castile. 
Of these, many were religious bigots, impelled to the 
crusade against English heretics by fanatic zeal; a few, 
men of exalted character, not unknown to fame ; but by 
far the greater number, needy adventurers, seeking for 
spoil. At length, in April, 1588, after nearly three years 
of preparation, the army of invasion, 60,000 strong, was 
concentrated at Dunkirk and Nieuport, where large, 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 89 

flat-bottomed transports were built, ready for its recep- 
tion. 

"But still the Armada, that was to convoy the transports, 
and cover the landing of the troops on their arrival in 
England, loitered in Lisbon, waiting for a favorable wind. 
Toward the end of May it moved out of the Tagus by de- 
tachments, and passing the dangerous shoals called the 
Cachopos in safety, took its departure from Cape Roca, 
the westernmost point of Portugal, and of the continent 
of Europe, on June ist, sailing due north, with a light 
southwesterly breeze. The fleet consisted in all of one 
hundred and thirty-two vessels, carrying 3165 guns, 
21,639 soldiers, 8745 seamen, and 2088 galley slaves; 
and its aggregate burden was not less than 65,000 tons." 

The San Martin, a vessel of fifty guns, belonging to 
the contingent furnished by Portugal, carried the flag of 
the commander-in-chief, the Duke de Medina Sidonia, 
already mentioned. 

This great Armada was very unwieldy, and contained 
many dull sailers, so that, making its way at the average 
rate of only about thirteen miles a day, it passed the 
Berlingas, crept by Figuera, Oporto and Vigo, and finally 
lay becalmed off Cape Finisterre. Up to this time the 
winds, if baffling, had been moderate, the weather pleasant, 
and the sea smooth as glass. But now the Spanish fleet 
was assailed by a tempest, which might be called fearful, 
even in the stormy Bay of Biscay. 

Blowing at first fitfully, and in heavy squalls, it by 
nightfall settled into a steady gale from west-north-west, 
driving before it a tremendous sea, the surges of which 
broke with a roar distinctly heard above the fierce howling 
of the wind. Yet, though the sea ran high, it was not 
irregular, and the Armada, under snug canvas, was 
making good weather of it, when, a little after midnight, 



90 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the wind shifted very suddenly to northeast, blowing with 
the violence of a tornado, and taking every ship under 
square sail flat aback. Some of the vessels, gathering 
sternboard, lost their rudders, which were in that day 
very insecure ; some, thrown on their beam-ends, were 
forced to cut away their masts and throw overboard their 
guns; while all lost sails and top-hamper, and not a few 
the upper deck cabins, at that time so lofty. 

When day broke the spectacle was presented of a 
whole fleet helplessly adrift upon the ocean. Many of 
the largest and finest vessels were lying in the trough of 
the sea, which every now and then made a clean breach 
over them, each time carrying off some of the crews. 
Among the fleet was a huge Portuguese galley, the Diana, 
which had been knocked down by the shift of wind, lost 
her masts and oars, and was lying on her side, gradually 
filling with water, and fast settling by the stern. The rest 
of the vessels were powerless to assist her, and she soon 
sank before their eyes, carrying down every soul belong- 
ing to her, including, of course, the poor galley slaves 
chained to her oars. 

Then, to add to the horrors of storm and shipwreck, a 
mutiny broke out among the rowers of the galley Vasana 
(a motley crew of Turkish and Moorish prisoners and 
Christian felons), who had been long watching for an 
opportunity to secure their freedom; and now, seeing 
their galley to windward of all the vessels of the Armada, 
with the exception of the Capitana galley, which was a 
mile away from them, they judged the occasion favorable 
for the accomplishment of their purpose. Led by a 
Welshman, named David Gwynne, the mutinous galley- 
slaves attacked the sailors and soldiers of the Vasana, 
and as they exceeded them in number, and the free men 
had no time to seize their arms, while the slaves were 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 91 

armed with stilettoes made of all kinds of metal, and care- 
fully concealed for such an occasion, they quite easily 
prevailed. The captain of the Capitana, seeing that 
something was wrong on board the Vasana, ran down as 
close to her as the heavy sea would permit, and, finding 
her already in possession of the Welshman and his fellow 
galley-slaves, poured a broadside into her, which cut 
her up terribly, and filled her decks with more killed and 
wounded men. At this critical moment, while engaged 
with an enemy without, the crew of the Capitana found 
themselves threatened with a greater danger from within. 
Their own slaves now rose, broke their chains, and took 
part in the engagement. It is not known whether they 
had any previous knowledge of an attempt on board the 
Vasana, or whether it was the effect of example. At any 
rate, they rushed upon their late masters and oppressors 
with such weapons as they had concealed, or could seize at 
the moment, and attacked them with desperate and irresist- 
ible fury and resolution. The struggle, in the midst of the 
gale, for the possession of the Capitana, was furious but 
brief. It ended in the triumph of the galley-slaves, who, 
like their fellows on board the Vasana, spared no rank 
nor age. The massacre was soon over, and the bodies 
thrown into the water ; and the gale soon after abating, 
the galleys were run into Bayonne, where, Motley says, 
G wynne was graciously received by Henry of Navarre. 
The crippled Armada, having lost three of its finest 
galleys, managed to creep into the different ports on the 
northern shore of Spain. 

Once more they all made rendezvous at Corunna, and 
after a month spent in repairs, sailed again, on July 2 2d, 
for Calais Roads. 

With fair winds and fine weather, the Spanish fleet 
struck soundings in the English channel on July 28th, and 



92 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the following day, in the afternoon, were in sight of the 
Lizard, whence they were seen and recognized, and soon, 
by bonfires, and other preconcerted signals, all England 
knew that the long threatened danger was close at hand ; 
and, without faltering, one and all prepared to meet it. 

The most of the English fleet was in Plymouth at the 
time. Many of the principal officers were on shore, play- 
ing at bowls, and otherwise amusing themselves, and the 
wind was blowing directly into the harbor, preventing the 
fleet from pulling to sea. But the commander-in-chief, 
Lord Howard of Effingham, was equal to the emergency; 
summoning all to instant exertion ; and before daylight 
the following morning sixty-seven of his best ships had 
been, with extreme labor and difficulty, towed and kedged 
into deep water, and, commanded by such men as Drake, 
Frobisher, and Hawkins, were off the Eddystone, keep- 
ing a sharp lookout for the Spaniards. Every hour 
additional vessels were joining the English fleet. 

During the whole forenoon the wind was very light, 
and the weather thick ; but towards evening a fine south- 
west wind set in, and the mist rising, the two fleets 
discovered each other. 

The Armada, in a half-moon, and in complete battle 
array, was so compactly drawn up that its flanking vessels 
were distributed but seven miles from each other ; and all 
were bearing steadily up channel. The Spanish guns were 
so numerous, and so much heavier in calibre than anything 
the English carried, that the Lord High Admiral saw at 
once that the force at his command could not successfully 
confront the enemy. He therefore permitted them to 
pass without firing a shot; but hung closely upon their 
rear, in hopes of cutting off any vessels which might chance 
to fall astern of the others. It was not until the next 
day, Sunday, July 31st, that an opportunity offered for 




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THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 93 

attacking to advantage. Then, " sending a pinnace, 
called the Defiance, before him, to denounce war against 
the enemy, by the discharge of all her guns," Howard at 
once opened fire from his own ship, the Royal Oak, upon 
a large galleon, commanded by Don Alphonso de Leyva, 
which he took to be the flag-ship of the Spanish com- 
mander-in-chief. 

In the meantime, the combined squadrons of Drake, 
Frobisher and Hawkins opened furiously upon the fleet 
of Biscay, or of northern Spain, which, consisting of four- 
teen vessels, and carrying 302 guns, was commanded by 
Vice-admiral Recalde, an officer of great experience. 
This squadron had been formed into a rear guard, in 
expectation of just such an attack. 

Recalde maintained the unequal fight for some hours, 
and with great obstinacy ; all the while endeavoring to 
get within small-arm range of the English, which he knew 
would be fatal to them, as he had a large force of arque- 
busiers embarked in his division. 

But his wary antagonists, whose vessels, "light, weath- 
erly and nimble, sailed six feet to the Spaniards' two, and 
tacked twice to their once," evaded every effort to close, 
and keeping at long range, inflicted much damage upon 
their enemy without receiving any themselves. 

At length, seeing how matters stood, the Duke Medina 
Sidonia signaled to Recalde to join the main body of the 
fleet ; and, hoisting the Royal standard of Spain at his 
main, drew out his whole force in order of battle, and 
endeavored to bring on a general engagement. This 
Howard prudently avoided, and so the Spaniards had to 
keep on their course again, up channel, and " maintain 
a running fight of it ;" the English now, as before, hang- 
ing on their rear, and receiving constant reinforcements 
from their seaport towns, in full view of which, as the 



94 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Armada hugged the English shore, Howard, with his 
gallant ships and men, was passing. 

In these days London alone sent forth fifty armed ships. 

The night which followed was one fraught with disaster 
to the Spaniards. The gunner of the Santa Anna, a 
Fleming by birth, who had been reprimanded by his 
captain for some neglect of duty, in revenge laid a train to 
the magazine, and blew up all the after part of the vessel, 
with more than half her officers and crew. 

The vessel nearest the Santa Anna hurried to her 
assistance, and was engaged in rescuing the survivors, 
when, in the darkness and confusion, two galleys fell foul 
of the flagship of the Andalusian squadron, and carried 
away her foremast close to the deck, so that she dropped 
astern of the Armada, and, the night being very dark, was 
soon lost sight of by her friends, and assailed by her 
vigilant foes. 

Being well manned, and carrying fifty guns, she main- 
tained her defence until daylight, when, finding the Eng- 
lish hemming her in on all sides, Don Pedro de Valdez, 
the Admiral, struck his flag to Drake, in the Revenge, 
much to the chagrin of Frobisher and Hawkins, who had 
hoped to make prize of her themselves. 

Don Pedro, who was courteously received by Drake, 
remained on board the Revenge until the ioth of August; 
so that he was an eye witness of all the subsequent 
events, and of the final discomfiture of his countrymen. 

Drake sent the captain of the Santa Anna, " a prisoner, 
to Dartmouth, and left the money on board the prize, to 
be plundered by his men." 

All the following day was spent by the Duke in re- 
arranging his fleet; and after the vessels were in the 
stations assigned them, each captain had written orders 
not to leave that station, under penalty of death. 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 95 

In this new order the rear guard was increased to forty- 
three vessels, and placed under the command of Don 
Alphonso de Leyva, who had orders to avoid skirmishing' 
as much as possible, but to lose no opportunity of bring- 
ing on a general engagement, or decisive battle. 

On the 2d of August, at daylight, the wind shifted to 
the northeast, whereupon the Spanish, being to windward, 
bore down upon the English under full sail. But the 
latter also squared away, and having the advantage of 
greater speed, refused, as before, to allow their enemy to 
close with them ; so the engagement was without result, 
there being little loss on the part of the Spaniards, while 
the only Englishman killed was a Mr. Cock, who was 
bravely fighting the enemy in a small vessel of his own. 

Towards evening the wind backed to the west again, 
and the Armada once more continued its course toward 
Calais. 

On the 3d of August there was a suspension of hostili- 
ties, and the Lord High Admiral received a supply of 
powder and ball, and a reinforcement of ships, and 
intended to attack the enemy in the middle of the night, 
but was prevented by a calm 

On the 4th, however, a straggler from the Spanish fleet 
was made prize of by the English. 

This brought on a sharp engagement between the 
Spanish rear guard and the English advance, under Fro- 
bisher, which would have resulted in Frobisher's capture 
had not Howard himself gone to the rescue, in the 
"Ark-Royal, followed by the Lion, the Bear, the Bull, the 
Elizabeth, and a great number of smaller vessels." The 
fiehting- was for some time severe, but as soon as Fro- 
bisher was relieved, Howard, observing that the Duke 
was approaching, with the main body of the Spanish 
fleet, prudently gave the order to retire. It was, indeed, 



96 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

hio-h time, for the Ark-Royal was so badly crippled that 
she had to be towed out of action. 

The Lord High Admiral afterwards knighted Lord 
Thomas Howard, Lord Sheffield, Townsend, Hawkins 
and Frobisher, for their gallantry on this occasion ; but a 
convincing proof that the English had the worst of it in 
the encounter is the determination of a council of war 
"not to make any further attempt upon the enemy until 
they should be arrived in the Straits of Dover, where 
the Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter were 
lying in wait for them." 

So the Armada kept on its way, unmolested, and with 
a fair wind, past Hastings and Dungeness, until it got to 
the north of the Varne, an extensive shoal in the 
Channel. 

Then it left the English coast, and hauled up for Calais 
Road, where it anchored on the afternoon of Saturday, 
August 6th, close in to shore, with the Castle bearing 
from the centre of the fleet due east. 

The English followed, and anchored two miles outside. 
Strengthened by the accession of Seymour's and Winter's 
squadron, they now numbered one hundred and forty 
sail — many of them large ships, but the majority small. 
Every day since he had been in the Channel the 
Spanish commander-in-chief had despatched a messenger 
to the French coast, to proceed by land, and warn the 
Duke of Parma of the approach of the Armada, and to 
impress upon him the necessity of his being ready to 
make his descent upon England the moment the fleet 
reached Calais; and especially he desired Parma to send 
him, at once, pilots for the French and Flemish coasts, 
which those in the fleet had no knowledge of. To his 
bitter disappointment, on reaching Calais he found no 
preparation of any kind, and none of his requests com- 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 97 

plied with. All that night, and all day of August 7th, the 
vast Armada lay idly at anchor, vainly watching for the 
coming of Parma's army, and not knowing that its egress 
from Nieuport and Dunkirk was a simple impossibility, 
since the fleets of Holland and Zealand were in full pos- 
session of all the narrow channels between Nieuport and 
Hils Banks and the Flemish shore; and Parma had not 
a single vessel of war to oppose to them. 

On the evening of the 7th the appearance of the 
weather caused great anxiety to the seamen of the 
Armada, the sun setting in a dense bank of clouds, and 
they realized, much more fully than the soldiers on board, 
the insecurity of their anchorage; as a northwest gale, 
likely to rise at any moment, would drive them upon the 
treacherous quicksands of the French coast. 

While this apprehension was troubling the seamen 
of the Armada, the English were fearful least Parma's 
transports, eluding the vigilance of the Dutch cruisers, 
should suddenly heave in sight. But, as the evening 
drew on, and they observed the threatening sky, and 
heard the increasing surf upon the shore, both of which 
boded a storm, they became reassured. A little before 
midnight of the 7th, the weather being very thick, and 
a strong current setting towards the Spanish fleet, the 
English prepared to send in among them eight fire-ships, 
which they had prepared as soon as they found the enemy 
anchored close together. The English captains Young 
and Prowse towed them in, directing their course, and 
firing them with great coolness and judgment. A great 
panic resulted among the Spaniards, for they knew that 
the English had in their service an Italian, who, three 
years before, had created great havoc and destruction at 
Antwerp, by ingenious floating torpedoes or mines, and 
they no sooner saw the fire-ships, "all alight with flame, 
7 



98 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

from their keelsons to their mast-heads," and bearing 
down upon them, than they imagined Giannibelli and his 
infernal machines in their midst. Shouts of " we are 
lost!" passed through the fleet, but in the midst of the 
panic the Duke de Medina Sidonia (who had been 
warned by Philip to be on his guard lest the dreaded 
Drake should burn his vessels) maintained his composure. 
He at once made the signal agreed upon, to cut cables 
and stand clear of the danger; and the Armada was soon 
under sail, and out of harm's way from fire. But the 
fright and confusion had been so great that, next morn- 
ing, when the Duke wished to rally his fleet and return 
to his anchorage, many ships were out of signal distance, 
some far at sea, and others among the shoals of the coast 
of Flanders. 

The 8th of August dawned with squally, southwest 
weather, and the English observed some of the Spanish 
vessels to be crippled, and drifting to leeward, while the 
San Lorenzo, flag-ship of the squadron of galleasses (the 
class of large vessels which had contributed so much to 
the victory of Lepanto), was endeavoring to get into the 
harbor of Calais. Her rudder was gone, and, although 
her rowers were endeavoring to keep her in the narrow 
channel leading to the town, she yawed widely across it, 
and finally grounded on a sand bank near the town. In 
this position she was attacked by the boats of the Eng- 
lish fleet, and after a stubborn resistance, in which many 
fell on both sides, was boarded and carried. The Gov- 
enor of Calais claimed her as of right pertaining to him, 
and the English, just then not caring to quarrel with the 
French, gave her up to him, but not before they had 
plundered her. 

The boat expedition no sooner returned, than Howard 
bore up for the Armada, the bulk of which was then off 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 99 

Gravelines, sailing in double Echelon, with flanks pro- 
tected "by the three remaining galleasses, and the great 
galleons of Portugal." # The Duke Medina Sidonia at 
once hauled by the wind, with signal flying for close 
action, and the Royal standard at his fore. But the 
English had speed, handiness, and the weather gauge in 
their favor, and were enabled, as before, to choose their 
own distance, and after a desultory fight of six hours, the 
Duke (finding he was losing men, and had three of his 
best ships sunk, as many more put hors-de-combat, and 
having" exhausted his shot, without a chance of brino-ino- 
Howard within boarding distance, or of Parma's coming 
out to join him) telegraphed to the fleet "to make its way 
to Spain, north about the British Isles," and then himself 
kept away for the North Sea. 

The sands of Zealand threatened him on one hand, and 
the hardy English seamen on the other ; and with these 
odds against him, the proud Spaniard had no resource 
left but to retreat. 

That night it blew a strong breeze from the north, 
and the next day some of the Spanish vessels were in 
great danger from the Dutch shoals, but a shift of wind 
saved them. 

The English kept close after them until August 1 2th, 
when, being themselves short of provisions and ammuni- 
tion, they came by U12 wind, and stood back for their own 
shores, where, of course, the intelligence they brought 
caused great joy, after the narrow escape from invasion. 

An intelligent officer, Commodore Foxhall A. Parker, 
United States Navy, commenting upon these actions, 
says, "it has been asserted that Medina Sidonia so 
dreaded the passage around the grim Hebrides that he 
was upon the point of surrender to Howard, when he last 
approached him, but was dissuaded from doing so by the 



100 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Ecclesiastics on board his vessel ; but this story, as well 
as one told by the Spanish soldiers who were taken 
prisoners in the fight of August 8th, and who wished to 
curry favor with their captors, that this fight ' far exceeded 
the battle of Lepanto,' may be safely classed with the 
marvelous relations of the ' intelligent contraband,' and 
the ' reliable gentleman just from Richmond,' so often 
brought to the front during the ofreat civil war in America. 
Why, indeed, should the Duke have surrendered to a force 
unable to fire a shot at him, and which, had it ventured 
within boarding distance of the Armada, must have 
inevitably fallen into his hands? Was not the Saint 
Matthew, when assailed in a sorely crippled condition by 
a whole squadron, defended for two long hours ? And did 
not several Spanish vessels, refusing to strike when they 
were in a sinking condition, go down with their colors 
flying ? Was, then, the Commander-in-chief less coura- 
geous than his subordinates ? Let the truth be told. 
Medina Sidonia, from his want of experience at sea, was 
utterly disqualified to command the great fleet entrusted 
to his care ; but Spain possessed no braver man than he." 

The history of the Armada, after Howard left it, is 
one of shipwreck and disaster. Many of its vessels foun- 
dered at sea, and many more were lost on the rocky coasts 
of Scotland and Ireland ; and the crews of some, who 
managed to reach the land, were massacred by the savage 
inhabitants of the west of Ireland. 

Few of the leaders lived to return to their native land, 
and there was hardly a family in Spain that was not in 
mourning. 

Upon learning of the disaster Philip affected great 
calmness, and merely remarked, " I did not send my fleet 
to combat the tempest, and I thank God, who has made 
me able to repair this loss." 



THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 101 

But, in spite of that, his disappointment was terrible, 
and in his fierce and savage resentment at the depression 
of his people he cut short all mourning by proclamation. 
A merchant of Lisbon, who imprudently allowed himself 
to express some joy at the defeat of the conqueror of his 
nation, was hanged by order of Philip — so that, as Motley 
says, " men were reminded that one could neither laugh 
nor cry in Spanish dominions." 

In other parts of Europe great joy was felt, for both 
England and the Continent were delivered from the night- 
mare of universal empire and the Inquisition. Well 
might England rejoice, and proceed to build up a more 
powerful navy. 

The Spanish marine was irretrievably wrecked, and 
never again rose to its former position ; and the loss of 
the preponderance of Spain in European affairs began at 
this time. 

The commander first selected for the Armada, Alvaro 
de Bazan, a fine seaman, died just before it left Lisbon. 
He would, no doubt, have handled it better than Medina 
Sidonia ; and he certainly would have attacked the wind- 
bound English fleet in Plymouth, in spite of orders, and 
if he had done so would probably have destroyed it. 

Philip had disregarded the advice of Parma and Santa 
Cruz, experienced soldiers, to secure a point in Flanders, 
before attacking England ; and he erred in binding down 
Medina Sidonia not to take the initiative and attack the 
English fleet until he had been joined by Parma's trans- 
ports. 

We may add a few words concerning Philip II. He 
survived the loss of his Armada ten years ; having suc- 
ceeded in making his memory thoroughly odious. Philip 
was gifted with high capacity, but was sombre, inflexible 
and bloody minded. He was at the same time vindictive, 



102 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



pusillanimous and cruel ; full of joy at an auto-da-fe, 
while he trembled during a battle. To sanguinary fanati- 
cism he added violence of temper almost bestial in its 
exhibition. He was close and deceptive in politics — 
always covering himself and his designs with the mask 
of religion. He seemed, indeed, not to have a human 
heart in his breast ; and yet he had a taste for the fine 
arts — loving painting, but even better, architecture, in 
which latter he was learned. He finished the Escorial 
and beautified Madrid, which he made the capital of Spain. 
Besides the foregoing his sole pleasure was the chase ; 
while, unlike his father, he was generous to those who 
served him, and very sober in living and simple in dress. 




A SPANISH GALLEASS OF THE l6l'H CENTURY. 



ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 



103 



VII. 

SOME NAVAL EVENTS OF ELIZABETH'S TIME, 
SUCCEEDING THE ARMADA. 




HE signal discomfiture of the Armada 
caused, in England, an enthusiastic pas- 
sion for enterprises against Spain ; and 
this was fostered by the unusual good 
fortune of English adventurers, especially 
in their attacks upon the commerce and 
colonies of the Spanish. 

Don Antonio, of Portugal, having ad- 
vanced a claim to the crown of that country, then held by 
Spain, an expedition was undertaken, in England, to 
conquer that country for him. Nearly 20,000 volunteers 
enlisted, and ships were hired and arms and provisions 
provided by the adventurers. The frugal Queen only 
contributed to the enterprise some ,£60,000 and six of her 
ships. Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Norris were at the 
head of it, and if they had not allowed themselves to be 
drawn off from the main object of their enterprise to 
attack a Spanish fleet, fitting at the Groyne for another 
invasion of England, it is quite probable that Lisbon 
would have been taken by a coup-de-main. In conse- 
quence of their delay Lisbon was too strongly defended, 
and the English fleet was obliged to retire. After taking 
and burning Vigo they returned to England, having lost 
more than half their number by sickness, famine, fatigue, 
and wounds. This was, indeed, usually the case with the 



104 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

maritime adventurers of that day, the losses from illness 
alone being perfectly frightful. 

As this expedition was returning another was going 
out, under the Earl of Cumberland, all the ships, except 
one man-of-war sent by the Queen, being equipped at 
his own expense. Cumberland went to the Tercerasand 
took many Spanish prizes, but the richest one, a galleon, 
was lost on the Cornish coast, in the attempt to reach 
England. Attempting to seize the Islands, Cumberland 
met with a bloody repulse, losing nearly half his men, and 
a great mortality seizing upon the survivors, left him 
hardly men enough to steer his ships back into a home 
harbor. 

But all these maritime expeditions, whether successful 
or not, had a good effect in keeping the Spaniards in 
check, as well as in keeping up the spirit and nautical 
ability of the English. 

At a later period, when Elizabeth was assisting Henri 
Quatre, in France, against the Duke of Parma and the 
League, she employed her naval power very freely 
against Philip, and endeavored at all times to intercept 
his West Indian treasure ships, the source of that 
greatness which rendered him so formidable to all his 
neighbors. 

Among other operations she sent Lord Thomas How- 
ard, with a squadron of seven ships, upon this service. 
But Philip, informed of her intentions, fitted out a great 
fleet of fifty-five sail, and despatched them to escort home 
the fleet of galleons from the West Indies. 

The Queen's seven ships, commanded by Howard, were 
the Defiance, the Revenge, the Nonpareil, Bonaventure, 
Lion, Foresight, and Crane. They are said to have been 
miserably fitted out. Howard went to the Azores, and 
anchoring at Flores, there waited six months for the 



ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 105 

approach of the treasure ships, which were inconceivably 
slow and deliberate in their passages. In the meantime 
Don Alphonso Bassano, the commander of the Spanish 
escort fleet, hearing of the small English force at Flores, 
determined to attack it. The English squadron was at the 
time unprepared, beside having much sickness on board. 
Howard put to sea hurriedly, leaving many men on shore, 
and was attacked by the whole Spanish fleet. The brunt 
of the engagement which followed was principally borne 
by the Revenge, commanded by Sir Richard Grenville. 
The fight began about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
and continued until after daylight the next morning. 

The Revenge was laid on board at one and the same 
time by the St. Philip, of 1 500 tons and 78 guns, and four 
others of the Spanish men-of-war of the largest size, and 
filled with soldiers. The enemy boarded no less than 
fifteen times during the night, and were as often repulsed, 
although they continually shifted their vessels, and boarded 
with fresh men. The gallant Grenville was wounded early 
in the action, but refused to quit the deck. About mid- 
night, however, he was wounded by a musket ball, which 
passed through his body. He was then carried below to 
have his wound dressed, but while under the surgeon's 
hands, was again wounded in the head, and the surgeon 
was killed by his side while attending to his wounds. 

The gallant crew held out till daylight, by which time 
the ship was a mere wreck, and out of an original crew of 
103, forty were killed, and almost all the rest wounded. 
The ammunition was expended in the long and constant 
firing, and most of their small arms were broken and use- 
less. In this condition nothing remained but surrender. 
But Sir Richard proposed to trust to the mercy of God, 
rather than that of the Spaniards, and to destroy them- 
selves with the ship, rather than yield. The master 



106 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

gunner and many of the seamen agreed to this, but others 
opposed it, and obliged Grenville to surrender as a 
prisoner. They refused to strike, however, until they 
were promised their liberty, and the Spaniards assenting, 
the ship was at last surrendered. 

This was the first English man-of-war that the Spaniards 
had ever taken, but she was not doomed to be exhibited 
as a trophy, for she foundered a few days afterward, with 
two hundred of the Spanish prize crew which had been 
placed on board of her. It is said that it cost the Span- 
iards a thousand lives to capture the Revenge. 

Sir Richard Grenville was carried on board the Spanish 
admiral's ship, where he died, two days after, impressing 
his enemies very much by his extraordinary behavior 
and courage. His last words were : " Here die I, Rich- 
ard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet mind ; for I have 
ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for 
his country, queen, religion and honor. My soul willingly 
departing from this body, leaving behind the everlasting 
fame of having behaved as every valiant soldier is in his 
duty bound to do." 

In the meantime the treasure ships had been detained 
so long at Havana, for fear of the English cruisers, that 
they were obliged to sail at an improper season, and most 
of them were lost at sea before they reached Spanish 
harbors. 

In 1592 an expedition under Sir Martin Frobisher, 
consisting- of two men-of-war belonging to the Oueen, and 
others fitted by Frobisher and Sir Walter Raleigh, made 
a cruise on the coast of Spain, and took many Spanish 
ships. Among them was a carrack, called Madre de 
Dios, of which a description is given, and which must have 
been a most extraordinary vessel, more like a floating 
castle or tower than a ship. " She had seven decks, of 




h < 



< O 



ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 107 

1 65 feet from stem to stern, was of 1 600 tons burden, 
manned with 600 men, and carried thirty-two brass guns. 
Her cargo was valued at ,£150,000 on her arrival in 
England, besides what the officers and seamen had 
plundered her of when taken." This was an immense 
sum for those times, and an extraordinary booty to be 
taken in a single ship. 

The Queen's adventure in this cruise was only two 
ships, one of which, the least of the two, was at the taking 
of the carrack Madre de Dios ; in virtue of which she 
assumed power over the whole of the valuable cargo, 
taking what portion of it she pleased, and making the 
rest of the adventurers submit to her pleasure in the 
matter. She is said to have dealt with them rather indif- 
ferently, taking the lion's share. 

In 1594 the brave and skillful Admiral Sir Martin Fro- 
bisher was lost to his country. He had been sent with the 
Vanguard, Rainbow, Dreadnought, and Acquittance, to 
aid the French in the attack upon Brest, which important 
naval station was then held by the Spaniards. The 
Admiral entered the harbor with his ships, and attacked 
the forts most vigorously. But the place was well 
defended, and the attacking party suffered serious loss. 
At length the forts surrendered, and the garrison was put 
to the sword. 

Sir Martin Frobisher was wounded in the hip by a 
grape shot, and died soon after he had brought his 
squadron safely home. 

The accounts of the English naval enterprises of the 
latter part of Elizabeth's reign read like romance. These 
enterprises, often entirely of a private nature, though 
sanctioned by the State, were a curious mixture of chival- 
rous search for glory and of the grasping love of lucre of 
a freebooter or pirate. 



108 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

In 1594 Richard Hawkins, son of the celebrated 
navigator, Sir John, made an unsuccessful raid upon the 
Spanish possessions in the South Seas, by way of the 
Straits of Magellan. And in the same year James Lan- 
caster was sent by some London merchants to South 
America, with a squadron, and took thirty-nine Spanish 
ships. He also attacked and captured, against great 
odds, the very rich city of Pernambuco, destroying his 
boats after his men had landed, so as to force them to 
fight or to be slaughtered. He returned safely to England, 
with an immense booty. 

In 1595, Sir Walter Raleigh took a fleet in search of 
the gold mines of Guiana, and ascended the Oronoco in 
boats. He suffered immense loss in battle and by disease, 
and found nothing- of what he went in search for. His 
account of his adventures is most marvelous, and has 
long been known to be drawn principally from his imag- 
ination. 

In the same year, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John 
Hawkins, with six men-of-war of the Queen's and twenty 
others, proceeded on an expedition against the Spanish 
settlements in Central America. They first attacked 
Porto Rico, where they were repulsed with very serious 
loss, and Hawkins soon after died. Drake then resolved 
to go to Nombre de Dios, on the Isthmus of Darien, 
whence he made an attempt to cross the isthmus to 
Panama. But the resistance of the Spaniards, coupled 
with the difficulties of the region and the climate, all 
proved too great even for this seasoned adventurer, and 
the exposure, vexation and disappointment so worked 
upon him that he died. Sir Thomas Baskerville took 
command of the expedition, and after an indecisive fight 
with a Spanish fleet, returned home empty-handed. 

Philip II being known to be making preparations for 



ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 109 

another invasion of England, a powerful English fleet was 
equipped at Plymouth, consisting of one hundred and 
seventy vessels, seventeen of which were first-rate men- 
of-war. Twenty ships were added to these by the Hol- 
landers. This fleet was commanded by the High 
Admiral, Lord Effingham, while Elizabeth's favorite, the 
Earl of Essex, commanded the troops embarked. Many 
of the first men of Eno-land were either commanders or 
serving as volunteers. 

The fleet sailed from Plymouth on the first of June, 
1596, with a fair wind, with orders to rendezvous off 
Cadiz. Fast vessels sent in advance intercepted all 
traders, and the fleet found the Spaniards unsuspicious 
of any attack, and the port full of men-of-war and richly 
laden merchantmen. 

After a fruitless attack at St. Sebastians, it was resolved 
to take the fleet into the bay and attack the Spanish 
shipping. The Admiral did not look upon this plan with 
much favor, conceiving it to be rash, but at last it was 
determined upon, so much to Essex'*s joy that he is said 
to have thrown overboard his richly jeweled cap, on 
hearing the decision of the council of war. His joy was 
much moderated when he heard that Effingham had orders 
from the Queen not to allow him to lead in the attack, 
as he was not to be exposed. Sir Walter Raleigh and 
Lord Thomas Howard were appointed to lead, but when 
the fight began Essex forgot his orders, and pressed into 
the thickest of the fire. The English had great incentives 
to do well. The nobles were emulous for glory, while all 
were incited by the prospect of great plunder, and by 
animosity against their old enemy, the Spaniards. The 
English fleet attacked with such ardor that the Spaniards 
were soon obliged to slip their cables, and, retreating to 
the bottom of the bay, run on shore. Essex landed his 



110 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

men, and carried the city, sword in hand. After the 
place was taken, he is said to have stopped the slaughter 
usual on such occasions, and to have treated his prisoners 
with great humanity. 

The English fell into a great amount of plunder, but a 
much richer booty was lost by the burning of the fleet 
and the merchantmen, which was ordered by the Spanish 
Admiral, the Duke de Medina Sidonia. Thus was irn^ 
mense loss caused to Spain, not to speak of the humiliation 
of that proud nation at seeing one of her principal cities 
in the hands of the hated heretics. 

In 1597 Spain was busy collecting ships and troops at 
Ferrol, for the purpose of a descent upon Ireland. Eliza- 
beth at once put the Earl of Essex in command of a fleet, 
with Sir W. Raleigh, Lord Thomas Howard and Lord 
Mountjoy, as commanders, while many of the first nobility 
embarked as volunteers. 

This fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 9th of July, but 
the very next day encountered a severe storm, which 
damaged and scattered it. After reassembling and refit- 
ting, the project of going to attack Ferrol was given up, 
and it was determined to endeavor to capture the great 
annual treasure fleet from the Spanish Indies. 

In thatage,from the unwieldinessof these great galleons 
and from imperfect navigation, these fleets had stated 
courses and seasons for going and returning. They had 
also certain ports where they touched for water and 
provisions, rendered necessary by the immense time they 
consumed in their voyages. The Azores was one of these 
points, and Essex determined to go there, and to take 
the port of Fayal, as a preliminary step to capturing the 
fleet. But the English ships becoming separated on the 
passage, Raleigh and his squadron arrived alone. Seeing 
the Spaniards at work fortifying, he at once attacked and 



ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 



Ill 



took the place. Essex, upon his arrival, was much in- 
censed at being robbed of the glory he so much coveted, 
and but for Howard, would have cashiered Raleigh and 
his officers. Sir Walter having made due amends, the 
matter was arranged, and dispositions were made for 
intercepting the galleons. Sir William Monson was 
stationed off the islands, in observation, and in due time 
made the appointed signal that the Spaniards were in 
sight. These, however (owing, as Monson says, in his 
memoirs, to Essex's want of seamanship), almost all man- 
aged to get into the secure and strong port of Angra. 
Only three were taken, but these were of such value as 
to defray the whole cost of the expedition. 




"henry grace de dieu " — "The Great Harry." 
(Built by Henry VII of England.) 



112 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



VIII. 



NAVAL ACTIONS OF THE WAR BETWEEN 
ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. AD. 1652-3. 




N 1652 the Dutch naval power was without 
a rival in the world. The sea seemed to be 
their proper element, and their fleets of 
war and commerce penetrated to every 
part of the globe. Their colonial posses- 
sions were only inferior to those of Spain, 
and their wealth, energy and valor gave 
every promise of their extension. 
England had better home harbors, and a finer geo- 
graphical position ; a more numerous population, and 
almost equal maritime resources ; and it was a natural 
and cherished idea of the English Republicans to form 
the Commonwealth and the United Provinces of Holland 
into one powerful Protestant State, which should be able 
to resist all the other powers. The advantages of such a 
union were easily to be seen, but the splendid conception 
was opposed by commercial jealousies and by dynastic 
interests. 

William, the second Prince of Orange of that name, 
had married a daughter of Charles the First, so that in 
addition to a princely antipathy to Commonwealths, an 
alliance of this kind would have interfered with a pos- 
sible succession of his wife and children to the English 
throne. 

William was exceedingly popular with the masses, and 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 113 

so long as he lived the two States remained on bad terms. 
He even refused to extend to the agents of Parliament 
the protection of the Dutch law, and they were con- 
stantly insulted, and one lost his life at the hands of a 
mob, it was said, by the machinations of Montrose. No 
redress could be obtained. 

Holland's recent successes, especially at sea, against 
Spain and the Barbary States, had made her very confi- 
dent in her maritime power. England was then much 
exhausted, from internal dissension, and Holland was 
anxious to be considered mistress of the Narrow Seas, a 
right which England had long claimed, and which the 
Dutch had always firmly disputed. 

The Prince of Orange died rather suddenly, leaving 
his heir yet unborn, and the Democratic party, which 
comprised the most liberal and enlightened of the Dutch 
people, seized the opportunity to abolish the office of 
Stadtholder, and restore a pure Republic. After their 
success in this it was thought and hoped that at least a 
close alliance, offensive and defensive, might be formed 
between the two Republican States. An ambassador was 
sent from England to Holland for that purpose, but the 
negotiation lagged. The "High Mightinesses" who now 
ruled Holland offered a counter-proposition. Delays 
followed, and St. John, the English envoy, whose time was 
limited to a certain fixed date, had his pride hurt by the 
delay. The Dutch, on their side, thought it arrogant and 
menacing in the English Parliament to have set a time 
for their action and its agent's return. The exiled court 
was then at the Hague, and the exiled cavaliers frequently 
made St. John feel their presence. Then, again, Holland 
may have wished to see the result of the invasion of Scot- 
land, and, after long delays, St. John left Holland, more 
inclined for war than peace. 



114 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The Dutch statesmen saw their mistake after the battle 
of Worcester had firmly established the English com- 
monwealth, and now endeavored to renew negotiations. 
But new troubles prevented an understanding. Dutch 
privateers had continued to injure English commerce ; 
while still more insuperable difficulties arose from the 
passage by the English Parliament of the Navigation 
Act. At that time, in addition to being great traders, the 
Dutch were great fishermen. Rotterdam and Amster- 
dam were the exchanges of Europe, and immense fortunes 
were made by the ship owners of these ports. Under the 
Stuarts England had neglected the merchant marine, and 
afforded a fine field to the Dutch traders, but the Naviga- 
tion Act, in declaring that no goods the produce of Asia, 
Africa or America, should be imported into England, 
except in vessels either belonging to that commonwealth 
or to the countries from which the goods were imported, 
put a period, so far as the British Islands, their colonies 
and dependencies were concerned, to a very lucrative 
branch of Dutch enterprise. 

The new Dutch ambassador endeavored to have this 
law of exclusion repealed at once; and while urging 
the point, hinted that his country then was fitting out a 
powerful fleet for the protection of their trade. This 
hint was taken as a menace, and Parliament ordered its 
sea captains to exact all the honors due the red cross flag 
which had been claimed by England in the Narrow Seas 
since Saxon times. This order soon made much trouble. 
An English Commodore, Young, falling in with a Dutch 
fleet returning from the Mediterranean, sent to request 
the Admiral in command of the convoy to lower his flag. 
The Dutch officer refused to comply with this demand, so 
unexpectedly made, without consultation with his supe- 
riors. Young then fired into his ship, and a sharp action 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 115 

ensued ; but the English being stronger, and the Dutch 
taken by surprise, the latter were obliged to strike. 

To avenge this insult to th :ir nag, the States General 
fitted out a fleet of forty-two sail, and placed it under the 
command of Van Tromp, with instructions to use his 
discretion in resisting the English claim to supremacy. 
He was, however, positively required to repel, on all occa- 
sions, and at all hazards, attacks upon the commerce of the 
Republic of Holland, and to properly support the dignity 
of its flag. Tromp, who had genius as well as courage 
and skill, was well suited to carry out these orders. This 
celebrated naval commander was born at Briel, in 1 597, and 
died in 1653. He served on a frigate commanded by his 
father when only eleven years old, his father being killed 
in an action with the French, and the son made prisoner. 
He rose rapidly in the Dutch navy, and was a Vice 
Admiral at the age of forty, when he totally defeated a 
Spanish fleet, superior in numbers and weight of metal. 
This success not only made him very popular at home, but 
caused him to be made a French noble. We shall see in 
the following pages how Tromp died. He was buried at 
Delft, where a splendid monument was raised to him. 

When Tromp was put in command of this fleet war 
had not been declared, and the Dutch ambassador was 
still in England when Tromp and his fleet suddenly 
appeared in the Downs. Bourne, who was stationed off 
Dover with part of the English fleet, at once sent a mes- 
senger to Blake, who was off Rye with another division 
of ships. Upon receipt of the intelligence Blake at once 
made all sail for the Downs. This wonderful man, one 
of the greatest names in English naval history, was fifty 
years old before he became a sailor; and yet, upon being- 
appointed a " General at Sea," he performed some of the 
greatest exploits, and won some of the greatest victories 



116 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

recorded in naval annals. Blake found Tromp in and 
about Dover Roads. When the English were still about 
ten miles off Tromp weighed and stood out to sea, with- 
out lowering his flag. This, under the regulations then 
existing, was an act of defiance. Blake fired a gun, to 
call attention to the omission, but no answer was 
returned. To a second and a third gun, Tromp replied 
by a single shot, keeping his flag flying. Stretching over 
to the other side of the Straits, he then received some 
communication from a ketch which met him, and, as if she 
had brought imperative orders, he soon came round and 
made toward Blake; his own ship, the Brederode, taking 
the van. 

Blake felt that, in spite of a want of any declaration of 
war, Tromp had received orders to offer battle, and at 
once proceeded to prepare for it. 

Tromp was superior in force, his numbers being 
greater. This was partly made up for by the fact that 
the English carried more guns in proportion, and larger 
crews, but many of their men were landsmen. 

When the fleets had approached within musket shot, 
Blake, affecting not to notice the menacing attitude of the 
Dutch, stood toward the Brederode, to remonstrate con- 
cerning the lack of honors, in not lowering the flag. 

The Dutch ship sent a broadside into the James, 
Blake's flag-ship, and stopped all remonstrance short. 
Blake was at this moment in his cabin, with some offi- 
cers, and the fire smashed the windows and damaged the 
stern. Blake coolly observed, " Well ! it is not civil in 
Van Tromp to take my flag-ship for a brothel, and break 
my windows." As he spoke, another broadside came from 
the Brederode. At this he called to those on deck to 
return the fire, and the action at once began. 

Few of the English officers in high command had then 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 117 

any experience of warfare at sea, and Vice Admiral Penn 
was the only one who had received a regular naval edu- 
cation. 

The Council, in giving- Blake chief command at sea, 
had left the selection of two vice admirals to himself; 
and to these posts he had, with Cromwell's approval, 
named Penn and Bourne. Penn sailed on board the 
Triumph, of 6S guns, taking young Robert Blake, the 
nephew of the admiral, as his lieutenant. Bourne was 
on board the St. Andrew, 60. Not supposing hostilities 
likely to occur while the Dutch ambassador was still in 
England, Penn was on leave, and there was not a practical 
seaman left in hio-h command in the Enorlish fleet. 

The battle began about four in the afternoon, with a 
rapid exchange of broadsides. On the part of the English 
no line appears to have been formed ; the ships grappled 
as they happened to meet. The James, a ship of fifty guns 
and 260 men, seems to have borne the brunt of the action. 
She received 70 shots in the hull, lost all her masts, and 
was completely dismantled as to her battery, by the Dutch 
fire. She was exposed to a storm of shot for four hours, 
and had several of her officers killed or wounded. In 
spite of great loss her men stood well up to their unac- 
customed work, and their energies were aroused afresh, 
just before nightfall, by the arrival of Bourne and his 
division, which attacked the enemy's rear. This additional 
force came just in time, and Van Tromp withdrew at 
dark, after a drawn battle. Blake was too much disabled 
to follow, and spent the night in repairs. At daylight 
no enemy was in sight, and the English found themselves 
unopposed upon the Narrow Seas. 

Two Dutch ships had been taken, one of which soon 
sank, and the other, of 30 guns, was manned for 
immediate service. For such a well contested affair 



118 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the loss in killed and wounded had been surprisingly 
small. 

This sudden encounter, without any declaration of war, 
caused profound feeling in both countries. The Dutch 
ambassador insisted that Van Tromp was the assailed, 
and only stood on the defensive, and that, with his force, 
he could have destroyed the English if he had chosen. 
The English mob was so indignant that the ambassador 
had to be protected by a military guard ; and, after long 
and angry debate and negotiation, took his leave. 

Blake continued to patrol the Channel, with undisputed 
sway, harassing the Dutch trade and making many 
captures. The Dutch merchantmen were forced to 
abandon the route by the Channel, and to go north about; 
or else land their goods and tranship them, at great 
expense, through France. The English Council not only 
fitted out the captured Dutch ships, but added more 
men-of-war and some fire-ships to their fleet ; while the 
seamen's wages were raised, and a large number enrolled 
in the service of the State. 

In the meantime the Dutch, a people of vast resources 
and inflexible spirit, were not idle. But Blake, who was 
the chief authority in naval matters, caused the English 
Council to raise the English navy to 250 sail and fourteen 
fire-ships. While squadrons were sent to the western 
part of the Channel, to the Baltic, and to the Straits of 
Gibraltar, one hundred and seventy sail, of all classes, as 
well as the fire-ships, were to be placed under Blake's 
immediate orders, to fight the enemy. 

The full number of vessels so authorized was nevef 
fitted out ; but in a month from the fight off Dover the 
Admiral had one hundred and five ships, carrying near 
4000 guns, under his immediate command. The great 
difficulty was in obtaining men to man the ships ; and, to 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 119 

make up for the scarcity of seamen, two regiments of 
foot were taken bodily on board the fleet — and from that 
time marines, as a distinct corps, have formed part of the 
equipment of English men-of-war. 

In the meantime the Dutch were urging their prepa- 
rations, and their dock-yards at the Texel, the Maas, and 
on the Zuyder Zee, were at work day and night. They 
laid the keels of sixty men-of-war, intended to be larger 
and more perfect than had ever been seen in the North 
Sea. Merchantmen of size were fitted as men-of-war, and 
all able seamen lured into service by high pay and the 
hope of prize money. In a few weeks Van Tromp found 
himself in command of one hundred and twenty sail, of 
all classes. 

It had become necessary for England to send to the 
Baltic for supplies of hemp, tar and spars, and it required 
a strong fleet to convoy these vessels safely home. 
Another fleet was detailed to intercept the rich Dutch 
merchant fleets from the East Indies and elsewhere, as 
well as to break up the great herring fishery, which the 
hardy and industrious Hollanders had monopolized, and 
in which their vessels were employed by the thousand. 
The spring fleet of herring vessels, numbering 600, was 
now comino- home from the neighborhood of the North 
British islands, and as Tromp showed no immediate 
intention of putting to sea, Blake himself went to the 
North, leaving Sir George Ascue, his second in com- 
mand, in the Channel, to keep a lookout for Van Tromp. 

Blake sailed in the Resolution, with sixty ships, leaving 
Dover Road on the 2ist of June, and about the time he 
had passed the Frith of Forth, Van Tromp appeared in 
the Downs with over one hundred men of war and ten 
fire-ships. Ascue was compelled to shelter his division 
under the guns of Dover Castle, and the whole south of 



120 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

England was at the mercy of Van Tromp. Couriers 
were sent by land, in hot haste, to intercept Blake on the 
Scotch coast, and recall him from his ill-judged cruise. 
But before they found him he had met the Dutch herring 
fleet, escorted by twelve men of war, and captured 600 
of the " busses," with their freight. This was not done, 
however, without a most gallant fight by the twelve Dutch 
men-of-war, which lasted three hours, against over- 
whelming odds, ending in the sinking of three and the 
capture of the others. Blake let the fishing boats go, 
after warning them never to fish again among the British 
islands. For his conduct in thus restoring their all to 
these poor people he was afterwards much blamed by 
many in England. 

Meantime, in the South, hurried preparations were 
made to meet Van Tromp. But the latter was detained 
in mid-channel by a calm, and when the wind sprung up, 
it blew from the land with such force that the Dutch fleet 
could not approach, and his intention of crushing Ascue 
was foiled. With the same strong wind Van Tromp, 
therefore, returned to the Texel, where an immense fleet 
of merchant vessels were waiting for him to escort them 
clear of all danger from English cruisers. This duty he 
accomplished, and then followed Blake to the North. 
Blake's fleet had suffered much from bad weather, and 
was now scattered among the roads and havens of the 
Orkneys, for repairs. But on hearing that his enemy 
was approaching, Blake hastily re-assembled his ships 
and prepared for the encounter. 

Towards evening on the 5th of August the fleets came 
in sight of each other, about half way between the Orkney 
and the Shetland islands. Both leaders were confident, 
and both anxious to engage. But while preparations 
were being made a fierce gale burst upon them, which 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 121 

damaged and destroyed many of the ships of both fleets, 
but particularly those of Van Tromp, so that he was 
obliged to make his way home with much loss, followed 
by Blake, who ravaged and insulted the Dutch coast 
with impunity. Thence he returned to the Downs, and 
gathered his fleet once more about him. 

In the meantime Ascue and De Ruyter, Van Tromp's 
second in command, had had a drawn battle, and the 
States General of Holland, undaunted by recent re- 
verses, were refitting another large fleet for service in the 
Channel. 

The failure of Van Tromp to accomplish anything with 
the powerful fleet provided him, caused great tumult in 
Holland. The Dutch had been so long accustomed to 
victory at sea that the mob became ungovernable. Van 
Tromp was insulted upon his return, and resigning his 
command, retired to private life. De Witt, a renowned 
statesman, as well as an Admiral, was called to the com- 
mand of the fleet. De Ruyter now wished to resign his 
command, pleading long service, advancing years, and 
failing health. But his countrymen would not listen to 
his retiring, and insisted upon his once more leading 
them, as of old, , to glory and victory. 

When the fleet was ready for sea, De Witt joined De 
Ruyter, and assumed the supreme command. 

To oppose this new danger Blake summoned Ascue 
and his squadron from Plymouth, and the two hostile 
fleets were soon at sea, and searching for each other, to 
have a renewed trial of strength. 

Blake had sixty-eight ships of various force, and was 
superior to the Dutch fleet both in number of vessels and 
in guns. 

While cruising about the Channel in search of the 
Dutch, Blake fell in with the fleet of the Duke de Ven. 



122 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

dome, which was fresh from a victorious engagement with 
the Spanish fleet. The French fleet was intended to 
relieve Dunkirk, then besieged and closely pressed by 
the Spaniards. The town was in extremity, but the 
disaster to the Spanish fleet had left the sea open to 
France, and Vendome at once ordered a relief squadron 
to Calais Road, to take on board men, arms, stores and 
fresh provisions. 

At this time privateers from Dunkirk and from Brest 
preyed, as they had always done, more or less, upon 
English commerce, and English cruisers often retaliated, 
but there was no formal declaration of war between 
France and England. 

As soon as Blake learned of Vendome's doings at 
Calais, without awaiting instructions or reporting his 
intentions, he stood for the Roads, and found there seven 
men of war, a small frigate, six fire-ships, and a number 
of transports with men and provisions on board, all ready 
to sail. Such an accession would enable Dunkirk to hold 
out indefinitely. 

English interests, both commercial and political, required 
the downfall of this stronghold of privateers. The Council 
of State was convinced that if the place was taken by the 
Spaniards they might be induced to cede their conquest 
to Great Britain, as was, indeed, afterwards done. Blake 
knew the public feeling in England, and was certain that 
if he struck a successful blow at the French force, he 
would not be held responsible for any trouble it might 
occasion with the French Government. Only he must 
take care to succeed. 

He, therefore, in spite of Vendome's protest, attacked 
the force anchored at Calais, and in a few hours had the 
whole — war-ships, fire-ships and transports, Admiral, 
officers and men — safe under the guns at Dover Castle. 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 123 

Dunkirk could do nothing but surrender to the Arch- 
duke Leopold, and the seizure of Vendome's squadron 
in time of peace remained a monument of Blake's bold 
conception and rapid execution, as well as an illustration 
of the extreme powers which he exercised at sea, inde- 
pendent of the Council of State. 

The prizes safely bestowed, he sailed again at once, 
in quest of De Witt and De Ruyter. On Sept. 28th 
Admiral Penn, in the James, came in sight of the Dutch 
off the North Foreland. He at once signaled to Blake, 
who, in his turn, transmitted to his vanguard the order to 
" bear in among them as soon as the fleet was up." 
" Blake was always ready for action ; he trusted in God 
and kept his powder dry." De Witt was not really in 
condition for battle, for his ships were not in good order, 
and his men were very discontented. The brave and 
experienced Ruyter urged him to avoid a battle at that 
time ; but his pride prevented him from listening to the 
suggestion ; and he resolved to fight at a disadvantage 
rather than afford the world the spectacle of a Dutch 
admiral retreating before any number of the presumpt- 
uous islanders. His preparations for battle were hastily 
made, much confusion prevailing in the fleet. 

BATTLE OFF THE NORTH FORELAND. 

De Ruyter, always foremost in fight, led the van upon 
this occasion ; De Witt the main body, and De Wilde 
the rear. Evertz, another distinguished Dutch admiral, 
was stationed with a reserve, to send succor where it 
should be most needed. 

Just before the battle opened De Witt sent a despatch 
boat round the fleet, to enjoin the captains to do their 
duty on this great day. But it is well known that apathy, 
intrigue and discontent ruled on every Dutch deck, and 



124 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

in almost every cabin ; and no good could result from 
such an appeal at the eleventh hour. 

The Brederode, Tromp's old flag-ship, was in the fleet, 
but the admiral appointed in Tromp's place thought it 
not prudent to remain among Tromp's devoted followers, 
and just before the action commenced his flag was 
removed to a huge Indiaman. Several other ships, 
besides the Brederode, resented the disgrace of their 
favorite leader, and either disputed the new admiral's 
orders, or obeyed them without the zeal which is essential 
to victory. Hoping that success would restore loyalty, 
De Witt hove his topsails to the mast, and formed line. 

By four in the afternoon the English line was also 
formed and well up, the only order issued from the 
Resolution being " to attack, but hold their fire until 
close in with the enemy." Then the whole of the English 
van bore down upon the Dutch, who kept up an inter- 
mittent and harmless fire as it approached. Just then 
the Dutch line tacked, and the two fleets came into almost 
instant collision. They were so close together that an 
unusual number of shots told, and the crash of the first 
broadside was terrific ; the roar of artillery continuing 
incessantly for more than an hour. 

After that the action became less furious, and there 
were pauses in the storm of battle. The Dutch ships 
fell off to a greater distance, and, as a breeze arose the 
clouds of powder smoke partially cleared away. But, 
although the Dutch fell back, they fell back fighting, and 
with their faces to the enemy ; and, with their usual 
obstinate valor they continued the battle until night fell 
upon the scene of slaughter. The Dutch had lost most 
men, while the English had suffered most severely in 
masts and rigging. It was thought by experienced 
commanders, in both fleets, that De Witt would have 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 125 

been completely defeated and broken had he not drawn 
off at nightfall. 

Ruyterhad, as usual, commanded his important division 
with consummate skill and bravery. He lost a large 
proportion of the crew of his own ship, and his masts and 
rigging were almost destroyed, and the hull seriously 
shattered. De Witt himself, by his courage and conduct 
during the battle, atoned in part for his rashness in 
fighting such an enemy in the then condition of his fleet. 
But, in spite of their efforts, the Dutch had the worst of it. 
Two of their ships foundered in the first shock of battle ; 
and two others were boarded and taken, one of them 
being the Rear Admiral's flag-ship. As has been seen, 
the loss of life in the Dutch fleet was great, and this, in 
addition to the general disaffection, caused about twenty 
of De Witt's captains to take advantage of the darkness, 
withdraw their ships from the main fleet, and make for 
Zealand, where they carried the first news of disaster. 

As many of the Dutch fleet remained in sight, and kept 
their lights burning during the night, Blake naturally 
assumed that they would fight again at daylight. Every 
one, therefore, on board the English fleet was engaged 
in repairing damages, in securing prisoners, caring for 
the wounded and burying the dead, 

At daylight the whole fleet bore down for the Dutch 
position, and, from the attitude of the latter, it seemed 
likely that the bloody work of the previous day would 
begin again. 

De Witt wished to fight ; but a change of counsel took 
place before the fleets got within cannon shot of each 
other. Evertz and De Ruyter's opinion prevailed, and it 
was decided to collect the scattered ships, to gain one of 
their own ports, repair, refit, and re-man the ships, and 
await the orders of the States General. 



126 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Blake, in his disabled state, could not prevent them 
from carrying out this decision ; and was obliged to 
content himself with petty raids upon the Dutch coasts, 
such as Tromp had inflicted upon the English in the 
preceding year. 

The news of this action was received in London and 
throughout England with great exultation. It was the 
first great naval action fought by the English since the 
days of Elizabeth. England had come off victorious 
against the best seamen and most experienced admirals 
of the world. Tromp, Evertz, and Ruyter had been 
regarded as invincible sea commanders ; yet now a land 
officer, with but three years' experience of the sea, with 
soldiers and landsmen, had successfully withstood the 
attacks of veteran sailors who had swept the great navies 
of Spain from the face of the ocean. 

Blake took his place at once among the highest of 
living" Admirals. 

Parliament wished at once to release the ships hired 
from the merchant service, and to reduce the fortifications 
about Deal and Sandown. 

This Blake replied to by a demand for thirty new 
frigates, but such was the momentary confidence and 
security felt that he did not obtain them. Vendome's 
renewed complaints were treated with haughty indiffer- 
ence, and the Council dreamed of a " mare clausum" the 
dominion of the Narrow Seas, and the exclusion of the 
Dutch from all the valuable fisheries. 

They little understood the resources and determination 
of the people with whom they had to deal. 

1652-3. 
And now we shall see how sturdy Van Tromp came to 
the fore again. 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 127 

De Witt's return with his discomfited fleet was the 
signal for great disorders in Holland. The enemies of 
the Orange party did not hesitate to accuse him of rash- 
ness, cowardice and treason. The sailors of the fleet, 
who had been almost mutinous before the battle, really 
became so after it. 

Even on board his own flag-ship De Witt was not 
entirely free from danger. He had, before sailing, 
executed some seamen for mutiny, and excited much 
silent rage thereby; but when he came back unsuccess- 
ful, the popular passions were aroused, and he was mobbed 
as soon as he landed, in Flushing ; his proud heart being 
almost broken by the insult from a people he had served 
so long and well, he fell sick, and relinquished his com- 
mand. Ruyter shared some of his unpopularity, but was 
persuaded to continue in his command. 

Having so often triumphed at sea, the Dutch could not 
understand that their reverses were not the result of 
gross misconduct in their sea generals ; and they now 
remembered that, if Tromp's success in the early part of 
the war had not been very great, he had not, at least, 
suffered defeat, and they felt that the elements, and not 
man, had destroyed the powerful fleet which he had lost. 

His reputation became once more the first in Holland, 
while personal feeling and his past training peculiarly 
fitted him to meet the English. 

The States General were ready to reverse their decision 
when they found him necessary, and this was confirmed 
when they found that the King of Denmark, alarmed by 
the sudden growth of England's maritime power, was 
making interest with leading Dutch statesmen, not only 
for a vigorous renewal of hostilities, but also for the 
restoration of Tromp to his offices and honors. 

The most eminent of his rivals in naval ability and in 



128 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

political influence were, upon his restoration, appointed 
to serve under him as Vice and Rear Admirals. These 
were De Witt, Ruyter, Evertz and Floritz. De Witt, 
completely mortified and disgusted, excused himself on 
the plea of ill health ; and Ruyter joined the fleet as 
second in command. 

The Danish King now refused to allow the English 
ships, which had been sent to the Baltic for the naval 
stores so necessary to the fleet, to return through the 
Sound or the Belts, and thus proved a new enemy for the 
Commonwealth to deal with. 

As the term for which Blake had been appointed sole 
General and Admiral of the fleet had expired, he requested 
the appointment of two colleagues, as he considered the 
coast command of England equally important with that 
of the cruising fleet. 

Colonel Deane and General Monk were accordingly 
so commissioned, both these officers being in the land 
service, and at that time actively employed in Scotland. 

Winter had now set in, and Blake distributed the 
fleet, some for convoy duty, and some for repairs. The 
Dutch were hard at work in their dock-yards, and Blake, 
with a reduced force, cruised from port to port of the 
Channel, not expecting the enemy to appear at sea before 
the return of fine weather. In this he had greatly mis- 
taken the energy and influence of Tromp, who, in an 
incredibly short time, fitted out and manned a vast fleet; 
and while the English squadrons were dispersed in various 
directions, suddenly appeared off the Goodwins with more 
than one hundred sail of the line, frigates and fire-ships. 
His plan was bold and well conceived. Coming suddenly 
into the Downs with this large force, he intended to close 
up the Thames, cut off reinforcements preparing there, 
and then to fall upon Blake's division, and either capture 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 129 

it or drive it westward out of the Channel; then, with the 
coast at his mercy, he could dictate terms to the Com- 
monwealth. At that time a winter cruise or campaign 
was hardly thought possible ; but Tromp relied upon a 
swift and daring blow to finish the war in a few days. 

Blake was then in the Triumph, and the first intimation 
he had of Tromp's being at sea was from his own look- 
out ships. On the 9th of December the two fleets were in 
presence of each other, between Calais and Dover ; and 
the English Admiral then learned that Tromp was in 
command, and accordingly prepared himself for serious 
work. 

A council of war was held on board the Triumph. 
Blake declared his intention to fight, even without his 
detached squadrons, rather than leave the coast exposed 
to the incursions of the great and uncrippled Dutch fleet. 

All that December day the two Admirals worked for 
the weather gage. The succeeding night was long, cold 
and stormy, and the ships were unable to keep well 
together. At daylight of the 1 oth the manoeuvres for the 
weather gage were renewed, the two flag-ships, the 
Brederode and the Triumph, both drawing toward the 
Nase, and by three in the afternoon the fleets were quite 
near each other, off that headland of Essex. 

Tromp being most anxious to engage, made a sudden 
effort to get alongside the English Admiral. The latter's 
ship, however, by a skillful evolution, passed under the 
Brederode's bows to the weather gage. In passing the 
two ships exchanged broadsides, and the battle opened. 
Blake's ship was closely followed by the Garland, and 
missing the Triumph, Tromp ran afoul of this second ship, 
and carried away her bowsprit and head. The Garland 
and the Brederode then engaged, the English ship, 
though much lighter, fighting bravely until joined by the 

9 



130 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Bonaventure, 30, when the two together rather over- 
matched the Brederode. Tromp, by every possible 
appeal, encouraged his men ; but his position was 
becoming very precarious, when Evertz, seeing him in such 
straits, attacked the Bonaventure, placing that small ship 
between the two Dutch flag-ships. The four ships were 
all grappled together, and it was more than an hour 
before the weight of metal obliged the two English ships 
to yield. After they had suffered great loss the Dutch 
boarded and captured them. Of the other English ships 
the Triumph, the Vanguard and the Victory bore the 
brunt of the action. In spite of being surrounded by 
enemies, and suffering severely in men, hull, masts and 
rigging, they all came out of the desperate encounter 
uncaptured. Night came early at that season, and the 
fleets were about separating, when Blake heard of the 
capture of the Garland and Bonaventure, and he at once 
attempted their recapture. This brought on a more 
destructive conflict than the previous one. Blake was 
surrounded by the Dutch ships, and the Triumph was 
three times boarded, and the assailants as often repulsed. 
She was reduced to a wreck, and with difficulty kept 
afloat, and had it not been for the Sapphire and the 
Vanguard, which stood by him with extraordinary courage 
and devotion, the English Admiral must have succumbed. 
Thick fog and darkness at last interposed and enabled 
Blake to draw off his ships toward Dover Roads. 

The next morning there was a dense foe, and the 
Dutch were not to be seen. His disabled vessels re- 
quired a shelter, and the English Admiral, therefore, 
resolved to run into the Thames, and there repair dam- 
ages, ascertain the enemy's intentions, and wait the recall 
and concentration of his scattered squadrons. 

In the action off the Nase the Dutch had had much 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 131 

the best of it, but had lost many men, and one of their 
ships had blown up, every soul on board of her perish- 
ing. Tromp's and Ruyter's ships were both unfitted 
for further service, and many others were crippled ; but 
they were the victors, and once more masters of the 
Channel. 

Blake offered to resign, but the Council would not hear 
of this, and only seemed intent upon weeding out of the 
fleet those captains who had not shown sufficient zeal and 
courage. Several were broken after proper inquiry, 
among others, Blake's own brother, who was reported as 
guilty of neglect of duty. 

More vessels were concentrated and placed under 
Blake's orders, and the effective force of the navy raised 
to 30,000 men. 

While reforms, renovations and recruitments were 
being carried on under Blake's own eye, Tromp sailed 
up and down the Channel with a broom at his masthead, 
typical of his having swept the Narrow Seas ; and the 
States General proclaimed a state of blockade of the 
British Islands. 

Caricatures and ballads were circulated in the Dutch 
cities, all bearing upon the late naval event. The 
fear that Tromp would seize the Channel islands, and the 
certainty that he had effectually cut off commerce, 
hastened the preparations of the English for a second 
winter campaign; and, on the 8th of February, 1653, 
Blake, still in the Triumph, sailed, at the head of some 
sixty men-of-war and frigates, having Monk and Deane 
with 1 200 soldiers from the army on board. Penn, the 
father of the Quaker proprietor of Pennsylvania, was the 
vice admiral, and Lawson the rear admiral. 

In the Straits of Dover he was joined by the Ports- 
mouth squadron, of twenty sail ; and with this addition 



132 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

to his strength, Blake resolved to seek the Dutch fleet, 
and once more give battle. 

Tromp had gone to the southward, to meet a large 
fleet of Dutch traders which had collected near Rochelle, 
with the intention of convoying them home. Here 
intelligence reached him that the English were about to 
quit the Thames with a large fleet, and he hoped to be 
able to return in time to block it up in the river mouth, 
and to keep the Portsmouth squadron from effecting a 
junction with the main body. But Blake had stolen a 
march upon the Dutch Admiral, and when the latter came 
up with Cape la Hogue, he was surprised to find a force 
equal to his own prepared to dispute the passage of the 
seas so lately swept by his broom. He, however, accepted 
battle eagerly, for he was confident of victory. 

THE BATTLE OFF PORTLAND. 

Day was just breaking, on the morning of the iSth of 
February, 1653, when the Dutch van was made out from 
the masthead of the Triumph. Blake was on deck at 
once, and a grand spectacle he must have had, as the sun 
rose, showing the heaving wintry sea covered with ships, 
their sails and pendants lighted up by the early rays. 
There were seventy-three Dutch ships of war, convoying 
more than three hundred merchant ships. Owing to the 
darkness the ships had not seen each other until only three 
or four miles apart. The English flag-ships happened to 
be all within hailing distance of each other, but General 
Monk was some miles astern, in the Vanguard, and the 
bulk of the English fleet about five miles astern of Ad- 
miral Blake when the Dutchmen hove in sight. 

Tromp, with his seaman's eye, saw his advantage, and 
at once availed himself of it. 

With the wind in his favor he might have forced his 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 133 

way by, and carried his convoy to the Scheldt in safety, 
returning- at his leisure to give battle. But he chose to 
play a bolder game, and fancying that his enemy's van- 
guard of some twenty ships could not resist the weight 
of his attack, he sent his fleet of traders to windward, out 
of range, with orders to await there the issue of the 
engagement. 

This great battle was fought under circumstances which 
lent it thrilling interest. Both nations had had time to 
collect their best fleets, and the largest and finest vessels 
they had were there arrayed against each other, com- 
manded by the most renowned Admirals. Blake, Deane, 
Penn and Lawson were on one side ; Tromp, De Ruyter, 
Evertz, Swers, Floritz and De Wilde, all great names, on 
the other. 

The fleets were nearly equal in strength, and their 
relative merits had to be determined on that day. Even 
the common seamen on each side felt that this was the 
decisive battle. 

At the outset the Dutch had the wind, and therefore, 
the advantage of position. They were also well up 
together, and when they opened on the English van- 
guard it seemed almost impossible for only about twenty 
ships to withstand the crash of so many heavy broadsides. 

As usual, the Triumph was the first of the English to 
engage, and the Brederode, ever in the van, was ready 
to meet her, reserving her fire until within musket shot, 
when her broadside would have most deadly effect. With 
a strong favoring breeze Tromp shot by the Triumph^ 
pouring a fearful broadside into her as he passed ; and 
then, tacking, gave her a second and more destructive 
one, leaving her with decks strewed with killed and 
wounded, and torn canvas, stranded rigging, and totter- 
ing masts. After this the two Admirals parted for the 



134 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

clay, for Perm came dashing up, in the Speaker, followed 
by other vessels, to cover Blake from some part of the 
circle of fire which threatened him with destruction. 

As the other divisions of the English fleet came up the 
battle became general. On both sides the wreck and 
destruction was awful. In less than one hour after the 
first shot was fired almost every ship engaged had 
received serious damage. At one moment an English 
crew was to be seen boarding a Dutch man-of-war, and 
the next they would be driven back, and their own vessel 
boarded in turn by the doughty Hollanders. Here 
might be seen a ship completely wrapped in flames; 
there one foundering, with all her men, their cries for 
help unheeded by either friend or foe ; perhaps elsewhere 
occurred a fearful explosion, which sent ship and crew 
into the air together, and added fresh volume to the lurid 
cloud which hung over the scene. 

Cotemporary writers say that the tremendous roar of 
artillery could be heard along the shores of the Channel, 
from Boulogne on the one side to Portland Bill on the 
other. 

About midday Monk succeeded in arriving up with his 
division, and the contest was now entirely upon equal 
terms. De Ruyter, as ever, in the forefront of battle, added, 
if possible, to his already well earned renown. Early in 
the day he singled out and engaged the Prosperous, a 
hired ship of forty guns, commanded by a Captain 
Barker. The English ship maintained so steady a fire, 
in response, that De Ruyter, impatient, and wishing to 
finish her and pass on to fresh combats, called away his 
boarders, ran his ship alongside the Prosperous, and the 
Dutchmen gallantly boarded, leaping down on her deck, 
sword and pistol in hand. But, to their surprise, they 
were driven back again in a very few minutes. Not 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 135 

satisfied with forcing back his assailants, Barker threat- 
ened De Ruyter in return; but the brave old Dutchman, 
singing out, "Come lads! that was nothing! at them 
again !" led them to a second and more successful 
boarding. Barker and his officers were unable to resist 
this renewed assault, and were soon prisoners. At this 
very moment Blake, with several vessels, came up to 
their assistance. The prize was recovered, and Ruyter 
himself was surrounded by the English. Vice Admiral 
Evertz and Captains Swers and Krink hastened, in 
their turn, to relieve Ruyter from his dangerous position, 
and the battle soon raged with extraordinary violence 
around this new centre. Penn's ship, the Speaker, was 
so shattered as to be unfit for further service, and when 
night put an end to the first day's engagement he was 
despatched to the Isle of Wight, for the ships left at that 
station. 

The Dutch Captain Cruik, in the Ostrich, was very 
conspicuous in this day's engagement. Like a true sailor, 
he fought till he had not a spar showing above his 
bulwarks, and his deck was literally covered with the 
dead and wounded of his devoted crew. At last he was 
boarded by the English ; but, as the ship appeared to be 
sinking, and her officers and crew were nearly all killed 
or wounded, the boarders made hasty plunder of her 
valuables and left her to her fate. De Wilde offered his 
aid to bring her off; but suddenly it fell calm, and not 
having a particle of sail spread, the attempt to tow her 
off failed, and she was again abandoned. Next morning 
Blake found her floating about, without a living soul on 
board, and the unburied corpses lying just as they had 
fallen ; occasionally, under a more than ordinarily heavy 
roll, showing a startling movement. 

Captain Swers, afterward a most distinguished Dutch 



136 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Admiral, was taken prisoner. He had gone to the 
assistance of Captain De Port, who was being roughly 
handled by two English frigates, and the four ships were 
immediately locked together. De Port's ship had several 
shots between wind and water, and began to fill. He 
himself was severely wounded by a large splinter; never- 
theless, as he lay on his back, in great agony, he waved 
his sword, and shouted words of encouragement to his 
men, until ship and crew all went down into the deep 
together. 

The Dutch had always been noted for close fire, but on 
this occasion the English fire proved quite as deadly and 
regular. Swer's ship foundered from shot holes, himself 
and those of the officers and crew left being taken on 
board the frigates, and their lives thus preserved. 

Toward dusk of the second day Blake felt himself in 
a sufficiently strong position to be able to send some of 
his best sailing ships with orders to gain the wind, and if 
possible prevent the escape of the vast fleet of rich 
traders which had remained hove to, awaiting the issue 
of the action. Tromp saw the movement, and at once 
divined the cause, so he fell back, with a great part of 
his fleet, to cover his convoy. This movement put an end 
to that day's action ; for, seeing their Admiral make sail 
and leave the enemy, some of the Dutch Captains made 
sail, and, under the cover of night, were soon far away. 
Blake remained on the scene of action, but with his 
men too much exhausted, and his vessels too much 
damaged, to permit of a chase in a mid-winter night. 

Both sides had shown the most devoted valor and un- 
tiring zeal. The Dutch had had eight large ships either 
taken or destroyed. During the battle the Prosperous, 
the Oak, the Assistance, the Sampson, and several other 
English ships had been boarded and taken, although 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 137 

most of them were afterward recaptured. The Sampson 
was so damaged that her Captain, Button, and his officers 
and men, were taken out of her, and she was allowed to 
sink. 

The flag-ship Triumph suffered most severely. Her 
Captain, Andrew Ball, was killed, as was the Admiral's 
secretary, Sparrow, who was shot down at his side, and 
nearly half her crew were killed. Blake himself was 
wounded in the thigh; and the same ball which lamed 
him for life tore away a part of Deane's buff coat. 

The Dutch loss was never ascertained, but it was very 
heavy, for some of their ships had nearly all the men 
killed or wounded ; and the appearance of their gun- 
decks, spattered with blood and brains, shocked even the 
callous captors. 

At night Blake sent many of his wounded on shore, 
where preparations were made for them, all classes turn- 
ing out to relieve and succor them. Collections of money 
and clothing- were made in all the South and West of 
England, and the miserable provision made at that day 
for the sick and wounded was supplemented by the 
spontaneous gifts of the people. 

Blake's own wound, which was not really dangerous 
at first, required repose and proper treatment, but he 
would not go on shore. 

At night the fleets lay close together, never losing 
sight of each other's lights during the whole of the long 
winter's night. During these dark hours all hands were 
employed in stopping leaks, repairing sails, and getting 
gun tackle in readiness to renew the contest in the 
morning. 

A dead calm had succeeded to the fresh breeze which 
was blowing when the battle began ; and if it continued 
the Dutch could have no choice as to renewing the fight. 



138 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

But at daylight a light breeze sprang up, and Tromp, 
anxious to take home his convoy in safety, disposed his 
men of war in the form of a crescent, with the traders in 
the centre, and crowding all sail, stood directly up Chan- 
nel. Blake followed in pursuit, with all his available 
ships. It was noon, however, before the Triumph came 
within gunshot of the rearmost Dutch ship, and it was 
two in the afternoon before the main body came up with 
them, off Dungeness. 

Seeing that he would be compelled to fight, Tromp 
ordered his convoy to make the best of their way to the 
nearest Dutch port, keeping close along Calais and 
Dunkirk, for protection ; and then he turned upon his 
pursuers, like a lion at bay. 

The battle was renewed with great fury. De Ruyter 
again performed miracles of courage and conduct, but 
the fortune of war was against him. After some hours 
his own ship became unmanageable, and would have 
fallen into the enemy's hands but for Tromp, who saw his 
danger, and sent a ship to extricate him. With great 
difficulty this was accomplished. An hour or two later 
Tromp began to haul off towards Boulogne, but it was not 
until night fell again that the hostile fleets separated once 
more. 

That night proved bitterly cold, but unusually clear, for 
winter, so that the English fleet was enabled to keep the 
Dutch lights in sight. On this day just closed Blake had 
captured or destroyed five of his enemy's ships, and, in 
consequence of the recent reforms, had not had occasion 
to complain of the want of courage, steadiness or prompt- 
ness of a single commanding officer. In the Dutch fleet 
Tromp had to contend against want of concert, party 
bitterness and personal envy in many of his captains. At 
the close of this day's fighting several of the latter sent 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 139 

word on board the Brederode that they were out of 
powder, and Tromp was compelled to send them away 
in the night, so as to prevent cowardice and treason from 
spreading to the other ships. To conceal his true motive 
he pretended to give them orders to take a new position, 
to windward of the convoy, to protect them from the light 
craft of the English, which were hovering about. 

But when day dawned Blake saw at a glance that the 
Dutch fleet was considerably reduced in numbers, and 
inferred that a squadron had been despatched during the 
night to cover the convoy ; and he at once sent a 
squadron of fleet sailers after them, while he himself 
bore down once more on his reduced but unconquered 
enemy. Tromp met him with undaunted courage, and, 
as usual, fought desperately. But the most he could 
now hope for, with his reduced fleet, was to occupy Blake 
until his richly laden convoy could reach a friendly port. 
But even this seemed doubtful. After the first shock 
of this day's renewed fighting he felt that he would be able 
to afford them but small protection ; and he sent Captain 
Van Ness to the merchant fleet, with orders to crowd all 
sail for Calais Road. As the fight went on he again sent 
another officer to hurry them in, or else the English 
frigates would soon be among them. But the wind was 
blowing from the French coast, and Van Ness' most 
energetic efforts were insufficient to carry the confused 
mass of traders near enough to the Roads to be out ol 
danger. More than half the men-of-war and frigates of 
the Dutch fleet had been scattered, taken, or sunk, by this 
time, and many of the captains who were left had, 
contrary to Tromp's orders, retreated upon the flying 
convoy. Confusion now reigned, and as the English 
came up, the merchantman, in their alarm, either ran 



140 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

foul of each other and knocked themselves to pieces, or 
fell into the enemy's hands. 

Still engaged with the retreating Dutch men-of-war, 
Blake arrived on the scene in the afternoon, and finding 
some of the merchant ships actually throwing themselves 
into his way, he began to suspect that it was done to lure 
him to make captures and give the discomfited fleet time 
to rally. He accordingly gave strict orders that every 
man-of-war still in condition to follow and fight should 
press on after the main body of the enemy, leaving the 
traders to be either picked up by the frigates detailed for 
the purpose, or driven where they could be captured 
after the Dutch fleet was swept from the Channel. At 
last darkness put an end to the chase. Tromp ran in 
and anchored the remnant of his fleet under the French 
shore, about four miles from Calais. They were in 
number about one-half what he had sailed with ; and all 
of them more or less damaged. 

Blake's pilots all agreed that Tromp could not, as the 
winds and tides then were, come out to sea again, in 
order to get home. He, therefore, anchored his fleet 
also, and set to repair damages. The night was dark 
and a gale was blowing, and ships' lights could not be 
seen at any distance. At daylight the sea was clear 
where so many ships had been at anchor at sunset. 
Tromp had slipped away toward Dunkirk; and afterward 
succeeded in entering the various ports of Zealand. 

Blake felt that it would not be well for him to follow 
the enemy into the flats and shallows of his own coast, 
and so he stood over for England. The bad weather 
continuing, he carried his fleet and the prizes into Stoke 
Bay, whence he reported his success to Parliament. 

During these successive days of fighting there had 
been great loss of life. Seven Dutch captains were 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 141 

killed, and -three taken prisoners. Three English cap- 
tains were killed, and Blake himself, Rear-Admiral 
Lawson, and many other distinguished officers wounded. 
The total loss on each side was never published. A day 
of thanksgiving was appointed in England, and provision 
made by public subscription, as well as by the State, for 
the widows and children of those who had fallen. 

Blake took no rest, in spite of his wound, but refitted 
and revictualed his ships, intending to strike a blow at 
the Brest privateers. 

But in April he received information that the equally 
indefatigable Tromp was making great efforts to equip 
another fleet. He at once proceeded off the Texel, with 
about one hundred sail. In the Texel he saw many 
men-of-war, but Tromp himself had already gone out to 
the Northward, to convoy in an expected fleet of traders 
from Spain and the Levant. By good seamanship he 
brought them safe home, but not by the Channel which 
he had formerly brushed down with his broom. 

Then came Cromwell's assumption of supreme power; 
and political events of magnitude usurped, in English 
minds, the Dutch war, and all other matters. 

Blake's opinions were known to be unfavorable to the 
extreme practices of the Protector, and when the Dutch 
heard of the revolution which had occurred in London, 
by means of the army, they jumped to the conclusion that 
their redoubtable naval enemy would no longer carry on 
the war with the same energy. But in this they were 
deceived. Blake was loyal to his country and her wel- 
fare, before all, and told his captains that "it was not for 
them to mind affairs of State, but to keep foreigners from 
fooling us." Though he suspected Cromwell, and ab- 
horred military rule, he had patriotism enough not to 
deprive his country of such services as he could render. 



142 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

because it had allowed itself to submit, in an irregular 
way, to a power not of his choosing. 

It was fortunate that he took this resolution promptly, 
for Tromp, Evertz, Ruyter and De Witt, under the im- 
pression that the English fleet was divided by political 
discord, sailed for Dover Road, with one hundred and 
thirty ships, manned in haste, took some prizes, and 
began firing upon the town. 

The English fleet was then in three divisions. Deane 
and Monk, sailing together, in the Resolution, had under 
their orders thirty-eight sail, carrying 1440 guns, and 
about 6000 men ; Penn had thirty-three sail, with 1 200 
guns, and 5000 men ; and Lawson had thirty-four ships, 
with 1200 guns, and about 5000 men. The Dutch had a 
few more ships than the English, but were about equal 
in guns and men. 

When Tromp thus suddenly reappeared, Blake was at 
the North, with a small fleet, but couriers rode overland, 
day and night, to apprise him that the Dutch were again 
in the Channel, and had fired upon Dover. 

He made all sail for the South as soon as he heard this 
important news, having a favoring breeze, and burning 
with anxiety to join the main fleet before a battle took 
place. 

But on the 2d of June, before he arrived, the hostile 
fleets sighted each other near the Gable, and were soon 
in collision. Lawson was in advance of the English fleet, 
and broke through the Dutch line about midday, sepa- 
rating Ruyter's division from the rest, and engaging it 
heavily before the main body on either side could get up. 

In about an hour Tromp came to Ruyter's relief, and 
the action then became general. One of the first shots 
which struck the Resolution killed General Deane, and 
Monk threw his cloak over the mangled body, and called 



ENGAGEMENTS BE1WEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 143 

to his men to avenge his death. For some hours the 
Dutch fought with reckless courage, and when night fell 
both fleets had sustained great damage and loss, but 
nothing was decided. All that night, while the hostile 
fleets lay to, near each other, repairing damages, Blake 
was carrying every possible stitch of sail, to reach the 
fleet. He was, of course, unaware of the day's events, 
of the death of his friend and comrade, Deane, and of the 
doubtful position of the English fleet. The officers and 
men who had been engaged on the English side watched 
anxiously for signs of the coming of their great leader, 
but when the summer morning dawned no trace of his 
sails could be seen on the northern horizon. Tromp was 
unaware that Blake was expected that day, as he believed 
him to be too far North to be recalled. He, therefore, 
spent the whole morning in manoeuvres for the weather 
gage. A calm put a stop to this at about noon, and then 
the great guns opened again on both sides, and the battle 
was renewed with great energy, but neither side seemed to 
have any decided advantage. If there was any it was upon 
the side of the Dutch. But early in the afternoon Blake 
managed to draw near, with a light air, and his thundering 
broadsides upon the flank and rear of the Hollanders put 
new life into the harassed and flagging English. Young 
Blake was the first of the English reinforcement to engage 
the enemy, and, as if to announce the arrival of the great 
captain upon the scene, he broke through the Dutch line, 
belching forth death from both batteries, and greeted with 
tremendous cheers from the English ships. 

By four o'clock the battle was over, and the retreat of 
the Dutch began. Tromp fought with the energy of 
despair ; but nothing could withstand the onset of such a 
force, led by Blake himself. 

The Brederode boarded Penn's flag-ship, the James, but 



144 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the attack was repulsed by Penn's crew, who, in turn, 
boarded the Brederode, and would probably have cap- 
tured that ship had not Tromp, resolved not to fall into 
his enemy's hands alive, thrown a match into the maga- 
zine, and caused an explosion, which sent the upper deck 
and the gallant boarders upon it into the air, the planks 
shivered into splinters, and the men horribly scorched and 
mutilated. 

Most strange to relate, Tromp himself was but little 
hurt; but a report of his death spreading, many of his 
captains, thinking all was lost, bore up and fled. De 
Ruyter and De Witt exerted themselves in vain to stem 
the tide of disorder and defeat. Tromp, after his mar- 
velous escape, left the wrecked Brederode for a fast sail- 
ing frigate, and passed through his fleet, encouraging 
those who stood fast, and threatening the waverers, while 
he fired upon some who fled the scene. 

But it was too late. The day was lost, and the brave old 
man had at last, reluctantly, to give the order for retreat. 

Just then a fresh gale sprang up, but the English fleet 
pressed sail after them, sank some ships, captured others, 
and were only made to cease by darkness coming on. 

Favored by the darkness, Tromp anchored in Ostend 
Road, and next day escaped, with the remnant of his fleet, 
into Weilingen. 

The news of this great defeat threw the United Prov- 
inces into a dangerous ferment. The mob rose in many 
towns, and committed great excesses. The Admirals 
offered to resign; and they all declared that they would 
go to sea no more with such an organized fleet as they 
then possessed. De Witt openly acknowledged that the 
English were, for the present, masters of the sea. 

The naval power of Holland was indeed, for the time, 
completely broken; and the final battle of the war, 



ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 145 

hazarded and lost two months later, was an expiring effort, 
made with crippled resources, and under circumstances 
of the greatest discouragement. 

The English fleet, though it kept the sea, was scarcely 
in better condition than that of their enemy. Blake kept 
the Dutch coast blockaded, nevertheless, while their com- 
merce was intercepted and their fisheries idle. In doino- 
this his fleet suffered from bad and scanty provisions, 
which brought on much sickness. Blake himself fell ill, 
and had to be taken on shore, more dead than alive, leav- 
ing to Monk, Penn and Lawson the carrying out of his 
plans. 

One more blow, and all was over. In the temporary 
absence of the English blockading fleet, the Dutch squad- 
rons at Weilingen and the Texel put to sea, and effected 
a junction. But their shattered fleet was felt to be unfit 
to cope with their powerful opponents, and when they 
met the English fleet, they endeavored to avoid a battle. 
But Penn and Lawson pressed sail to come up with them, 
and some fighting had already taken place, when night 
came on, and stopped it. 

Next day a heavy gale prevented a renewal of the 
action; but on the next the fleets once more met. 

During the close fighting which ensued the aged and 
able Van Tromp received a musket ball through the 
heart, and fell upon his own quarter-deck, — an appropri- 
ate death for the gallant but unfortunate veteran. 

At his death his fleet fled; the English pursuing with- 
out mercy, for the ruthless Monk was now in command, 
and had ordered his captains to give no quarter. They 
made no prisoners; and the end of the engagement was 
rather a massacre than a battle. 

Immediately after this the humbled States General sued 
for peace. 
10 



146 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



IX. 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITER- 
RANEAN. A.D. 1676. 




|N the latter part of 1674 Messina and a part 

of Sicily revolted against the Spaniards, 

and Louis XIV resolved to sustain the 

insurrection, in pursuance of his political 

designs. In consequence, Duquesne, who 

had just been named General of the Naval 

Forces, sailed from Toulon, on January 

29th, 1675, with eight ships-of-war, bound 

for the Sicilian coast. 

Before we detail his operations there, it may be of 

interest to give some sketch of this very remarkable 

man. 

Abraham, Marquis Duquesne, one of the greatest 
seamen France ever produced, was born in Dieppe, an 
important seaport in the north of France. He entered 
the navy early, and soon rose to the command of a ship, 
in which he joined in the recapture of some of the French 
islands from the Spaniards, for which service he was 
reported most favorably to the great Richelieu. During 
these operations he learned of the death of his father, in 
action with the Spaniards, and Duquesne seems ever 
after to have entertained the greatest dislike for this 
nation, causing them to feel the effects of his resentment 
on numberless occasions. In 1638 he, under circum- 
stances of great difficulty and danger, rescued from under 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN . 147 

the guns of St. Sebastian several French vessels which 
had been stranded there. The same year, at the battle 
of Gattari, Duquesne decided the victory by blowing up 
the Spanish admiral's flag-ship, by means of a fire- vessel. 

The next year he served on the Biscayan coast, and, at 
Santona, was dangerously wounded in the jaw by a bullet, 
while boarding a Spanish galleon. 

During 1 641 he served against Spain in the Mediter- 
ranean, was constantly engaged, and again wounded. 
In succeeding years he was actively employed, at Cape 
de Gatte, and at Carthagena, and was again wounded. 

Already a veteran, Duquesne was obliged, by the 
neglect into which the French navy fell after Richelieu's 
death, to take service under the Swedes, then engaged 
in a naval war with Denmark. Queen Christina, who 
knew his merit, received him cordially, and made him a 
vice-admiral. 

In this capacity he was engaged in the naval battle of 
1644, under Fleming and Torstensen, against the old 
king, Christian IV, of Denmark. He also served in 
other naval battles, in the north, under Admiral Wrangel. 

Peace being- concluded between Denmark and Sweden, 
Duquesne left the service of the latter State, and returned 
to his own country; and, in 1645, was again actively 
employed against Spain, and was again wounded. 

In 1 647, being then a capitaine de vaisseau, he was sent 
to Sweden to purchase four vessels of the line for the 
French navy. After this he had command of Dunkirk, 
in French Flanders, for five years. 

In 1653 occurred the naval operations of the Duke de 
Vendome, about the mouth of the Gironde, in consequence 
of the civil war of the Fronde. The French navy had at 
this time so decreased that the Duke, in summoning 
Duquesne from the North Sea to his assistance, was 



148 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

obliged to ask the latter to man and equip some of the 
vessels at his own expense. 

On his way down the Channel to join the Duke, 
Duquesne met an English squadron, which summoned 
him to lower his flag, a token of submission at that time 
imposed upon all foreigners by the English, if within 
Ushant or even Finisterre. To this demand Duquesne 
returned a haughty refusal, whereupon a very close and 
murderous engagement took place, which resulted in the 
English, although quite equal in guns to the French, being 
put to flight. 

On arriving off the Gironde a Spanish squadron, 
operating in connection with the insurgents, attempted 
to bar his progress ; but he drove them off, and succeeded 
in joining the Duke, and greatly assisted in the reduction 
of Bordeaux and all Guienne. 

In recognition of his services Anne of Austria bestowed 
upon Duquesne a chateau and estate in Brittany, with a 
promise of reimbursement for his expenses in fitting out 
his squadron. 

The peace of 1659 relegated Duquesne to civil life; 
but Colbert, during this cessation of arms, had the wisdom 
to imitate Richelieu in fostering and rebuilding the navy 
of France, so that, when war broke out between France 
and Holland, in 1672, the former was able at once to 
send to sea a formidable fleet. 

During this year Duquesne held a high command in 
the great naval battles in the North Sea ; particularly 
those off Southwood, where Vice Admiral d' Estrees was 
opposed to the Dutch Admiral Benkaert ; as well as the 
two battles where the combined French and English 
fleets, under Prince Rupert, Admiral Spragge, and 
d' Estrees, fought the Hollanders under Ruyter, Cornells, 
Tromp and Benkaert. 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 149 

England suddenly made peace with Holland, but 
France continued the war, with the alliance of Spain, 
Germany, and the two Sicilies ; and it is at this point that 
we take up Duquesne's battles with the Dutch fleet. 

When he sailed from Toulon, in January, 1675, he had 
on board the Duke de Vivonne, General of the Galleys 
of France, who had been named Viceroy of Sicily. He 
had in charge a convoy, also, with a great store of wheat 
and other provisions for Messina. 

On February nth, in sight of the Sicilian coast 
Duquesne and Vivonne were attacked by a Spanish fleet 
of twenty men-of-war and seventeen galleys, commanded 
by Don Melchoir de la Cueva. Duquesne sustained the 
attack of this large force with such vigor and determi- 
nation that he gave time for the Chevalier de Valbelle to 
arrive from Messina with a considerable reinforcement; 
when, in his turn taking the offensive, he drove off the 
Spanish fleet, pursued it until it took refuge in Naples, 
and then triumphantly entered Messina with his convoy. 

He soon after, in concert 'with Vivonne, captured the 
town of Agosta ; after which Duquesne was sent back to 
France, with the greater part of the fleet, to bring back 
to Sicily munitions of war and reinforcements, then much 
needed at Messina. 

On his arrival at Toulon, Duquesne learned that the 
great Dutch naval commander, Ruyter, had entered the 
Mediterranean, to operate in conjunction with the Spanish 
fleet. He was placed in command of a very considerable 
fleet, to enable him to measure his forces with those of 
the redoubtable Hollander who had been so successful 
against the English and others. Duquesne was then 
sixty-four years of age, and Ruyter was near seventy. 

The Dutch Admiral had risen from the lowest origin to 
be the Admiral of Holland. This was the result of his 



150 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

own great ability and bravery ; and he was so much the 
favorite of the Dutch government and people that, 
although he begged to be excused from further service, 
on account of age, nothing would satisfy them but that he 
should make this one important campaign. Duquesne 
sailed again, from Toulon, on the 17th of December, 
1675, with a fleet of twenty ships-of-the-line, and six fire- 
ships, bound for Messina. 

As soon as the veteran Ruyter heard that he had put 
to sea, he hastened to meet him. Some days before this 
an English trader had met the illustrious Admiral of Hol- 
land off Melazzo. about twenty-five miles from Messina. 
The Englishman inquired what he was doing in those 
parts, and Ruyter replied that "he was waiting for the 
brave Admiral Duquesne." 

The hostile fleets met on the 16th of January, 1676, 
off the Lipari Islands, between Salino and Stromboli, 
under the very shadow of the ever active volcano. 

The whole day was passed in reconnoitring each 
other's strength, and in manoeuvring; and during the 
whole succeeding night the fleets were working for the 
weather gage. Each commander had a true respect for 
the courage and ability of his opponent; and each 
knew that he must expect an exceptionally vigorous 
attack. 

On the morning of the 8th, at daylight, Duquesne, who 
had obtained the advantage of the wind, crowded sail 
down upon the Dutch fleet, which lay about two leagues 
to leeward. 

,The French were in three divisions. Their van was 
commanded by Preuilly d'Humieres; the rear by Gabaret 
l'aine, both excellent officers ; the centre was under the 
command of Duquesne himself, who had his flag in the 
Saint Esprit, and was immediately supported by the 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 151 

Chevalier de Valbelle, in the Pompeux, and that splendid 
sailor, Tourville, in the Sceptre. 

The Dutch fleet, which comprised twenty-four ships-of- 
the-line, two flutes, and four fire-ships, was also divided 
into three. Their van was commanded by Verschoor, 
their rear by De Haan, and the centre by Ruyter himself. 

The French came down in such a beautiful line that 
Ruyter himself showed and expressed a sailor's admira- 
tion for the skill and discretion shown. The French van 
opened fire at about nine in the morning, and both fleets 
immediately engaged. The battle, as may be supposed 
from the character of the officers, was a most obstinate 
and well contested one, and continued for seven hours, 
with very varying fortunes. At the termination each side 
claimed a victory ; but the advantage was clearly with 
Duquesne, for the Dutch fleet, which was there to bar 
his passage, was so much injured that Ruyter could not 
prevent Duquesne from entering Messina with his fleet; 
which he did, on the following day, without molestation 
from the Dutch. 

In the course of the battle Ruyter's flag-ship, the Con- 
cordia, and Duquesne's flag-ship, the Saint Esprit, had 
an encounter, which lasted until the Concordia declined 
further battle, after so sharp and murderous an engage- 
ment that Ruyter said it was the hottest fight he had ever 
been in in his life ; and no one was a better judge. 

But this battle of the Lipari Islands was only the pre- 
lude to a still more desperate and important one. 

The active and enterprising Duquesne, having refitted 
at Messina, sailed from that port again, with two objects 
in view. The first was to protect important convoys of 
stores and provisions expected from France ; and the 
second to protect the town of Agosta from an expected 
attack by the Dutch fleet. 



152 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Ruyter, hearing that Duquesne was again at sea, went 
straight to meet him, with his fleet reinforced by a Spanish 
squadron, under the command of Don Francisco de la 
Cerda. 

The rival Admirals made each other out on the 21st 
of April, and the next day the fleets met off Agosta, which 
is some fifteen miles to the northward of Syracuse. 

Duquesne had now thirty sail of-the-line, and eight 
fire-ships. Ruyter had twenty-nine sail, nine galleys, and 
four fire-ships. 

On this occasion the French Admiral had entrusted the 
command of his van to Almeiras, his rear to Commodore 
Gabaret l'aine, and himself commanded the centre. 

Ruyter, in this battle, preferred to command the van 
himself, and not the centre, as was usual for the Com- 
mander-in-chief. 

The Spanish ships he put in the centre of his line of 
battle, and Vice-admiral de Haan in command of his rear 
division. 

At about two in the afternoon Ruyter, with the van 
division, attacked that of Almeiras, which sustained his 
vigorous assault with great steadiness. Unfortunately, 
however, Almeiras was soon killed by a cannon-ball, and 
wavering" and indecision at once showed itself in his 
division ; but the Chevalier de Valbelle coming up, and 
assuming command, the temporary confusion ceased, and 
the division conducted itself well. Just then Duquesne 
came down to the assistance of his van ; and the battle 
became general all along the line, the firing of the two 
well drilled and well appointed fleets being described as 
unusually sharp and terrible. 

The two Admirals' ships, the Saint Esprit and the 
Concordia, met once more, and a most obstinate and 
destructive figfht ensued. For a loner time it was doubt- 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 153 

ful which would have the advantage. At last the Con- 
cordia suddenly and unexpectedly slacked her fire ; then 
it ceased, and she wore ship, and made sail in retreat. 
Ruyter had been badly wounded, his left foot being carried 
off, and his right leg broken in two places, while, in falling, 
he had injured his head severely. 

Even after he fell he continued to exhort those about 
him to fight courageously, but, disheartened by the strong 
resistance of the French, and by the desperate wounds of 
their beloved Commander-in-Chief, the Dutch van, from 
that moment, ceased their fire and ran to leeward, leaving 
their centre and rear still heavily engaged. 

Vice Admiral de Haan was true to his reputation as a 
superior sea officer, and made desperate efforts to 
retrieve the fortunes of the day, but the victory was with 
the French, and De Haan was glad to be able to withdraw 
his fleet, at nightfall, and to take refuge in the convenient 
port of Syracuse. 

Duquesne remained off the port all night, his battle 
lanterns burning, and the next day took every means to 
provoke the Dutch to come out and renew the battle, but 
without effect. 

This ended the naval battle of y^Etna, or Mount Gibel. 

Ruyter died seven days after the battle. 

On the 28th of May Vivonne, the Viceroy of Sicily, 
came out of Messina with Duquesne, in his flag-ship, the 
Saint Esprit, with the intention of attacking the combined 
fleets of Holland and Spain, which were then together, 
and lying in Palermo. They arrived off that city on the 
31st, and next day the Spanish and Dutch fleets came 
out. But it was not until the second of June that a 
decisive battle was fought. It was decided in a compara- 
tively short time, for no less than twelve of the Dutch 
and Spanish ships, set on fire by the fire-ships of 



154 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Duquesne, blew up, destroying, besides their officers and 
crews, Admiral de Haan, Don Diego d' Ibarra, Don 
Francisco de la Cerda, Flores, and other admirals and 
principal officers. 

The French loss in this last engagement was com- 
paratively insignificant. 

Upon his return from this engagement Duquesne met 
the "Concordia,'.' which had left Syracuse with the re- 
mains of Ruyter, which she was carrying back to Holland. 
Giving the ship free passage, he saluted the remains of 
the illustrious seaman in an appropriate manner. Louis 
XIV, in learning of Ruyter's death, ordered all of his 
forts and batteries (in sight of which the Dutch ship 
passed while bearing his remains) to salute. This was 
considered very remarkable, for Ruyter was a Protestant, 
which, in that day, was considered worse, in France, than 
being a political enemy. 

Still more remarkable, Duquesne was a Protestant, 
and when it came to recompensing him for his long 
and arduous and distinguished services, Louis XIV 
required him to renounce the Protestant faith, promising 
him a Marshal's baton, and other honors. Duquesne 
simply replied that, if he was a Protestant, his services 
were Catholic. He received the domain of Du Bouchet, 
and afterwards a Marquisate, but never was really in 
favor with Louis. 

It may be of interest to some to continue the history 
of this great French sailor. 

He continued to serve at sea, though an old man; and 
among some other exploits of his of this date, was the 
burning of some Spanish vessels in the very port of Bar- 
celona. 

After the peace of Nimeguen he kept very quiet, 
and seldom went to court, an unusual thino- in those 



FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 155 

days, especially for those who had such claims as 
Duquesne. 

In 1682 he was sent with a fleet to Algiers, which city 
he bombarded for several days, with great effect, but 
was compelled, by bad weather, to return and winter at 
Toulon. 

In June, 1683, ne reappeared before Algiers, completely 
reducing the place by his fire, so that the population rose 
up against the Dey. All the French slaves were given 
up, but Mezzo Morto, who had succeeded to the Dey, 
who had been put to death by the insurgents, renewed 
the defence, when the bombardment was continued by 
Duquesne, to such an extent that it rendered the Al- 
gerines harmless for a long time, by destroying all their 
vessels and naval stores. 

Two years after this Duquesne commanded the French 
fleet which bombarded Genoa, and, at different times, 
inflicted so much damage that the Doge and four Sena- 
tors were obliged to come to Versailles, to beg pardon, in 
person, from the King. It was on this occasion that the 
Doge was asked what he found most surprising in Ver- 
sailles, and answered " that it was to find himself there." 

The Genoese expedition was Duquesne's last service. 
He had been sixty years in actual service, a time only 
rivaled by Doria. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes 
distressed the veteran beyond measure. He alone, of all 
the Protestants of France, was excepted from proscription, 
and enabled to retain his rank and honors. But his 
children and friends, his relatives and co-religionists, were 
banished from their homes ; and this had a most depress- 
ing effect upon the Admiral, and, no doubt, hastened his 
death. 

He died at Paris, on February 2, 1688, aged seventy- 
eight years. With his last words he implored his eldest 



156 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

son not to serve against his country, as many of the 
exiled Huguenots were then doing. So great was the 
feeling at the time of his death, that his remains were 
privately buried, his son's request to have them sent to 
him in Switzerland being refused ; but he erected a tablet 
to his memory. 

This was in great contrast with the splendid obsequies 
and the tomb given by Holland to his adversary, Ruyter. 

Louis XVI, afterwards tried to make reparation for this 
treatment of such a great French naval hero, by placing 
Duquesne's portrait in the royal apartments at Versailles. 
In 1844 the City of Dieppe erected a bronze statue in 
his honor, and one of the large vessels of the French 
navy is generally called " Duquesne." 




A CARAVEL OF THE TIME OF COLUMBUS. 



BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 



157 



X. 



BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. A. D. 1692. 




A HAGUE, or La Hougue, is in the Depart- 
ment of the Manche, in the north of 
France. It is to the westward of Cherbourg 
and on the same peninsula. It is often 
confounded with La Hogue, another cape 
to the eastward of Cherbourg ; and the 
battle which took place off this point in 
1692, and which gave such a fatal blow to 
the naval power of Louis XIV, is generally called, in the 
histories, La Hogue. 

Louis XIV, having seen the failure of the expedition 
which he had prepared to attack Ireland, with a view to 
the re-establishment of James II, resolved, if possible, to 
strike a vital blow at England in another manner. He, 
therefore, prepared an armament which was to protect 
and take part in a descent upon the territory of England, 
herself the hereditary enemy of France. 

The French King reckoned not only upon the number 
and force of his fleet, but also upon the revulsion in public 
opinion which seemed to have taken place in England, in 
reo-ard to King William. Many eminent persons, among 
others the famous Duke of Marlborough, were known to 
have opened secret relations with James II ; and that 
Prince had reason to count upon many adherents in the 
English fleet, which he had for a long time commanded, 
previous to his accession. Among others, he is said to 



158 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

have depended upon Admiral Russel and Rear Admiral 
Carter. 

Louis XIV, confident in the ultimate result of all his 
designs, laid down the plan of a naval expedition, by 
which he would be enabled to land a force of 30,000 
men, fully equipped, upon the English coast. 

Tourville was ordered to the command of the French 
fleet. Aime Hilarion de Cottentin, Count de Tourville, 
was born at the Chateau of Tourville, in Normandy, in 
1642. He entered the Order of Malta while still a boy, 
and at the age of eighteen began to serve in the galleys 
of the Order, where he soon made a reputation, so much 
so that he was called to court, and given the grade of 
Capitaine de Vaisseau. He served under the Duke 
de Beaufort, at the relief of Candia, then besieged by 
the Turks; and afterward distinguished himself in the 
war with Holland; and still later, distinguished himself 
at the relief of Messina, which had revolted against the 
Spanish rule. 

The following year he took part in Duquesne's brilliant 
expedition against the Algerines and Tripolitans, when 
the Corsairs received the most crushing blows which had 
ever been dealt to them, up to that time. 

In 1684 ne participated in the bombardment of Genoa, 
and four years after, in a successful cruise against the 
Dutch. In the same year he inflicted a severe bombard- 
ment upon Algiers. 

In 1689, being now an Admiral, he commanded a fleet 
which, in connection with one under D'Estrees, was to 
support the cause of James II. This combined fleet suc- 
ceeded in landing some few men and some munitions of 
war in Ireland, but, on the whole, the operation was a 
failure. While in command of the French fbet, in the 
year following, he had a battle with the Anglo- Dutch fleet, 



BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 159 

off the Isle of Wight, which was a most inglorious affair 
for the English, their Admiral, the Earl of Torrington, 
behaving with great want of spirit. The result was that 
Tourville captured and burned many of the English ships, 
not losing one himself. The sturdy Dutchmen made a 
good fight, and came off much better than their English 
allies. 

In 1692, as above stated, Tourville was ordered to the 
fleet fitted for a descent on England ; and now we shall 
take up the account of the battle once more. 

The bulk of Tourville's fleet was in Brest, and as the 
spring opened he received orders to sail from that port, 
enter the Channel, and attack the English fleet, no matter 
in what force they might be found, before they could be 
reinforced by the Dutch fleet, which was preparing to 
join them. 

The French King and his ministers had convinced 
themselves that, in the event of a collision, a very large 
part of the English fleet would go over to the side of the 
Allies of James II. 

All these projects and all these hopes were brought to 
naught, however, by head winds and bad weather, which 
detained Tourville in Brest harbor for more than a month, 
while the two squadrons from Rochefort and Toulon, 
which should have reinforced him, were prevented by the 
same bad weather from joining him in time. 

Tourville, supposing that the sams winds which had 
prevented his leaving Brest had facilitated the junction of 
the Allies, requested the permission of the Minister of 
Marine to remain in Brest until his expected reinforce- 
ments had joined him. 

Pontchartrain, at that time minister, and exercising an 
enormous influence over the King, ordered him to fight 
the English fleet, whether he was strong or weak — "fort 



160 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ou foible." The minister added, " It does not become you 
to discuss the King's orders. Your duty is to execute 
them, and to sail for the Channel at once. Send me word 
whether you intend to do so ; and, if not, the King will 
place in command of the fleet some one who is more 
obedient and less cautious." 

This was certainly a most insolent and improper 
manner for the minister — who was, by the way, profoundly 
ignorant of naval matters — to address the greatest 
seaman which France, up to that time, had produced. 

But Pontchartrain was noted for his arrogant and 
overbearing official manners. Tourville having at this 
time complained of the bad quality of the powder supplied 
him, and reporting that it could not be depended upon, a 
subordinate of the Ministry of Marine was deputed to 
reply to him that " if he found the powder did not carry 
far enough, he had only to approach his enemy a little 
nearer." There seems to be absolutely something 
grotesque and ridiculous in such words, addressed in 
such a way, to such a man, had it not been for the sad 
termination of the action into which he was driven, against 
his own professional convictions. 

Tourville put to sea with about fifty-six ships, in place 
of seventy-eight which had been promised him. He had 
hardly got to sea before Louis XIV received information 
that the Jacobite plot had completely failed, and that it 
was reported that Marlborough and several other persons 
of distinction had been arrested ; and that the Dutch and 
English fleets had effected a junction. 

The King at once sent orders, in great haste, to des- 
patch fast-sailing corvettes to seek for Tourville, and to 
warn him not to go into the Channel before he had been 
joined by the squadrons expected from the southern 
ports. This was just what Tourville had asked for, when 




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BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 161 

he received such an unmerited rebuke from Pontchar- 
train. 

Unfortunately, none of the vessels despatched for the 
purpose found him, and he pressed on into the Channel. 

On the 19th of May, at daylight, between Barfleurand 
La Hague, he found himself in the presence of the Allied 
fleet, the most powerful that, up to that time, had ever 
taken the sea. It consisted of ninety-nine ships, thirty- 
six of which were Dutch. Seventy-eight of these vessels 
were of more than fifty guns. Admiral Russel's flag 
was flying on board the Britannia, of ioo guns; his Vice- 
Admiral was Sir Ralph Delaval, in the Royal Sovereign, 
100; and the Rear- Admiral, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, in the 
London, ioo. There were three other ioo-gun ships in 
the English fleet. The second division, or " Blue Squad- 
ron" of the English fleet was commanded by Admiral 
Sir John Ashby, in the Victory, ioo; Vice- Admiral George 
Rooke, in the Windsor Castle, 90, and Rear-Admiral 
Richard Carter. The Dutch fleet was commanded by 
Admiral Allemonde. 

The total number of guns carried by these ninety-nine 
ships was 6998; and they were manned by nearly 41,000 
men. 

To oppose this great force Tourville had, as we have 
said, sixty-three vessels, including seven which had joined 
him from Rochefort; and about 3500 guns, with a little 
less than twenty thousand men. 

When they made each other out the French fleet bore 
west of the Allies, and it was quite hazy, so that neither 
could tell upon which tack their opponent was. But soon 
after sunrise the haze dispersed, and the French were 
found to be upon the starboard tack, the same as the van 
and centre of the Allies, and forming their line. At 8 a. 
m. the Allied line was formed, the Dutch in the van, Ad- 
11 



162 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

miral Russel in the centre, and Sir John Ashby in the 
rear. 

Tourville, at sight of the Allies, and making out their 
force and numbers, called a council of war on board his 
flag-ship, the Soleil Royal. All his officers of any rank 
or experience advised him to avoid a battle against such 
odds. By 9 a.m. the French fleet had stretched nearly 
as far to the southward as the Allied fleet ; the wind 
continued light from the southwest, and the French fleet 
could with ease have avoided or delayed an engagement. 
But Tourville exhibited to his officers the orders he had 
received — written orders from the king himself — and at 
the sight of these no more was to be said, and at about 
half past ten a.m. the French fleet, to the astonishment 
of the English, made all sail, and bore down to the 
attack. It was certainly an act of temerity, for the 
division of Admiral Russel himself would have been not 
a bad match for the French. 

Tourville, with his division, steered straight for that of 
Russel. The latter did not avail himself of the advantage 
of firing as his adversaries approached, but allowed 
Tourville to come down in silence and choose his own 
distance ; at the same time he ordered the Dutch fleet to 
tack to the northward. In doing so a Dutch vessel fired 
at Tourville, and the whole line at once took it up. 
Tourville at first had evidently intended to bear down and 
cut through the English line ; and had he done this the 
probability is that the English centre would have been 
seriously damaged before the rear or van could have 
approached to its assistance, as the light wind dwindled 
to a calm as soon as the heavy firing commenced. In 
bringing to when he did, the French Admiral relinquished 
this advantage. 

The engagement which now followed was terribly 



BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 163 

destructive, especially in the centre. The English espec- 
ially attacked the Soleil Royal, on which Tourville showed 
the Admiral's Standard of France. At times she had to 
sustain the fire of five or six ships at once. She was 
finally so cut up in sails, rigging, and spars, that she had 
to be towed out" of action. It is said that the English 
excelled the French in rapidity of fire, delivering three 
broadsides to two of the French. 

During the fight between the centre divisions the 
English rear division cut in two a French division 
commanded by Admiral Pannetier, and turned the flank 
of the French rear. This would have been most disastrous 
for the latter had not the greater part of Ashby's division 
pursued four or five vessels of Pannetier, in place of 
turning again upon the mass of the French. Gabaret, 
the French rear commander, was thus enabled to hold 
his own against the rest of Ashby's division, while a 
portion of his ships went to the relief of Tourville, who 
was sore beset, as. we have seen. Coetlogon, who 
commanded the succoring ships, was an old friend and 
comrade of Tourville's, and he determined to save his 
chief or to die with him. He made so vigorous an 
attack that he not only extricated the Soleil Royal, but 
even made Russel's division, strong as it was, temporarily 
give way. 

A dense fog now came on, and firing ceased, as they 
could not distinguish friend from foe, the ships drifting 
together, with the tide. Gabaret, with the ships of the 
rear division which were left him, profited by the respite, 
to fall in astern of Tourville's line, and they then anchored. 
Russel's division not doing so immediately, drifted off to 
some distance. 

The killed and wounded in this day's fight were very 
numerous, on both sides. The English ship Eagle, a 70, 



164 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

lost seventy men killed and one hundred and fifty 
wounded. Among the English killed was Rear-Admiral 
Carter, whom the French always insisted had promised 
James II to abandon William, while he was revealing to 
the latter the French plans against him. 

Ashby's ships having now abandoned the pursuit of 
Pannetier's, that Admiral joined Tourville, and a brisk 
fire was once more opened. Happily for the French, it 
was just then impossible for Russel to come up, owing to 
lack of wind and a strong tide, or the French fleet must 
have been crushed, as it lay between him and Ashby. 

The Dutch division had been held in check by the 
French van division, owing to the ability with which its 
Commander, d'Amfreville, had preserved the weather 
gage. Possibly, also, the Dutch did not fight with their 
whole heart for those who, as they said, had sacrificed 
them off Beachy Head, some years before. 

Night was now coming on, and Admiral Ashby, be- 
coming uneasy at his separation from the rest of the fleet, 
determined to rejoin Russel. To do this he had to pass 
through the French fleet, and succeeded in doing so, with 
some loss. 

The French fleet having anchored to stem the flood 
tide were soon left far to the westward by the English, 
who kept under way. On the morning of the 20th the 
bulk of the French vessels were seen nine or ten miles to 
the westward, and a general chase ensued. 

Thus far no French ships had been taken, and only one 
or two destroyed. Tourville gathered most of his ves- 
sels, except eight or ten which had made for Brest, when 
chased off the day before, and finding many of them 
much injured, ordered them to endeavor to reach any 
port they could, in Normandy or Brittany. In the unfor- 
tified places they were at once stranded, and as much of 



BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 165 

their armament and stores were saved as possible. Some 
fifteen of their finest ships, in this position, were soon 
afterward burned by the English, and it was this which 
pointed out more forcibly to the French government the 
necessity of a military port either at La Hague or Cher- 
bourg, as had been repeatedly urged by Colbert and 
Vauban. 

Had the English understood the intricate navigation 
about the Channel Islands and Saint Malo as well as the 
French did, there is no doubt that they would have 
secured some of the French ships as trophies. As it was, 
not one was brought in to an English port. 

The moral effect of a victory remained the same, how- 
ever, rendering William III more firm upon his throne, 
while the hopes of James II were completely dissipated. 

Louis XIV, the real author of the defeat suffered by 
his fleet, wrote to Tourville the following singular letter: — 

"I have had so much joy in learning that, with forty- 
four of my ships, you have fought, for a whole day, ninety 
of my enemies, that I feel no sorrow for the great loss 
which I have suffered." 

This letter was intended, no doubt, to soothe the 
wounded feelh'gs of Tourville. Indeed, Louis seems to 
have taken upon himself the whole responsibility of the 
defeat, as he should have done. 

The following year he bestowed upon Tourville, in 
company irith the Duke de Villars, Marquis de Boufflers, 
the Duke de Noailles, and Catinat, the baton of a 
Marshal of France. 



166 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XL 

BENBOW. A. D. 1702. 




OR some reason Benbow has always been 
considered the typical seaman of the latter 
part of the 1 7th century, a distinction which 
he appears to owe to his honesty and 
bravery, together with the fact that he was 
almost always actively employed in the 
service of King William III, with whom he 
was a favorite. He was born in 1650, and 
entered the navy as a midshipman in the reign of 
James II. 

Queen Anne ascended the English throne on the 8th 
of March, 1702, and on the 2d of May declared war 
against France. 

In September, 1701, Vice- Admiral Benbow had sailed 
to the West Indies with a squadron of ten sail of third- 
and fourth-rate ships, under orders to detain the Spanish 
galleons, which were to make their yearly voyage home, 
with treasure and valuables. 

Admiral Chateau Renaud also sailed from Brest, with 
the same destination, with fourteen sail-of-the-line and 
sixteen frigates, to meet the galleons and escort them to 
Cadiz. Benbow was very active in the West Indies, not 
only in protecting English trade, but in combating the 
plans of Chateau Renaud, of which he had managed to 
become informed. 

On the 19th of August, 1702, in the evening, Benbow, 
with his small squadron, being off Santa Martha, fell in 



BENBOW. 167 

with ten sail of French ships, under Admiral Du Casse. 
His squadron, consisting- of four ships, each mounting 
sixty or seventy guns, one large Dutch ship, another full 
of troops, and the remainder chiefly small vessels, were 
running down close in shore, under their topsails. 

Benbow immediately gave chase; but his ships being 
very much separated, he was under the necessity of wait- 
ing their arrival up before commencing an attack upon 
the French. At about four o'clock in the afternoon, his 
ships being up, the engagement began. 

The British squadron consisted of the Breda, of 70 
guns, Benbow's flag-ship, one sixty-four, one fifty-four, 
and four forty-eight- gun ships. 

Benbow's intention seems to have been to overtake the 
leading French ship, and as soon as his second astern was 
abreast of this ship, to have commenced the action. If 
these were disabled, the rest would have fallen an easy 
prey; but the Falmouth, 48, disobeyed his orders, and, 
being in the rear, closed with and engaged the Dutch 
ship. The Windsor, 48, and Defiance, 64, also engaged 
the ships nearest to them, but after an interchange of 
broadsides, hauled off, and stood out of gunshot, in a 
most cowardly manner. The brunt of the action thus 
fell upon the Breda, the flag-ship, which was opposed to 
the two sternmost French line-of-battle ships, by which 
she was seriously cut up and disabled. 

The fight lasted until night fell, and Benbow continued 
the pursuit of the enemy until the next morning, but at 
daybreak he found he had only the Ruby, 48, near him, 
the rest of his ships being five miles astern. 

At 2 p.m. on the 20th, the sea breeze having set in, the 
French formed line and made sail on their way, followed 
by the Breda and two other English ships ; the remaining 
four making no effort to join in the pursuit of their 



168 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

enemy. The ships with Benbow could only annoy 
the enemy's rear, but he continued to follow them, under 
every disadvantage, for the next two days. At 2 a.m. of 
the 24th the Breda was enabled, by a change in the wind, 
to pass close to the sternmost French ship, and a smart 
action ensued. Benbow, in person, boarded the French 
ship three times, in doing which he received a severe 
wound in the face and another in the arm ; and shortly 
afterward the gallant Admiral had his right leg shattered 
by a chain-shot, and was carried below ; but he insisted 
upon being again taken on deck, and there he remained, 
lying in his cot and continuing to give orders as to the 
engagement. 

The Breda's immediate opponent was in a short time 
reduced to a mere wreck, having lost her fore-top-mast, 
main yard and mizzen-mast, and having her hull 
completely riddled by shot. Soon after daylight Benbow 
observed the other French ships bearing down to her 
assistance ; and at the same time he had the extreme 
mortification of seeing the Windsor, Pendennis, Greenwich 
and Defiance, of his own squadron, actually bearing up, 
and running away to leeward, in despite of his signal, 
then flying, for "close action." 

The French, observing the dastardly conduct of Ben- 
bow's captains, steered for the Breda, and opened fire 
upon that ship, which shot away some of her spars, and 
otherwise considerably damaged her. They then sent 
fresh hands on board the Breda's late opponent, and 
taking her in tow, made sail and went away, without any 
attempt on the part of the English ships to prevent it. 

One of Benbow's lieutenants, at this time expressing 
his sympathy on the loss of the Admiral's leg, the brave 
man replied, " I am sorry for it too ; but I had rather lost 
them both than have seen this dishonor brought upon 



BENBOW. 169 

the English nation. But do you hear," he continued, 
" if another shot should take me off, behave like brave 
men, and fight it out !" 

In spite of his condition and that of his flag-ship, 
Benbow determined still to follow the enemy, so he com- 
municated with his captains, and ordered them to keep 
their stations in the line, " and behave like men." Upon 
this Captain Kirkby, of the Defiance, came on board the 
flag-ship, and told the Admiral " that he had better desist; 
that the French were very strong, and from what was 
passed he might guess he could make nothing of it." 
Upon sending for the captains of the other ships, to his 
great disgust, surprise, and chagrin, he found they coin- 
cided in opinion with Kirkby ; and although at that time 
the English squadron possessed advantages of both 
strength and position, the gallant Benbow had to yield, 
give up the pursuit, and proceed with his squadron to 
Jamaica, where he died of his wounds, on November 4th, 
at the age of fifty-two. 

Before his death a court-martial assembled, to try 
Captain Kirkby on charges of cowardice, disobedience 
of orders and neglect of duty, and these charges having 
been most clearly proven, he was justly sentenced to be 
shot. Captain Constable, of the Windsor, was tried on 
the same charges, but cowardice not being proved, he 
was only cashiered. Wade, of the Greenwich, was tried 
for like offences, which were proven, as well as drunken- 
ness, and he was shot. Wade and Kirkby were both 
shot to death on board the Bristol, at Plymouth, on the 
1 6th of April, 1703. Captain Hudson, of the Pendennis, 
died before his trial came on, and the other two captains 
were cleared by the court-martial. Altogether, this was 
one of the most disgraceful affairs that ever happened in 
the British navy. 



170 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Shortly before his death Benbow received the following- 
letter from his late adversary, Admiral Du Casse, which 

speaks for itself: — 

"Carthagena, August 22d, 1702. 
"Sir: I had little hopes on Monday last but to have supped in your 
cabin, but it pleased God to order it otherwise ; I am thankful for it. As 

for those cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up, for by 

they deserve it. Yours, Du Casse." 

The galleons which poor Benbow was to intercept did 
not finally escape. They succeeded in crossing the 
Atlantic, under convoy of the French fleet, and put into 
Vigo. Admiral Sir George Rooke was off Cadiz, with 
the English fleet, and as soon as he heard of the arrival 
of the galleons and their escort at Vigo, sailed for that 
place. Arriving off that bay he sent in a boat to obtain 
intelligence respecting the force and disposition of the 
French and Spanish ships. 

This being- determined, it was considered that the whole 
fleet could not act, in the bay, upon the enemy's ships; 
but, on the contrary, that they would only impede each 
other. It was therefore arranged that fifteen English 
and ten Dutch men-of-war (acting with them), and a 
number of fire-ships, should be sent in to destroy the 
Franco-Spanish fleet. The frigates and bomb vessels were 
to follow this detachment, and the largerships were to come 
in afterward, if their services should be required. Some 
troops were to be landed at the same time, and attack a 
fort at the south of the harbor. All the English and 
Dutch flag officers went in the attacking squadron, leav- 
ing their heavy flag- ships outside. Vice-Admiral Hopson 
led the van, followed by the Dutch Vice-Admiral Van 
der Goes. Sir George Rooke himself, Rear- Admiral Sir 
Stafford Fairborne, and the Dutch Admirals Callemburg 
and Wassenaer, commanded the centre ; while Rear- 
Admiral Graydon and Vice-Admiral Pieterson brought 



BENBOW. 171 

up the rear, with the mortar vessels and fire-ships. Sel- 
dom has it happened that so few vessels should have so 
many officers of high rank in command, but it was done 
to give eclat, and to ensure the success of a difficult 
undertaking. 

On the 1 2th of October, in the morning, the attacking 
squadron got under way, and made sail for the harbor, 
the entrance to which is very narrow, and was protected 
by a strong boom, composed of masts and yards, secured 
to anchors dropped in mid-channel, and the ends attached 
to two of the largest French ships, the Esperance and 
the Bourbon. 

Within the boom five ships of from sixty to seventy 
guns were moored, with their broadsides bearing upon 
the mouth of the harbor. 

The van division of the attacking fleet had hardly 
reached within gunshot of the batteries when the wind 
died away, and they were obliged to anchor. But a strong 
breeze soon sprang up, and Vice- Admiral Hopson cut his 
cable, and, crowding all sail, bore down upon the boom. 
The velocity acquired by his ship, the Torbay, broke the 
boom, and he at once found himself between the two 
large French ships. Owing to a flaw of wind, the other 
ships could not just then follow, but Admiral Van der Goes 
and the remainder of the squadron soon found a way 
through the passage Hopson had made, and the Bourbon 
was captured. 

In the meantime the Torbay was in great danger, from 
a fire-ship, and owed her preservation to a rather singular 
circumstance. 

The fire-ship was a French merchant ship, which had 
on board a large cargo of snuff, which, in the hurry of 
preparing her for a fire-ship, had not been removed. 
When the fire reached the snuff it was so deadened that 



172 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the Torbay was saved from otherwise certain destruction. 
This ship, however, suffered very severely, as she had no 
less than one hundred and fifteen killed and drowned 
and very many wounded, including her captain. Her 
masts and rigging were so injured by fire that Admiral 
Hopson had to shift his flag to another ship. 

The English ships, Association and Barfleur, then 
attacked the batteries on both sides of the harbor, with 
great success, and the French Admiral, finding that the 
English land forces, which had attacked at the same time, 
had gained possession of a part of the town of Vigo, and 
that more English ships were coming in, gave orders for 
setting fire to the shipping. Before this order could be 
carried into effect, however, a great many ships were 
taken possession of by the English and Dutch. 

There were burned or destroyed seven ships, carrying 
334 guns, and over 2000 men, while the English took loui 
ships of 284 guns and 1800 men, and the Dutch, six ships 
of 342 guns and over 2000 men. This was the French 
loss. 

Three Spanish men-of-war, carrying about 180 guns, 
were destroyed, and of fifteen galleons found there, and 
which had really caused poor Benbow's death and this 
important naval battle, four were taken by the English, 
five by the Dutch, and four destroyed. The gold and 
silver on board this fleet was computed at twenty millions 
of pieces of eight (dollars) ; fourteen millions of which 
had been removed previous to the attack, the remainder 
being either taken or sunk in the galleons. Merchandise 
of nearly equal value was taken or destroyed, besides 
much plate belonging to individuals. 

The capture and destruction of this fleet was a severe 
blow to the French and Spaniards, and was accomplished 
with a very small loss to the fleet of the Allies, if we 



BENBOW. 



173 



except the Torbay. Hopson was adequately rewarded for 
his gallantry. 

Sir George Rooke, in leaving Vigo Bay, after this 
event, entrusted to Sir Cloudesley Shovel the fitting out 
of the prizes, and the rescuing of treasure from the 
sunken galleons. He also recovered the Dartmouth, an 
English 50-gun ship, which had been captured in the 
previous war; and took out of the French ships which 
were lying aground many very fine brass guns. Every 
ship which he could not bring away was completely 
destroyed. 




NORMAN SHIP OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 



174 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

XII. 

BYNG AND LA GALISSONlfcRR A. D. 1756. 




DMIRAL the Hon. John Byng, was the 
fourth son of Viscount Torrington, and 
upon entering the British navy, served 
under his father, who was a very distin- 
guished officer. 

In 1 745 Byng, then a Rear- Admiral, 
commanded a squadron on the coast of 
Scotland, which prevented supplies from 
being thrown into that country, from France, and did 
much to defeat the designs of the young Pretender, the 
grandson of James II. 

War between England and France was formally de- 
clared in 1756, but long before that, it had been known 
that the French were equipping an expedition at the port 
of Toulon, which was intended for the capture of Minorca, 
then in possession of the English. The French, to cover 
their real design, gave out that it was intended for a 
descent upon England. Although warned, the Ministry 
of George the Second showed blind incredulity in regard 
to the designs of the French upon Minorca. When their 
eyes were at last opened to the true state of affairs, it was 
too late, and the British Cabinet then acted with foolish 
haste and precipitation. The French had thrown a large 
body of troops into the island and obtained complete 
possession of it, with the exception of Fort St. Philip, at 
Port Mahon, which still held out. 



BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 175 

Byng was advanced to the rank of full Admiral, and 
appointed to the command of the expedition intended for 
the relief of Fort Philip, which was blockaded by sea and 
besieged by land. The fleet with which he was provided, 
instead of being of a character fit to obtain command of 
the Mediterranean, consisted of ten sail-of-the-line only, 
and these wretchedly fitted out. Unaccountable negli- 
gence was also observable in manning this fleet ; for, 
being ordered to convey a reinforcement of troops to 
Gibraltar and Minorca, the marines of the ships were 
ordered to be landed, to make room for the troops, and 
thus the proper complement of each ship was much 
reduced. 

The fleet should have sailed early in the year, but 
delay followed delay, and Byng's remonstrances were 
unheeded. The crews of the ships were left incomplete, 
although they might have been filled by drafts from 
vessels lying in home ports. 

The expedition finally sailed from England on the ioth 
of April, 1756, having on board the troops alluded to 
above and thirty or forty officers whose regiments were 
in garrison in Minorca. 

Even at this time, from the instructions given to Byng, 
the English ministry did not seem fully to believe that 
Minorca was to be found in possession of the French, as 
Byng was directed to detach a portion of his squadron, 
under Rear- Admiral West, to America, in case he should 
learn, on arriving at Gibraltar, that the French fleet had 
passed out of the Straits into the Atlantic. Byng arrived 
at Gibraltar on May 2d, after a stormy passage, and here 
all uncertainty in regard to the motions of the French was 
relieved. A French armament, commanded by M. de la 
Galissoniere, with thirteen ships-of-the-line, and transports 
conveying 1 5,000- troops, had taken full possession of the 



176 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

island, from which Byng's informant, Captain Edgecomb, 
had retired upon their landing. This intelligence the 
Admiral despatched to England, accompanied by remarks 
little likely to win the favor of those who then misdirected 
the naval affairs of England. " Byng's admonitory tone 
irritated their Lordships excessively, and undoubtedly led 
them thus early to take measures to transfer any blame 
from themselves to the officer who could presume to 
complain of their fatal tardiness in then attempting to 
defeat the enemy's designs." 

At daybreak, on May 19th, the English fleet arrived 
in sight of Minorca, and reconnoitred Port Mahon, with 
a view of endeavoring to communicate with General 
Blakeney, in command of Fort St. Philip, and the fleet 
stood in shore. But the appearance of the French fleet 
soon changed the nature of the British Admiral's move- 
ments. Galissoniere's well appointed fleet stood down, 
and towards night were within a few miles, when they 
tacked to obtain the weather gage, and Byng tacked his 
fleet to preserve it. They both continued working to 
windward all night, with light variable winds, and at day- 
break, on May 20th, were not visible to each other, as it 
was very hazy. Soon, however, the French fleet was 
discovered to leeward, but at so great a distance that it 
was two in the afternoon before Byng considered it neces- 
sary to form his line of battle. 

The French had twelve sail-of-the-line and five frigates, 
carrying 976 guns and 9500 men. Byng had thirteen 
sail-of-the-line (having been reinforced at Gibraltar), four 
frigates and a sloop-of-war, carrying 948 guns and 7000 
men. 

About three o'clock Byng made signal for his ships to 
approach and engage the enemy in an oblique direction, 
so as to avoid exposing them to a raking fire as they 



BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 177 

approached the French line, which was lying waiting for 
them, with main-top-sails aback. The signal was to bear 
away two points, but Admiral West, who was leadino- 
misinterpreted the signal, bore away seven points, and 
brought the French to action in a manner which it would 
have been well for the Commander-in-chief to have fol- 
lowed; for had West's mode of attack been generally 
adopted in the British fleet, it would have saved Byno-'s 
life as well as some disgrace to the British navy. Byno- 
shortly bore up to the support of his Rear-admiral, but the 
Intrepid, the last ship of the leading division, soon had 
her fore-top-mast shot away, and in an entirely unac- 
countable manner, threw all the ships astern of her into 
confusion. Such a loss, with the wind on her quarter, 
ought not to have occasioned any trouble, as the other 
ships could pas's her to leeward. The next ships luffed 
up, to pass her to windward, but, in fact, did not pass her 
at all, remaining on her weather quarter, nor did several 
other of the rear ships, including Byng's flag-ship, the 
Ramillies, of 90 guns. This ship did not get into action 
at all, although her crew wasted much ammunition by 
firing while completely out of gunshot. In this she was 
imitated by four other heavy ships. The division of 
Admiral West, who was really in action, suffered a good 
deal, and would probably have fallen into the hands of 
the French, if the latter had not, after about three hours' 
cannonading, filled, and made sail out of action. 

After this partial and rather disgraceful affair Byng 
returned to Gibraltar, leaving the English garrison of 
Fort Philip to its fate. 

The French account of the action was the first to reach 

England. It claimed decided advantage for the French, 

and stated that the English had appeared unwilling to 

fight ; that the engagement was not general ; and that, 

12 



178 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

on the next morning, to the surprise of the French 
Admiral, the English fleet had disappeared. Most of 
this was true; indeed, all of it, except West's gallant 
fight. 

Immense indignation was excited in England by this 
news ; and this excitement was fostered by many in 
authority. 

Without waiting for Byng's despatches, the Admiralty 
appointed Sir Edward Hawke and Admiral Saunders to 
supersede Byng and West, directing Hawke to place 
them both under arrest, and send them home prisoners, 
to England. This feverish and unusual haste had 
the effect upon the public mind of a condemnation of 
Byng. Hawke and Saunders reached Gibraltar on the 
3d of July; and Byng, West, and other officers arrested, 
reached England on the 26th of that monfh. 

Byng was immediately placed in close confinement, and 
his younger brother, who had hastened to see him, was 
so struck by the abuse of the Admiral in every town he 
passed through that at sight of him he was taken sud- 
denly ill, and died in convulsions. Byng had been burned 
in effigy in all the large towns, before he arrived in 
England ; and his place in the country was mobbed, and 
the house with difficulty saved from destruction. 

The streets and shops were filled with caricatures and 
libelous ballads, abusing the ministry, as well as Byng; 
the ministry being held responsible popularly for not 
having sent an efficient fleet sooner. 

Such public excitement and universal condemnation, 
upon slight knowledge of the facts, was most unusual, and 
most unjust to the Admiral, who had faults enough to 
answer for. 

From Portsmouth he was sent to Greenwich, to await 
trial. Here he was again in close confinement, and an 



BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 179 

impression was sought to be conveyed to the public that 
he desired to make his escape. 

But Byng always manifested a desire to be put upon 
his trial, and seemed, to the last, confident of an honor- 
able acquittal. 

In December he was taken back to Portsmouth, with 
the same parade of guards as when he had been brought 
up. 

The Court-martial to try him assembled at Portsmouth, 
on board the St. George, on the 28th of December, 1756, 
and sat every succeeding day, except Sunday, until the 
27th of the following month. 

The charges against him were seventeen in number, 
but the court ignored most of them, and only imputed 
blame to Byng in that, during the engagement, he did 
not do his utmost to " take, seize and destroy" the ships 
of the French, and to assist such of his chief officers as 
were engaged. 

The prisoner's conduct fell under a part of an Article 
of War providing for such offence ; and the court had 
no other alternative than to pass sentence of death upon 
the unfortunate Admiral, as provided in the Article. 

But as all evidence showed that he did not lack per- 
sonal courage, the court refused to find him guilty of 
" cowardice or disaffection," and earnestly recommended 
him to mercy. 

In a letter to the Admiralty, signed by every member 
of the court, they say, " we cannot help laying the distress 
of our minds before your Lordships, in finding ourselves 
under the necessity of condemning a man to death from 
the great severity of the 1 2th Article of War, part of which 
he falls under, -and which admits of no mitigation, even 
if the crime should be committed by an error of judg- 
ment ; and therefore, for our own conscience's sake, we 



180 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

pray your Lordships, in the most earnest manner, to 
recommend him to his Majesty's clemency." 

This the Lords of the Admiralty did not do, but simply 
requested the King to submit the case to the twelve 
judges, as to whether the sentence was a legal one. 
There had been no question of its legality. The judges 
declared the sentence legal. 

On the very same day they did so, the Lords of the 
Admiralty, at the head of whom was Lord Temple, signed 
a warrant for carrying the sentence into execution, on 
February 28th. 

Admiral Forbes, one of the Board of Admiralty, refused 
to sign it ; and the sentence was generally considered by 
naval officers cruel in the extreme. Admiral West 
demanded a revision of the 12th Article, and declared he 
would resign unless it was abrogated. Wm. Pitt char- 
acterized it as unjustly severe, but it was only modified 
twenty-two years afterwards, by inserting, after the word 
death, "or to inflict such other punishment as the nature 
and deeree of the offence shall be found to deserve." 

As Byng was a member of the House of Commons it 
was necessary to expel him before execution, and this led 
to a long and acrimonious debate as to an appeal to the 
throne for mercy. Nothing was done, however. Byng's 
political enemies were too strong for his friends, among 
whom was Mr. Fox, and pardon was no longer hoped 
for. In the meantime the execution had been postponed, 
but was finally ordered for the 14th of March. This 
decision was met by Byng almost with cheerfulness, as 
he was to be relieved from imprisonment, indignities and 
protracted anxiety, which had lasted for seven months. 

The sentence was carried into effect on the day ap- 
pointed, on board the Monarch, in Portsmouth Harbor. 
About noon, having taken leave of two friends and a 



BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 181 

clergyman who had attended him, Byng walked out of 
the state cabin on to the quarter-deck, where two files of 
marines were drawn up to execute the sentence. He 
advanced with a firm and deliberate step, and composed 
and resolute countenance, and wished to suffer with his 
face uncovered ; but his friends represented that perhaps 
his look might intimidate the marines, and prevent them 
from taking proper aim. So he allowed a handkerchief 
to be tied over his eyes, and kneeling on a cushion, 
dropped his handkerchief as a signal for the marines to 
fire. Five balls passed through his body, and he dropped 
dead instantly. The time consumed from the moment 
he left the cabin until his body was in its coffin was just 
three minutes. 

He left a paper containing a solemn protest against the 
malice and persecution he had encountered, and saying 
that he felt justice would ultimately be done his memory. 
He also declared that he had done his duty, to the best of 
his judgment, and that he forgave his enemies. 

Byng had not been a popular officer ; something of a 
martinet, he was cold and haughty in manner, but no one 
had ever accused him of want of personal courage, any 
more than his gallant father. He was opinionated, and 
self-willed, and it was shown on his trial that, if he had 
listened to the sensible and seamanlike suggestions of 
Gardner, the captain of his flag-ship, the result of his 
engagement with Galissoniere might have been different, 
and have prevented him from taking refuge under the 
decision of a Council-of-war partly composed of the land 
officers, passengers in the fleet, which had much hurt the 
pride of the navy. It was by advice of this Council that 
he withdrew from Minorca. 

Byng's execution, in spite of his manifest lack of crimi- 
nality, was an opprobrium to the ministers of twoadminis- 



182 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



trations, for he was denounced and persecuted as a coward 
and traitor under that of the Duke of Newcastle and 
Lord Anson, while the Duke of Devonshire and Lord 
Temple sanctioned his death. 

The court which tried him expressly acquitted him of 
cowardice and treachery, and complained of the severity 
of the law which awarded the punishment of death on a 
secondary charge, recommending him to mercy. 

The famous Voltaire remarked that the English had 
just shot an Admiral "pour encourager les autresT 



- »1B 

v 





Jfe ' ''■ 

imt SIP 

asp 538 * -' 



- :: ^^^^^^^^^ 




VENETIAN GALLEY OF THE l6TH CENTURY. 

(A specimen of the Venetian Fleet at the Battle of Lepanto.) 




CAULKING A VESSEL. 
ROPE WALK. 
SAIL BENCH. 

LIFE AT SEA, No. 1. 



SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 



183 



XIII. 

SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 
A. D. .759. 




f T may be of interest to have some account of 
the successor of the ill-fated Admiral Byng, 
in the command of the fleet in the Mediter- 
ranean. 

Sir Edward Hawke, who was born in 
1705, and died in 1781, was the son of a 
barrister. He entered the Navy early, and 
in 1733 had risen to the command of a 
ship. In an engagement with the French, offToulon, in 
1744, he broke from the line of battle to engage a vessel 
of the enemy ; and, although he caused her to strike her 
colors, he was dismissed from the service for the breach 
of discipline. He was, however, restored almost imme. 
diately, by the King's command, and in 1 747 made a 
Rear-Admiral. In October of that year he was sent 
with a squadron to intercept a large fleet of French mer- 
chant vessels bound to the West Indies, under convoy of 
nine men-of-war, and many transports filled with troops. 
Coming up with them off Isle d' Aix, he succeeded, after 
a severe struggle, in capturing six of the men-of-war, but 
darkness coming on most of the convoy escaped. The 
delay of the French expedition, caused by this action, 
contributed very materially to the capture of Cape 
Breton. In consequence of his success, Hawke was 



184 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

made a Knight Commander of the Bath ; and soon after 
became Member of Parliament for Bristol. 

In 1748 he was made a Vice-Admiral, and in 1755 an 
Admiral ; and the following year succeeded Admiral 
Byng — but much too late to succor Minorca. 

Hawke had no opportunity of again distinguishing 
himself until 1759, when he was in command of the 
squadron blockading Brest. Having been driven by 
stress of weather into Torbay, he sailed from thence to 
resume his station off Brest, on the 14th of November, 
and on the same day Admiral Conflans put to sea with a 
strong fleet — though not equal to that of Hawke. 

The latter conjectured that the French had gone to 
Ouiberon Bay, to attack an English squadron cruising 
there, and he pressed sail in that direction. Owing to 
strong head winds it was the 20th before he arrived off 
Belleisle. When that island bore about east, the 
French fleet was discovered. The weather was thick, 
and it was blowing a very fresh gale of wind from the 
northwest, with a heavy sea. 

Hawke made all haste to get his ships together, 
and then sent one of them in to make the land, and ascer- 
tain the exact position. Soon after the weather cleared, 
and the French fleet was seen, crowding sail to get away; 
and Hawke ordered a part of his fleet in chase, and 
followed with the rest. The fresh gale rendered it im- 
possible for either fleet to carry much sail. Early in the 
afternoon the leading English ships caught up with the 
French rear, and a very animated action ensued. The 
French Rear-Admiral, Verger, in the Formidable, 80, 
was set upon by five or six ships at once, and was obliged 
to surrender, after having had two hundred men killed. 
The English Magnanime, 74, Captain Lord Howe, soon 
became closely engaged with the Thesee, 74 ; but the 



SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 185 

latter being disabled, dropped astern, and was engaged 
by the Torbay, while Howe pushed on in search of a 
fresh opponent, which he found in the Heros, 74. 
Captain de Kersaint, of the Thesee, imagining from a 
slight lull in the wind that he could fight his lower 
deck guns, unfortunately tried the hazardous experiment, 
and commenced firing at the Torbay. Captain 
Keppel, of the latter ship, followed de Kersaint's 
example, and narrowly escaped the same fate. 
A heavy squall struck the Thesee, and she filled 
and went down ; and out of her crew of 800 men only 
twenty were' saved by the British boats. The Torbay 
shipped a great deal of water, but, by great exertions, 
was preserved. The Superbe, a French 70-gun ship, 
also capsized and sank, from the same cause. At 5 
p. m. the Heros surrendered to Howe, and anchored, but 
the sea ran so high that they could not lower a boat to 
take possession of her. The night came on very dark, 
and exceedingly tempestuous, and, being among the 
rocks and shoals of a treacherous coast, and without 
pilots, it was considered prudent to discontinue the 
chase, and anchor. During the night the Resolution, 74, 
drove on shore, and was totally wrecked, with the loss of 
most of her crew. 

At daybreak of the next day the Heros was discovered 
aground, and the flag-ship of Conflans, the Soleil Royal, 
dismasted. Shortly after being discovered she cut her 
cables, and also went on shore. The Essex, a 64, was 
ordered to stand in and destroy her, but that ship got on 
a sand bank and was wrecked; her crew, however, being 
saved. The two French vessels which were on shore 
were finally set on fire, and destroyed. Seven or eight 
others, by their knowledge of the coast, had got to the 
mouth of the river Vilaine, and by means of taking out 



186 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



their guns, crossed the bar, and reached a place of 
security. 

In effecting all this damage and loss upon the enemy's 
fleet, the loss in killed and wounded among the English 
must have been severe. But in those days they were not 
very particular in reporting such things. For his success, 
under exceptional difficulties and dangers, Sir Edward 
Hawke received the thanks of Parliament, and a pension 
of two thousand pounds per annum. 

In 1 765 he was appointed Vice- Admiral of Great 
Britain, and First Lord of the Admiralty; and in 1776 
was raised to the peerage, under the title of Baron Hawke 
of Towton. 




BUCENTORO. 

(Barge of the Doges, used annually, on Ascension Day, in the Ceremony of " Venice Wedding 
the Adriatic") 



-^ ; 



'mm 




SHfe 



SEjU 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 187 

XIV. 

SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 
A. D. 1779. 




•HIS remarkable action is interesting not only 
on account of its bloody and desperate 
character, and on account of the sensation 
it produced at the time, but because it 
illustrates one phase of our great struggle 
for independence ; a considerable space is 
therefore devoted to it. 

The hero of this action, John Paul, was 
born at Kirkcudbright, in Scotland, July 6th, 1747 ; and 
was sent to sea, as an apprentice, at the age of twelve. 
He afterwards made voyages as mate of a slaver, then an 
honored and recognized employment for a portion of the 
English merchant marine. 

At twenty-one he had command of a vessel in the West 
India trade, so that his merits as a seaman were early 
recognized. He afterwards became a trader in a vessel 
of his own. 

At the age of twenty-six he left the sea; and adopted 
the name of Jones. The reason for this does not clearly 
appear. He may have had some old scores to clear; and, 
settling in a new world, may have thought a new name 
necessary. 

In December, 1 775, he was appointed a First Lieutenant 
in the United Colonial Navy, and ordered to the Alfred, 
our first flag-ship. He hoisted the first flag of the 



188 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Colonies afloat; a yellow flag, with the pine tree and 
rattlesnake. In this ship he participated in several 
actions; and was afterwards in command of the Provi- 
dence, when he only escaped capture by excellent 
seamanship. He made many prizes in this ship. 

On Oct. ioth, 1776, he was named the 18th naval 
captain, and, in command of the Alfred and Providence, 
captured a valuable armed ship, and other prizes, again 
eluding recapture by good seamanship. 

He next went to European waters in command of the 
Ranger, 18, and there received, from a French squadron, 
the first salute to the Stars and Stripes, by this time 
adopted. 

He cruised in English waters, burning ships at White 
Haven, and spiking guns in batteries on shore; and then 
attempted to carry off the Earl of Selkirk. In this he 
failed, but having carried off some of that nobleman's 
plate, was branded by the English as a pirate. This 
epithet came with a bad grace from a nation then cele- 
brated for thorough "looting" of every place which came 
into their hands, in India, and elsewhere. The real 
offence was that Jones was an English subject, who had 
renounced his allegiance, and was serving against the 
mother country; like all the rest of those engaged in the 
Revolution. During this cruise in the Ranger he took 
the Drake, of 20 guns. 

After this he received from the French government an 
old Indiaman, called the Due de Duras, which he 
renamed the " Bonhomme Richard," or Poor Richard, in 
allusion to the publication by Benjamin Franklin. 

He had some other armed vessels, mostly " letters of 
marque," under his command. 

The Bonhomme Richard had 40 guns, and a mixed 
crew, of various nationalities. Jones sailed under such 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 189 

hampering restrictions that he was prevented from 
carrying out many promising projects ; but at last, on 
the 23d of September, he fell in with a Baltic fleet of 
merchantmen, convoyed by -the English frigate Serapis, 
44, and the Countess of Scarborough, 20. The result of 
the engagement which ensued will be given hereafter. 

To continue the sketch of Jones himself, we may say 
that, in 1 780, the year after this action, he sailed for the 
United States, in the Ariel, 20, but lost his masts in a 
severe gale of wind, and was obliged to return to France ; 
whence he sailed again and arrived safely, about the 
beginning of 178 1. 

He was then launched in the America, 74, which was 
presented by our Government to the French ; and he 
made a cruise in her as a volunteer. 

In 1783 he was prize agent of the United States in 
Europe; and finally, in 1787, while in Denmark, he re- 
signed, and entered the Russian Navy — hoisting his flag, 
as Rear Admiral, in the "Vladimir," on the 28th of June, 
1788. He found so much jealousy and enmity towards 
him that he resigned in about a year. 

Afterwards he resided in Holland and France, and 
was appointed Commissioner of the United States to 
Algiers — but his death occurred at this time, at the age 
of forty-five. 

And now, to return to his cruise in the Bonhomme 
Richard : — 

Paul Jones had obtained so much celebrity for his 
cruise in the Ranger, that, after that ship departed for 
America he remained in France, in the hope of re- 
ceiving a more important command. 

During the years 1778-9 various projects were 
discussed, in which he was to have a part. One idea 
was to make a descent upon Liverpool, with a body of 



190 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

troops to be commanded by La Fayette. These plans 
all came to nothing, and his offers of service were re- 
pulsed ; until at last a singular arrangement was proposed 
to him. 

M. de Sartine, French Minister of Marine, in a letter 
of February, 14th, 1779, states that the King of France 
had decided to purchase, and put at the disposition of 
Captain Jones, the Duras — an old Indiaman of some 
size, then at l'Orient. To this vessel were added three 
more, procured by means of M. le Ray de Chaumont, 
a banker who had connections with the French 
Ministry. 

Dr. Franklin, who, as Minister of the United States, 
was supposed, in a legal sense, to direct the whole 
affair, added the Alliance, 32, by virtue of authority from 
Congress. 

The vessels thus procured formed a little squadron, 
composed of the Bonhomme Richard, Alliance, Pallas, 
Cerf, and Vengeance. The Pallas was a purchased 
merchantman ; the Vengeance a small purchased brig ; 
the Cerf was a large cutter, and, with the exception of the 
Alliance, the only vessel of the squadron built for war 
purposes. All but the Alliance were French built, and 
they were placed under the American flag by the following 
arrangement : the officers received appointments, which 
were to remain valid for a limited period only, from Dr. 
Franklin, who had been furnished blank commissions, to 
fill at his own discretion, ever since he had arrived in 
Europe. The vessels were to show the American ensign 
and no other. In short, the French ships were to be 
considered as American ships during this particular 
service : and when it was terminated they were to revert 
to their former owners. The laws and provisions made 
for the American navy were to govern, and command was 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 191 

to be exercised, and to descend, according to its usages. 
Such officers as already had rank in the American Navy 
took precedence, agreeably to dates of commission, and 
new appointments were regulated by priority of appoint- 
ment. 

By especial provision, Captain Jones was to be Com- 
mander-in-chief, a post which his original commission 
entitled him to fill, as Captain Landais, the only other 
regular captain in the squadron, was his junior. The 
joint right of the American Minister and of the French 
Government to direct the movements of the squadron 
was recognized. 

It is not exactly known from what source the money 
was obtained to fit out this squadron ; and it is likely that 
it never will be known, especially as the French Revolu- 
tion destroyed so many records, public and private. 
Although the name of the King was used, it is possible 
that private adventure was at the bottom of the enter- 
prise, although the French Government furnished vessels 
and the use of its stores. Dr. Franklin expressly stated 
that he made no advances for the ships employed. 

As everything connected with this remarkable expe- 
dition has interest for us, it is as well to go a little further 
into the composition of the force fitted out by Jones. 

After many delays, the Bonhomme Richard was 
equipped and manned. It was intended to cast 18- 
pounders for her, but as that would take too much time, 
old 1 2's were substituted. With this change in armament, 
the Richard, as she was called by the sailors, got ready 
for sea. 

She was, properly, a single-decked ship, that is, carry- 
ing her armament on one gun-deck, with the usual addi- 
tions on the quarter-deck and forecastle. 

But Commodore Jones, with a view to attacking- the 



192 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

enemy's large convoys, caused twelve ports to be cut in 
the gun-room, below, where six old 18-pounders were 
mounted, with the intention of fighting all of them on the 
same side, in smooth water. It was foreseen that these 
guns could only be of use in moderate weather, or when 
engaged to leeward, but the ship's height admitted of 
them, and it was done. 

On her gun-deck proper the ship had twenty-eight 
ports, the regular construction of an English 38-gun ship 
at that time. Here the 12-pounders were placed. On 
her quarter-deck and forecastle were mounted eight 9's ; 
making, in all, a mixed armament, rather light, to be sure, 
of 42 guns. If the six 18's were taken away, the ship 
would have been what was called a 3 2 -gun frigate. 

She was a clumsy vessel, built many years before, with 
the high, old-fashioned poop, which resembled a tower. 

With a vessel of this singular armament and unwieldy 
construction, Jones was compelled to receive on board a 
crew of very doubtful composition. A few Americans 
filled officers' positions; but the crew embraced represent- 
atives of more than twelve nationalities. To keep this 
motley crew in order, one hundred and thirty-five marines, 
or soldiers, were put on board. These were nearly as 
much mixed, as to nationalities, as the sailors. 

Just as the squadron was about to sail M. le Ray de 
Chaumont appeared at l'Orient, and presented a concordat 
or agreement, for the signature of all the commanders. 
This looked very much like a partnership in a privateering 
expedition, and was the cause of much after disobedience 
among Jones' captains. 

On June 19th, 1779, the ships sailed, bound south, with 
a small convoy of vessels. These they escorted safely 
into the Garonne, and other ports ; but not without 
repeated exhibition, thus early, of disobedience of orders, 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 193 

and unseamanlike conduct, which marked the whole 
career of this squadron, so ill assorted and manned. 

While lying to, off the coast, the Alliance, by lubberly 
handling, got foul of the Richard, and lost her mizzen- 
mast ; carrying away, at the same time, the head, 
cutwater and jib-boom of the Richard. This necessitated 
a return to port, to refit. 

When at sea again, and steering to the northward, 
the Cerf cutter was sent in chase of a strange sail, and 
parted company. 

The next morning she engaged a small English 
cruiser, of 14 guns, and caused her to strike, after 
a sharp fight of an hour ; but she was forced to 
abandon her prize by the approach of an enemy's 
vessel of superior force. The Cerf went into l'Orient 
again. 

On the 23d three enemy's vessels-of-war were seen 
by the squadron ; and, having the wind, they ran down 
in a line abreast, when, most probably deceived by the 
height and general appearance of the Richard, they 
hauled up and escaped under a press of sail. On the 
26th the Alliance and Pallas parted company with the 
Richard, leaving that ship with the Vengeance brig only, 
for consort. On reaching the Penmarks, a headland of 
Finisterre, the designated rendezvous, the missing 
vessels did not appear. On the 29th, the Vengeance 
having gone, by permission, into Groix Roads, the 
Richard fell in with two more of the English cruisers, 
which, after some hesitation, also ran, evidently under 
the impression that the Richard was a two-decker. 

Jones had reason to be satisfied with the spirit of his 
crew on this occasion, the people manifesting a strong 
disposition to engage. 

At last, on the 30th, the Richard ran into Isle Groix, 

13 



194 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN 

off 1' Orient ; and about the same time the Pallas and 
Alliance came in. 

Then another delay occurred. A court was convened 
to inquire into the conduct of Captain Landais, of the 
Alliance, in running foul of the Richard. Both ships 
also had to undergo repairs. Luckily, just then a cartel 
arrived from England, bringing more than one hundred 
exchanged American seamen, most of whom joined the 
squadron. 

This was a most important accession to the crew of the 
Richard, and that of the Alliance. Neither of these ships 
had had many Americans among their crews. Among 
those who came from the English prisons was Mr. 
Richard Dale, who had been captured as a Master's 
Mate, in the Lexington, 14. 

This young officer did not reach France in the cartel, 
however, but had previously escaped, came to 1' Orient, 
and joined the Richard. Jones soon learned his worth, 
and, in reorganizing his ship, had made him First 
Lieutenant. 

The Richard had now nearly one hundred American 
seamen on board, and all the officers were native Ameri- 
cans, but the commander and one midshipman. Many of 
the petty officers were Americans also. In a letter of 
August nth, Jones states that the crew of the Richard 
consisted of 380 souls, including 137 soldiers, or marines. 

On the 14th of August the squadron sailed a second 
time, from Groix Roads; having the French privateers 
Monsieur and Granville in company, and under Jones' 
orders. The first parted company almost immediately, on 
account of differences concerning a valuable prize; and 
another was taken the day she left. 

On the 23d the ships were off Cape Clear, and while 
towing the Richard's head round, in a calm, the crew of 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 195 

the boat, which happened to be manned by Englishmen, 
cut die tow-line, and escaped. Mr. Lunt, the sailing- 
master, manned another boat, and taking four marines, 
pursued the fugitives. A fog came on, and Mr. Lunt 
not being able to find the ships again, fell into the hands 
of the enemy. Through this desertion, and its immediate 
consequences, the Richard lost twenty of her best men. 

The day after this escape the Cerf cutter was sent 
close in, to reconnoitre, and to look for the missing 
people; and, for some unexplained reason this useful 
vessel never rejoined the squadron. There appeared to 
have been no suspicion of any treachery on her part, and 
we are left to conjecture the cause of her disappearance. 

A gale of wind followed, during which the Alliance and 
Pallas separated, and the Granville parted company, by 
order, with a prize. The separation of the Pallas was 
caused by the breaking of her tiller; but that of the 
Alliance t was due to the unofficerlike and unseamanlike 
conduct of her commander. 

On the morning of the 27th the brig Vengeance was 
the only vessel in company with the Commodore. 

On August 31st the Bonhomme Richard, being off 
Cape Wrath, the northwest extremity of Scotland, 
captured a large English letter-of-marque, bound from 
London to Quebec; a circumstance which proves the 
expedients to which their ship-masters were then driven 
to avoid capture, this vessel having gone north about, to 
escape the cruisers on the ordinary track. While in 
chase of the letter-of-marque, the Alliance hove in sight, 
having another London ship, from Jamaica, as a prize. 

Captain Landais, of the Alliance, was an officer who 
had been obliged to quit the French Navy on account of 
his unfortunate temper. He now began to show a 
disorganizing and mutinous spirit ; pretending, as his 



196 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ship was the only real American vessel in the squadron, 
that that fact rendered him superior to Jones, and that 
he should do as he pleased with his ship. 

That afternoon a strange sail was made, and the Richard 
showed the Alliance's number, with an order to close. 
Instead of obeying the signal, Captain Landais wore, and 
laid the head of his ship in the opposite direction. Other 
signals were disobeyed; and the control of Commodore 
Jones over the ship, which ought to have been the most 
efficient of the squadron, may be said to have ceased. 

Jones now shaped his course for the rendezvous he 
had appointed, in hopes of meeting the missing ships, 
and the Pallas rejoined him, having captured nothing. 

From then until the 13th of September the squadron 
continued its course round Scotland ; the ships sepa- 
rating and rejoining constantly, and Captain Landais 
assuming power over the prizes, as well as over his own 
vessel, that was altogether opposed to discipline and to 
marine usage. 

On the 1 3th of September the Cheviot Hills were in 
sight from the ships. Understanding that a 20-gun ship, 
with two or three man-of-war cutters, were lying at 
anchor offLeith, in the Frith of Forth, Commodore Jones 
planned a descent upon that town. At this time the 
Alliance was absent, and the Pallas and Vengeance 
having chased to the southward, the necessity of com- 
municating with those vessels caused a fatal delay, and 
ruined a promising project. The attempt was at last 
made, but when the men were actually in the boats the 
ships were driven out of the Frith by a heavy blow ; and 
when in the North Sea one of their prizes actually 
foundered. 

The design was so audacious that it is probable the 
English would have been taken by surprise; and no 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 197 

doubt much damage would have been done to them, but 
for the gale. Dale, a modest and prudent man, thought 
so. 

After this bold project was abandoned, Jones appears 
to have meditated another still more daring ; but his 
colleagues, as he bitterly styles his captains, refused to 
join in it. We do not know what it was ; but only thav 
the officers of Jones' own ship heartily approved it. 
Jones had much respect for the judgment of Captain 
Cottineau, of the Pallas, and as he disapproved of it, it 
was dropped. 

The Pallas and Vengeance even left the Richard — 
probably with a view to prevent the attempt to execute' 
this nameless scheme ; and the Commodore was com- 
pelled to follow his captains to the southward or lose 
them altogether. 

Off Whitby they came together again, and on Sept, 
2 1 st the Richard chased a collier ashore, near Flam- 
borough Head. 

The next day she was at the mouth of the Humber, 
the Vengeance being in company, and several vessels 
were taken or destroyed. Pilots were enticed on board, 
and a knowledge of the state of things inshore obtained. 
It appeared that the whole coast was alarmed, and that 
many persons were burying their plate. By this time 
about a dozen vessels had been taken, and rumor 
increased the number. No vessels had ever before 
excited such local alarm on British shores, for centuries. 

Under the circumstances Commodore Jones did not 
think it prudent to remain so close in with the land, and 
he accordingly stood out under Flamborough Head. 
Here he was joined, next day, by the Pallas and Alliance. 
This was on the 23d of September. 

The wind was light from the southward, the water 



198 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

smooth, and many vessels in sight, steering- in different 
directions. About noon the squadron, with the exception 
of the Cerf and the two privateers, being all in company, 
Jones manned one of the pilot-boats he had detained, and 
sent her in chase of a brig, which was lying to, to wind- 
ward. On board the little vessel were Mr. Lunt, the 
Second Lieutenant, and fifteen men, all of whom were 
absent from the ship for the rest of the day. 

In consequence of the loss of the two boats off Cape 
Clear, the absence of the party in the pilot-boat, and the 
number of men that had been put in prizes, the Richard 
was now left with only one lieutenant, and with but little 
more than three hundred souls on board, exclusive of 
prisoners. Of the latter there were about one hundred 
and fifty in the Richard. 

The pilot-boat had hardly left the Richard when the 
leading ships of a fleet of more than forty sails were seen 
stretching out on a bowline from behind Flamborough 
Head, turning down to the south. From previous intelli- 
gence this fleet was immediately known to be the Baltic 
ships, under the convoy of the Serapis, 44, Captain 
Richard Pearson, and a hired ship that had been put into 
the King's service, called the Countess of Scarborough. 
The latter was commanded by Captain Piercy, and 
mounted 22 guns. 

As the interest of the succeeding details will principally 
centre in the two ships, the Serapis and Bonhomme 
Richard, it may be well to give a more minute account of 
the actual force of the former. At that period 44's were 
usually built on two decks; and such was the construction 
of this ship, which was new, and was reputed to be a 
fast vessel. On her lower gun-deck she mounted 
20 18-pound guns; and on her upper gun-deck 20 
9-pound guns; and on her quarter-deck and fore- 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 199 

castle ten 6-pound gun?;; making an armament of fifty 
guns. 

She had a regularly trained man-of-war's crew of 320 
souls, of whom fifteen are said to have been Lascars. 

When Jones made out the convoy, the men-of-war 
were inshore, astern, and to leeward, probably with a 
view to keeping the merchantmen together. The offi- 
cials at Scarborough, perceiving the danger into which 
this fleet was running, had sent a boat off to the Serapis, 
to apprise her of the presence of a hostile force, and 
Captain Pearson fired two guns, signaling the leading 
vessels to come under his lee. These orders were 
disregarded, however, the headmost ships continuing 
to stand out from the land. 

Jones, having ascertained the character of the fleet in 
sight, showed signal for a general chase ; and another to 
recall the lieutenant in the pilot-boat. 

The Richard then crossed royal-yards. These signs 
of hostility alarmed the nearer English merchant ships, 
which hurriedly tacked, fired alarm guns, let fly their 
top-gallant-sheets, and made other signals of the danger 
they found themselves in ; while they now gladly 
availed themselves of the presence of the men-of-war 
to run to leeward, or else seek shelter close in with the 
land. 

The Serapis, on the contrary, signaled the Scar- 
borough to follow, and hauled boldly out to sea, until she 
got far enough to windward, when she tacked, and stood 
inshore again, to cover her convoy. 

The Alliance being much the fastest vessel of the 
American squadron, took the lead in the chase, speaking 
the Pallas as she passed. It has been proved that 
Captain Landais told the commander of the latter vessel, 
on this occasion, that if the stranger proved to be a 



200 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

fifty-gun ship, they had nothing to do but to escape. 
His subsequent conduct fully confirms this ; for no 
sooner had he run down near enough to the two 
English vessels-of-war to ascertain their force, than he 
hauled up, and stood off from the land again. This was 
not only contrary to all regular order of naval battle, but 
contrary to the positive command of Jones, who had kept 
the signal to form line flying ; which should have brought 
the Alliance astern of the Bonhomme Richard, and the 
Pallas in the van. Just at this time the Pallas spoke the 
Richard, and inquired what station she should take, and 
she was directed to fall into line. 

Captain Cottineau was a brave man, who subsequently 
did his duty in the action, and he had only thought that, 
because the Richard had suddenly hauled up from the 
land, her crew had mutinied, and that she was being run 
away with. Such was the want of confidence in the force 
so singularly composed, and such were the disadvantages 
under which this celebrated combat was fought. 

So far, however, from meditating retreat or mutiny, the 
crew of the Richard had gone cheerfully to their quarters, 
although every man on board was conscious of the force 
of the enemy with whom they were about to contend ; 
and the spirit of the commanding officer appears to have 
communicated itself to his men. 

It was now quite dark, and Jones was compelled to 
use a night-glass, to follow the movements of the enemy. 
It is probable that the darkness added to the indecision 
of the captain of the Pallas, for even after the moon rose 
it was thick, and objects at a distance were seen with 
difficulty. The Richard continued to stand steadily on; 
and at about half-past seven she came up with the 
Serapis; the Scarborough being a short distance to lee- 
ward. The American ship was to windward, and, as she 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 201 

slowly approached, Captain Pearson hailed. The answer 
returned was purposely equivocal, and both ships 
delivered their broadsides at almost the same moment. 

As the water was quite smooth, Jones had relied very 
much upon the eighteen-pounders which were in the 
Richard's gun-room; but at this first discharge, two of 
the six that were fired bursted, blowing up the deck 
above, and killing or wounding many of the people 
stationed below. This disaster rendered it impossible to 
make the men stand at the other heavy guns, as they 
could have no confidence in them. It at once reduced 
the broadside of the Richard to about one-third less than 
that of her opponent; and the force which remained was 
distributed among the light guns, in a disadvantageous 
manner. In short, the battle was now between a twelve- 
pounder and an eighteen-pounder frigate; with the 
chances almost preponderatingly in favor of the latter. 

Jones himself said that after this accident his hopes 
rested solely upon the twelve-pounders that were imme- 
diately under the command of his First Lieutenant, Dale. 

The Richard, having backed her top-sails, exchanged 
several broadsides, when she filled again and shot ahead 
of the Serapis ; which ship luffed across her stern, and 
came up on the weather quarter of her antagonist, taking 
the wind out of her sails, and, in her turn, passing ahead. 

All this time, which was about half an hour, the fire 
was close and furious. The Scarborough now drew 
near; but it is uncertain whether she fired or not. The 
officers of the Richard state that she raked them at least 
once ; but her commander reported that, owing to the 
smoke and darkness, he was afraid to discharge his 
guns, not being able to make out which ship was friend 
and which foe. 

Unwilling to lie by and be uselessly exposed to shot, 



202 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Captain Piercy edged away from the combatants, ex- 
changing one or two broadsides, at a great distance, 
with the Alliance, and shortly afterward was engaged at 
close quarters by the Pallas, which ship compelled him to 
strike to her, after a creditable resistance of about an 
hour. 

Let us now return to the principal combatants : — 

As the Serapis kept her luff, sailing and working 
better than the Richard, it was the intention of Captain 
Pearson to pay broad off, across the Richard's fore-foot, 
as soon as he had got far enough ahead. But 
making the attempt and finding he had not room, he put 
his helm down, to keep clear of his adversary, and this 
double movement brought the two ships nearly in a line, 
the Serapis leading. 

By these evolutions the English ship lost some of 
her way, while the American, having kept her sails 
trimmed, not only closed, but actually ran on board of 
her antagonist, bows on, a little on her starboard 
quarter. The wind being light, much time was con- 
sumed in these manoeuvres, and nearly an hour had 
elapsed between the firing of the first gun and the 
moment when the vessels got foul of each other, in the 
manner just described. The English thought it was the 
intention of the Americans to board ; and for some 
minutes it was uncertain whether they would do so or 
not, but the position was not safe for either party to pass 
into, the opposing ship. 

There being at this time a complete cessation of the 
firing, Captain Pearson hailed, and asked whether the 
Richard had struck. "I have not yet begun to fight," 
was the answer from Jones. 

The Richard's yards were then braced aback, and the 
sails of the Serapis being full, the ships separated. 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 203 

As soon as they were far enough apart, the Serapis put 
her helm hard down, laid all aback forward, shivered her 
after sails, and wore short round on her heel, with a view, 
most probably, of luffing up across the Richard's bow, in 
order to rake her. In this position the Richard would 
have been fighting her starboard, and the Serapis her 
port guns; but Jones, by this time, had become convinced 
of the hopelessness of success against so much heavier 
metal; and so backed astern some distance, filled on the 
other tack, and luffed up, with the intention of meeting 
the enemy as he came to the wind, and of laying him 
athwart hawse. 

In the smoke and dim light, one or the other party mis- 
calculated the distance, for the vessels came foul again, 
the bowsprit of the English vessel passing over the poop 
of the American. As neither had much way the collision 
did but little injury, and Jones, with his own hands, imme- 
diately lashed the enemy's head-gear to his mizzen-mast. 
The pressure on the after sails of the Serapis, which 
vessel was nearly before the wind at the time, brought 
her hull round, and the two ships gradually fell close- 
alongside of each other, head and stern; the jib-boom of 
the Serapis giving way with the strain. A spare anchor 
of the English ship now hooked in the quarter of the 
American, and additional lashings were got out on board 
the latter, to secure her opponent in this position. 

Captain Pearson, who was a brave and excellent officer, 
was fully aware of his superiority in weight of metal ; and 
he no sooner perceived that the vessels were foul than he 
dropped an anchor, in the hope that the Richard would 
drift clear of him. But, of course, such an expectation was 
futile, as the yards were interlocked, the hulls pressed 
close together, there were lashings fore and aft, and every 
projection aided in holding the two ships together. When 



204 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the cable of the Serapis took the strain, the vessels slowly 
tended, with the bows of the Serapis and the stern of the 
Richard, to the tide. 

At this time the English made an attempt to board, 
but were repulsed, with trifling loss. All this time there 
was a heavy fire kept up from the guns. The lower ports 
of the Serapis having been closed as the vessel swung, 
to prevent boarding, they were now blown off, to allow 
the guns to be run out; and cases actually occurred in 
which the rammers had to be thrust into the ports of the 
opposing ship, in order to be entered in the muzzles of 
their proper guns. It was evident that such a state of things 
could not last long. In effect, the heavy metal of the 
Serapis, in one or two discharges, cleared all before it, 
and the main-deck guns of the Richard were almost 
abandoned. Most of her people went upon the upper 
deck, and a great number collected on the forecastle, 
where they were safe from the battery of the Serapis; 
continuing the fight by throwing grenades and using 
muskets. 

At this stage of the action, then, the Serapis was 
tearing the American to pieces, below, at each discharge 
of her battery ; the latter only replying to the English 
fire by two guns on the quarter-deck, and three or four 
of her twelve-pounders. To the quarter-deck guns 
Jones succeeded in adding a third, by shifting a gun 
from the port side ; and all these were used with effect, 
under his own eye, until the close of the action. 

He tried to get over a second gun, from the port side, 
but did not succeed. 

The fight must now have been decided in favor of the 
English, but for the courage and activity of the people 
aloft. Strong parties were placed in the tops, and, after 
a sharp and short contest, the Americans had driven 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 205 

every man of the enemy from the upper deck of the 
English frigate. After this they kept up so sharp a fire 
of small-arms upon the quarter-deck of the English ship 
as to keep it clear, shooting down many in the operation. 
Thus, this singular condition of affairs obtained, that, 
while the English had the battle very much to themselves, 
below, the Americans had control of their upper deck 
and tops. Having cleared the latter, some of the 
American seamen laid out on the Richard's main-yard, 
and began to throw hand grenades down upon the deck 
of the British ship ; while the men on the Richard's fore- 
castle seconded these efforts by casting grenades, and 
other combustibles, through the ports of the Serapis. 

At length one man, in particular, became so bold as to 
take up his post on the extreme end of the yard ; and 
being provided with a bucket of grenades and a match, 
he dropped the explosives upon the enemy, one of them 
passing down the Serapis' main hatchway. The powder 
boys of the English ship had got up more cartridges 
than were needed at the moment, and had carelessly laid 
a row of them along her main deck, parallel with the 
guns. 

The grenade which came down the hatch set fire 
to some loose powder on the deck, and the flash passed 
to these cartridges, beginning abreast of the main-mast, 
and running away aft. 

The effect of the explosion was awful. More than 
twenty men were instantly killed; many of them being 
left with nothing on them but the collars and wrist-bands 
of their shirts, and the waist-bands of their duck trowsers. 
This is often the effect of explosions in confined places. 

The official returns of Captain Pearson, made a week 
after the action, show that there were no less than thirty- 
three wounded on board then, still alive, who had been 



206 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

injured at this time; and thirty of them were said to be 
in great danger. 

Captain Pearson reported that the explosion destroyed 
nearly all the men at the five or six aftermost guns of the 
Serapis; and, altogether, nearly sixty of the Serapis' 
men must have been instantly disabled by this sudden 
blow. 

The advantages thus obtained by the coolness and 
intrepidity of the topmen of the Bonhomme Richard, in a 
measure restored the chances of the fight, and, by lessen- 
ing the fire of the enemy, enabled Jones to increase his. 
And in the same decree that it encouraged the Americans 
did it diminish the hopes of the English. 

One of the guns, directed by Jones himself, had been 
for some time firing against the main-mast of his enemy ; 
while the two others were assisting in clearing his decks 
with grape and canister. Kept below decks by this 
double attack, where they had a scene of horror before 
their eyes in the agonies of the wounded, and the other 
effects of the explosion, the spirits of the English crew 
began to droop, and a very little would have caused them 
to surrender. From this despondency they were tempor- 
arily raised by one of the unlooked-for events which 
characterize every battle, whether afloat or ashore. 

After exchanging the ineffectual and distant broadsides 
with the Scarborough, as already mentioned, the Alliance 
had kept standing off and on, to leeward of the two princi- 
pal ships, and out of the direction of their shot, when, 
about half-past eight, she appeared, crossing the stern of 
the Serapis, and the bow of the Richard, and firing, at 
such a distance, and in such a way, that it was impossible 
to say which vessel would suffer the most.. 

As soon as she had drawn out of range of her own 
guns, her helm was put up, and she ran down near a mile 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 207 

to leeward, and hovered about, aimlessly, until the firing 
had ceased between the Pallas and the Scarboroueh, when 
she suddenly came within hail, and spoke both vessels. 

Captain Cottineau, of the Pallas, earnestly entreated 
Captain Landais, of the Alliance, to take possession of his 
prize, and allow him to go to the assistance of the 
Richard, or else to stretch up to windward in the Alliance, 
and go to the succor of the Commodore. 

After some delay, Captain Landais took the very im- 
portant duty of assisting his consort into his own hands, 
and, making two long stretches, under top-sails only, 
he appeared, at about the time at which we have arrived 
in the story of the fight, directly to windward of the two 
ships which were locked together in mortal combat. 
The head of the Alliance was then to the westward. 
This ship then opened fire again, doing at least as much 
damage to friend as foe. Keeping away a little, she was 
Soon on the port-quarter of the Richard ; and some of 
the people of the latter affirmed that her guns were 
discharged until she had got nearly abeam. 

Many voices now hailed, to inform the Alliance that 
she was firing into the wrong ship ; and three lanterns 
were shown in a line on the off-side of the Richard, which 
was the regular signal for recognition in a night action. 
An officer was then directed to hail, to command Captain 
Landais to lay the enemy on board ; and, the question 
being put as to whether the order was understood, an 
answer was given in the affirmative. 

As the moon had now been up for some time, it was 
impossible not to distinguish between the two vessels. 
The Richard was all black, while the Serapis had yellow 
sides ; and the impression among the people of the 
Richard was that Landais had intentionally attacked her. 

Indeed, as soon as the Alliance began to fire, the 



208 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

people left one or two of the twelves on board the 
Richard, which they had begun to fight again, saying 
that the English in the Alliance had got possession of the 
ship and were helping the enemy. 

The Alliance's fire dismounted a gun, extinguished 
several battle-lanterns on the main deck, and did much 
damage aloft. This ship now hauled off to some 
distance, always keeping the Richard between her and 
the enemy ; and then she re-appeared, edging down on 
the port beam of her consort, and hauling up athwart the 
bows of that ship and the stern of her antagonist. The 
officers of the Richard reported that her fire then re- 
commenced, when by no possibility could her shot 
reach the Serapis, except through the Bonhomme 
Richard. In fact, it appears that this Landais was one 
of those men who, for generations, affected the French 
character for seamanship and conduct in naval battles. 

There were, and are, many excellent French seamen, 
and as builders of vessels they are unexcelled. But 
some men, like Landais, at that time had destroyed their 
reputation afloat. 

Ten or twelve men appear to have been killed on the 
forecastle of the Richard at this time, that part being 
crowded, and among them an officer of the name of 
Caswell, who, with his dying breath, maintained that he 
had received his death wound from the friendly vessel. 

After crossing the bows of the Richard and the stern 
of the Serapis, delivering grape as he passed, this 
"lunatic Frenchman" ran off to leeward again, standing 
off and on, and doing absolutely nothing for the 
remainder of the fight. It was as if a third party, seeing 
two men fighting, should come up and throw a stone or 
two at them both, and then retire, saying he had rather 
the little fellow whipped. 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 209 

The fire of the Alliance certainly damaged the 
Bonhomme Richard, and increased her leaks ; and the 
latter vessel by this time had leaked so much through 
her shot-holes that she had begun to settle in the water. 
Many witnesses affirmed that the most dangerous shot- 
holes received by the Richard were under her port bow 
and port-quarter ; or, in other words, where they could 
not have been received from the Serapis. But this is 
not entirely reliable, as it has been seen that the Serapis 
luffed up on the port-quarter of the Richard in the 
commencement of the action, and, forging ahead, was 
subsequently on her port bow, endeavoring to cross her 
fore-foot. These shots may very possibly have been 
received then, and as the Richard settled in the water, 
have suddenly increased the danger. On the other 
hand, if the Alliance did actually fire while on the bow 
and quarter of the Richard, as appears by a mass of 
testimony, the dangerous shot-holes may have very well 
come from that ship. 

Let the injuries have been received from what quarter 
they might, soon after the Alliance had run to leeward 
again an alarm was spread throughout the Richard that 
she was sinking. 

Both the contending ships had been on fire several 
times, and the flames had been extinguished with 
difficulty; but here was a new enemy to contend with, 
and, as the information came from the Carpenter, whose 
duty it was to sound the pump-well, it produced a good 
deal of alarm. 

The Richard had more than a hundred English prison- 
ers on board; and the Master-at-Arms, in the hurry of 
the moment, and to save their lives, let them up from 
below. In the confusion of such a scene, at night, in a 
torn and sinking vessel, the Master of the letter-of-marque 



210 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

that had been taken off the north of Scotland, passed 
through a port of the Richard into one of the Serapis, 
where he reported to Captain Pearson that a few minutes 
would probably decide the battle in his favor, or carry his 
enemy down, as he (the Captain of the privateer) had 
been liberated in order to save his life. 

Just at this moment the gunner of the Bonhomme 
Richard, who had not much to do at his quarters, came 
on deck, and not seeing Commodore Jones, or Mr. Dale, 
both of whom were occupied with the liberated prisoners, 
and believing the Master (the only other superior officer 
of the ship) to be dead, he ran up on the poop, to haul down 
the colors, and, as he believed, save all their lives. 

Fortunately, the flag-staff had been shot away, and as 
the ensign already hung in the water, he had no other 
means of letting his intentions be known than by bawling 
out for quarter. 

Captain Pearson now hailed, to inquire if the Richard 
demanded quarter, and Commodore Jones, hearing the 
hail, replied "No." 

It is probable that the reply was not heard; or if heard, 
supposed to come from an unauthorized source; for. 
encouraged from what he had heard from the escaped 
prisoner, by the cries, and by the confusion which 
appeared to reign on board the Richard, the English 
Captain directed his boarders to be called away, and, as 
soon as they were mustered, he directed them to take 
possession of the prize. Some of the Englishmen actually 
got upon the gunwale of the American ship, but, finding 
boarders ready to repel boarders, they precipitately 
retreated. The Richard's topmen were not idle at this 
time, and the enemy were soon driven below again, with 
loss. In the meantime Mr. Dale (who was afterwards 
Commodore Dale) had no longer a gun which could be 



SERAPIS AND BONIIOMME RICHARD. 211 

fought, and he mustered the prisoners at the pumps, 
turning their consternation to account, and probably 
keeping the Richard afloat by this very blunder that had 
come so near losing - her. 

Both ships were now on fire again, and both sides, with 
the exception of a very few guns on board each vessel, 
ceased firing, in order to turn to and subdue this 
common enemy. 

In the course of the battle the Serapis is said to have 
been on fire no less than twelve times ; while, towards its 
close, as will be. seen in the sequel, the Bonhomme 
Richard had been burning all the time. As soon as 
order was restored in the American ship, after the 
gunner's call for quarter, her chances of success began 
to increase ; while the English, driven under cover, 
appeared to lose the hope of victory. Their fire 
slackened very materially, while the Richard again 
brought a few guns to bear. 

It was an example of immense endurance, on either 
side ; but as time went on, the main-mast of the Serapis 
began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to 
lessen. 

About an hour after the explosion, or about three 
hours and a half after the first gun was fired, and about 
two hours and a half after the ships were lashed together, 
Captain Pearson hauled down his colors with his own 
hands, his men refusing to expose themselves to the 
fire of the Richard's tops. 

As soon as it was known that the English colors were 
down, Mr. Dale got upon the gunwale of the Richard, 
and, laying hold of the main-brace pendant, swung 
himself on board the Serapis. On the quarter-deck he 
found the gallant Captain Pearson, almost alone, that 
officer having maintained his post throughout the whole 



212 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of this close and murderous engagement, proving himself 
a man of great nerve and ability. 

Just as Mr. Dale addressed the English Captain the 
First Lieutenant of the Serapis came up from below, to 
inquire if the Richard had struck, as her fire had entirely 
ceased. Mr. Dale informed the English officer that he 
had mistaken the position of things, the Serapis having 
struck to the Richard, and not the Richard to the 
Serapis. Captain Pearson confirming this, his surprised 
subordinate acquiesced, offering to go below and silence 
the guns on the main deck, which were still playing on 
the American ship. To this Mr. Dale would not consent, 
but passed both the English officers at once on board the 
Bonhomme Richard. The firing below then ceased. 
Mr. Dale had been closely followed to the quarter-deck 
of the Serapis by a midshipman, Mr. Mayrant, with a 
party of boarders, and as the midshipman struck the 
quarter-deck of the prize, he was run through the thigh 
with a boarding pike, in the hands of a man who was 
ignorant of the surrender. Thus did the close of this 
remarkable sea-fight resemble its other features in singu- 
larity, blood being shed, and shot fired, while the boarding- 
officer was in amicable discourse with his prisoners. 

As soon as Captain Pearson was on board the Bon- 
homme Richard, and a proper number of hands sent to 
Mr. Dale, in the prize, Commodore Jones ordered the 
lashings to be cut, and the vessels to be separated, hail- 
ing the Serapis, as the Richard drifted from alongside of 
her, and ordering her to follow his own ship. Mr. Dale 
had the head-sails of the Serapis braced sharp aback, and 
the helm put down, but the vessel did not obey either the 
canvas or the helm. Mr. Dale was so surprised and 
excited at this that he sprang from the binnacle, to see 
the cause, and fell, full length, on deck. He had been 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 213 

severely wounded in the leg, by a splinter, and until that 
moment had been ignorant of the injury. He had just 
been picked up and seated, when the Master of the 
Serapis came up and informed him of the fact that the 
ship was anchored. By this time Mr. Lunt, the Second 
Lieutenant, who had been away in the pilot- boat, had got 
alongside, and came on board the prize, when Mr. Dale 
gave him charge, the cable was cut, and the ship followed 
the Richard, as ordered. 

Although this protracted and bloody contest had now 
ended, the victors had not done with either dangers or 
labors. The Richard was not only sinking, from shot- 
holes, but she was on fire, so that the flames had got 
within the ceiling, and extended so far that they menaced 
the magazine; while all the pumps, in constant use, could 
barely keep the water in the hold from increasing. 

Had it depended upon the exhausted crews of the two 
combatants the ship must soon have foundered; but the 
other vessels now sent men on board to assist. So 
imminent did the danger from the fire become, that all the 
powder left was got on deck, to prevent an explosion. 
In this manner did the night of the battle pass, with one 
gang always at the pumps and another fighting the 
flames, until about ten o'clock in the forenoon of the 24th, 
when the fire: was got under. 

Before daylight that morning eight or ten Englishmen, 
of the Richard's crew, had stolen a boat of the Serapis, 
and made their escape, landing at Scarborough. Several 
other men of the Richard were so alarmed at the condi- 
tion of the ship that, during the night, they jumped over- 
board and swam to the other vessels. At daylight an 
examination of the ship was made. Aloft, on a line with 
those guns of the Serapis which had not been disabled 
by the explosion, the timbers were nearly all beaten in, or 



214 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

beaten out, for in this respect there was little difference 
between the two sides of the ship. It is said, indeed, that 
her poop and upper-decks would have fallen into the gun- 
room, but for a few futtocks which the shot had missed. 

So large was the vacuum, in fact, that most of the shot 
fired from this part of the Serapis, at the close of the 
action, must have gone through the Richard without 
touching anything. The rudder was cut from the stern- 
post, and her transoms were nearly driven out of her. 
All the after part of the ship, in particular, that was below 
the quarter-deck, was torn to pieces; and nothing had 
saved those stationed on the quarter-deck but the 
impossibility of elevating guns which almost touched their 
object. 

The result of the examination was to convince every 
one of the impossibility of carrying the Richard into port, 
in the event of its coming on to blow. 

Commodore Jones reluctantly gave the order to remove 
the wounded, while the weather continued fair. 

The following night and a portion of the succeeding 
day were employed in this duty; and about nine in the 
morning the officer who was in charge of the ship, with a 
party at the pumps, finding that the water had reached 
the lower deck, at last abandoned her. 

About ten, the Bonhomme Richard wallowed heavily, 
gave another roll, and went down, bows foremost. 

The Serapis suffered much less than the Richard, as the 
guns of the latter were so light, and so soon silenced; 
but no sooner were the ships separated, than her main- 
top-mast fell, bringing with it the mizzen-topmast. Though 
jury-masts were erected, the ship drove about, nearly 
helpless, in the North Sea, until the 6th of October, when 
the remains of the squadron, with the two prizes, got into 
the Texel,the port to which they had been ordered to repair. 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 215 

In this battle an unusual number of lives were lost; 
but no authenticated report seems to have come from 
either side. The English stated the loss of the Richard 
to have been about three hundred, in killed and wounded. 
This would include nearly all on board that ship, and was, 
of course, a mistake. The muster-roll of the Richard, 
excluding the marines, which roll was in existence long- 
after, shows that 42 men were killed, or died of wounds 
very shortly, and that 41 were wounded. No list of the 
casualties of the marines is given. This would make a 
total of 83 out of 227 souls. But some of those on the 
muster-roll were not in the battle at all, for both junior 
lieutenants, and about 30 men with them, were absent in 
prizes. 

There were a few volunteers on board, who were not 
mustered, and so, if we set down 200 as the regular crew 
during the action, we shall not be far wrong. Estimating 
the marines at 1 20, and observing the same proportion 
for casualties, we shall get 49 for the result, which will 
make the entire loss of the Richard one hundred and 
thirty-two. 

It is known, however, that in the course of the action 
the soldiers suffered out of proportion to the rest of the 
crew, and as general report made the gross loss of the 
Bonhomme Richard 1 50, it is probable that this was about 
the number. 

Captain Pearson made a partial report, putting his loss 
at 117; admitting, at the same time, that there were many 
killed who were not reported. 

Probably the loss of the two ships was about equal, 
and that nearly or quite half of all engaged were either 
killed or wounded. 

In a private letter, written some time after, Jones gives 
an opinion that the loss of men in the two ships was 



216 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

about equal. Muster-rolls were loosely kept, in those 
days. 

That two vessels of so much force should be lashed 
together for more than two hours, making use of artillery, 
musketry, and all the other means of offence known to the 
warfare of the day, and not do even greater injury to their 
crews, must strike every one with astonishment. But the 
fact must be ascribed to the peculiarities of the battle, 
which, by driving the English under cover early in the 
fight, and keeping the Americans above the chief line of 
fire of their enemy, in a measure protected each side 
from the missiles of the other. As it was, it was a 
most sanguinary conflict, with a duration prolonged by 
unusual circumstances. 

Great interest has always attached to this typical sea- 
fight. Scarcely any of the eye-witnesses agreed as to the 
facts. The principal information was given to Fennimore 
Cooper by Commodore Dale. Captain Pearson stated 
that the Alliance kept about them all the time, raking 
them fore and aft. This statement is contradicted by the 
certificates of the officers of the Richard, by persons who 
were on board the Alliance, by the persons who were in 
the boat, and by officers of the other vessels near. 

The First Lieutenant and the Master of the Alliance 
admitted that they were never on the free side of the 
Serapis at all, and their ship never went round her. They 
also said that they engaged the Scarborough, at long shot, 
for a short time; a fact corroborated by Captain Piercy. 
They added that their ship was a long time aloof from 
the fight, and that she only fired three broadsides, or parts 
of broadsides, at the Richard and Serapis. 

From the testimony it is likely that the Alliance injured 
the Richard much more than she did the Serapis. This 
does not detract from the merit of the gallant Captain 



SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 



217 



Pearson, who could not have known that, and the prox- 
imity of the Alliance no doubt influenced him in inducing 
him to lower his flao-. 

It is and always will be a matter of doubt as to whether 
the Scarborough raked the Bonhomme Richard before 
she was engaged with the other ships. 

Altogether, this was one of the most remarkable sea- 
fights on record. 

The arrival of Jones and his prizes in the Texel excited 
much interest in the diplomatic world. The English 
demanded that the prizes should be released and Jones 
himself given up as a pirate. The Dutch government, 
though favorable to the Americans, was not prepared for 
war, and therefore temporized. A long correspondence 
ensued, and the following expedient was adopted. The 
Serapis, which had been refitted, was transferred to 
France, as was the Scarborough, while Jones took com- 
mand of the Alliance; Landais having been suspended, 
and ordered to quit the country. Landais was afterward 
restored to command, but deposed again, on the ground 
of insanity; and eventually discharged the service. 




MEDAL AWARDED TO JOHN PAUL JONES BY THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. 



218 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XV. 

DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. A. D. 1782. 




RANCIS JOSEPH PAUL, Count de Grasse, 
Marquis de Grasse-Tilly, Count de Bar, 
and Lieutenant-General of the marine forces 
of France, was born in i 723, of a noble Pro- 
vencal family, and was destined from child- 
hood to enter the order of Malta. At eleven 
years of age he went to sea in the galleys 
of the Order, and made several cruises in 
the Levant. In 1 740 the young sailor entered the French 
naval service, and in 1747 was serving in the frigate 
Emerald, in the squadron of La Jonquiere, which was 
convoying to Pondichery twenty-five ships of the French 
East India Company. The squadron, which consisted of 
six ships-of-the-line and six frigates, was met off Cape Fin- 
isterre, by a fleet of seventeen English ships, commanded 
by Anson. After a vigorous resistance most of the 
French ships were captured, and De Grasse was taken a 
prisoner to England, where he remained two years. 

Upon his return home he was promoted, and continued 
to cruise in various parts of the world, and was especially 
employed in surveying the Guinea coast. 

In January, 1762, he served in the West Indies, as 
captain of a line-of-battle ship, and soon after his return 
was made a Chevalier of St. Louis, and served in the 
French fleet which bombarded Sallee. In 1772 he 
commanded a ship in the squadron of the Count d'Orvil- 
liers, and about the time of the breaking out of the 



DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 219 

American Revolution was present at a naval battle off 
Ushant, in which he particularly distinguished himself. 

In 1779 he went out to the West Indies, in command 
of four line-of-battle ships and seven frigates, to join the 
fleet of Count d'Estaing, off Martinique, and participated 
in the action of July 6th, between d'Estaing and Admiral 
Byron. The following year he took part, in the same 
latitude, in the three battles between the Count de 
Guichen and Admiral Rodney, after the last of which he 
returned to France. 

At the commencement of 178 1 he was sent out with an 
important convoy, to Martinique. He sailed from Brest 
on March 24th, with twenty-three ships-of-the-line, carry- 
ing troops, and having on board a very large sum of 
money, and a quantity of arms and ammunition, all 
intended for the succor of the young and struggling 
Republic of the United States. 

On the twenty-eighth of April De Grasse arrived off 
Port Royal, Martinique, where he found eighteen English 
line-of-battle ships, detached from Admiral Sir George 
Rodney's fleet, and under the command of Rear-Admiral 
Sir Samuel Hood, who was there to oppose the landing 
of the convoy at Martinique. 

Hood, recognizing the superior force of De Grasse, 
contented himself with distant firing, and did not attempt 
to engage ; De Grasse chased him off to the westward of 
Saint Lucie, and then returned to Martinique Road with 
his convoy. 

Soon after he left there, to attack, in concert with the 
Marquis de Bouille, the English island of Tobago; and, 
on June 1st obtained possession of the chief town of that 
island. De Grasse then sailed for San Domingo, took on 
board three thousand soldiers; touched at Havana, where 
he effected a loan; and then came through the Bahama 



220 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Channel, a route not then used by large ships, to the 
American coast; which he followed up until he entered 
the Chesapeake. Here he, with his fleet, and in concert 
with General Washington, made the well known disposi- 
tions which led to the surrender of Cornwallis, at York- 
town. 

On September 5th, hearing of the approach of the 
English fleet, De Grasse left his anchorage in Lynnhaven 
Bay, just inside of Cape Henry, and put to sea. Bou- 
gainville commanded the van division of his fleet, in the 
Auguste, 80; De Grasse himself the centre, in the Ville 
de Paris, 104; and the Chevalier de Monteil the rear 
division, in the Languedoc, 80. 

The English fleet, of twenty line-of-battle ships, was 
commanded by Admirals Graves, Hood and Drake. 

A partial engagement followed, which was mostly 
confined to the van divisions of the two fleets, and which 
continued about two hours and a half. Four or five days 
were consumed in manoeuvres, De Grasse not being able 
to bring Graves to a general engagement, and finally the 
French fleet returned to their anchorage in Lynnhaven 
Bay; having, on the return, captured two English frigates. 

To De Grasse and his fleet certainly belong a consid- 
erable share in the glory of the surrender of Cornwallis' 
army, and of the consequent firm establishment of Ameri- 
can independence. In recognition of this, Congress offered 
De Grasse four pieces of cannon, taken at Yorktown ; of 
which the French King authorized his acceptance; and 
they were placed in his Chateau of Tilly, with a suitable 
inscription engraved upon them. 

Returning with his fleet to Martinique, he made several 
expeditions against the English islands; and had also 
several partial engagements with Sir Samuel Hood, in 
none of which he was very successful. 



DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 221 

Some months elapsed in this manner, and the month 
of April, 1 782, arrived. De Grasse was on his way to join 
a Spanish squadron, on the coast of San Domingo, when 
he fell in with the English fleet again, near Dominica. 

In consequence of the junction of Rodney and Hood, 
the English now numbered thirty-six ships-of-the-line, 
fourteen frigates, three sloops-of-war, and two fire-ships. 
Admiral Rodney had his flag in the Formidable, 90; Sir 
Samuel Hood was in the Barfleur, 90; and Rear- Admiral 
Drake was in the Princessa, 70. 

De Grasse at this time had about thirty line-of-battle 
ships, and a proportion of frigates, but was hampered by a 
convoy of about one hundred and fifty merchant vessels. 

Sir Samuel Hood's division was in the van of the 
English fleet, which, having got the sea breeze early, 
stretched to the northward in chase, while the centre and 
rear were still becalmed. The French, on the starboard 
tack, observing the isolated position of the English van, 
bore up, in hopes of cutting them off. De Grasse, in 
this evolution, executed a novel and ingenious plan, which 
was done full justice to by his adversaries. 

The British van was, about 10 a.m., hove to, to enable 
their centre and rear to close. In consequence, the 
French ships, by keeping under way, were enabled to 
manoeuvre as they chose. Hood kept his division well 
closed up, however, opposing vigorous and well directed 
broadsides to his enemy's attacks. He thus resisted De 
Grasse until the sea breeze reached the rest of the English 
fleet, when the French Admiral tacked and stood inshore 
to rejoin his fleet and convoy. When the sea breeze 
reached them the English were to windward; but the 
sailing of the French ships was so superior that they could 
not come up with them. This was the end of the opera- 
tion, except some distant and ineffectual cannonading. 



222 ivaVAL BATTLES, ANIENT and modern. 

The two succeeding days were occupied in chasing ; 
but it was evident that only a change in the wind, or some 
accident, would enable Admiral Rodney to force an 
engagement; so superior were the French in sailing 
qualities. 

On the 1 2th of April the French were again seen, near 
the Saintes, and one of their ships, having lost her fore- 
mast and bowsprit, was seen, in tow of a frigate, standing 
in for Guadaloupe. Rodney made signal for four ships 
to chase, which being perceived, De Grasse bore up, with 
his fleet, to protect them. But finding that by persevering 
in this course, he should give the British the weather- 
gage, he gave up his intention, and formed line on the 
port tack. Rodney, perceiving an engagement inevit- 
able, recalled his chasing ships, and made signal to form 
line of battle on the starboard tack, Rear-Admiral 
Drake's division leading. The two fleets gradually neared 
each other, the French only just crossing the bows of the 
English, to windward. 

At 8 a.m. the leading English ship, the Marlborough, 
74, opened the action, firing upon the French centre and 
rear. Sir George Rodney then made signal for "close 
action," and Drake's division was at once closely engaged. 
The rest of the English were nearly becalmed, as were 
the French soon after. The wind then hauled to the 
southward, and while this completely disarranged the 
French line, it did not so much affect the English, and 
Rodney, perceiving an opening in his adversaries' line, 
kept a close luff and passed through it, cutting off their 
rear. It is not thought that Rodney deliberately planned 
this, but it was the first time that the stiff notion of pre- 
serving- a line-of-battle at all hazards, and when advan- 
tage could be gained from departing from it, was broken 
through. 



DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 223 

This movement of Rodney's was the main cause of the 
loss of the battle to the French; and although many 
assert that the preservation of his line would have 
rendered the victory more decisive, yet when the sailing 
qualities of the two fleets are taken into account, it is 
very doubtful. By pursuing the plan he did, Rodney 
separated his ship, and the six ships which followed him, 
from the van, part of the centre, and the rear. It is said 
that his manoeuvre was inadvertently performed; but 
this could hardly be, for the Formidable luffed out of line, 
which could not have been done inadvertently and without 
distinct intention, and it is, therefore, not fair to impute 
the movement, and the consequent victory, to mere acci- 
dent. A French writer distinctly says that "Rodney's 
able manoeuvres completely got the better of De Grasse." 
With the fine and well trained fleet which the French 
Admiral commanded, it is probable that no great advantage 
would have accrued to the English under the old plan 
of fleet fighting. The advocates of the theory that 
Rodney's movement was an accident have some founda- 
tion for what they allege, however, in that Sir Alan 
Gardner, who commanded the Duke, 90, Rodney's second 
astern, was heard to say, "the wind was very light at 
the commencement of the action, but as it advanced it 
fell calm; my ship dropped through the enemy's line, and 
I, thinking I was wrong, and out of my station, did every- 
thing I could to get back again, but was unable to do 
so." The state of the wind prevented Hood from 
following Rodney through the French fleet, and, by con- 
tinuing his course he soon became opposed to the French 
van, separated from the centre, and here a warm and 
close action took place, and continued, until at length the 
smoke and concussion of the firing, which had also 
"killed" the wind, so completely enshrouded the ships 



224 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of both fleets, that a cessation of firing was necessary. 
About noon the smoke cleared away, by which time the 
French ships, to effect a re-junction, all bore up, 'and were 
seen to leeward, retreating, and in considerable disorder, 
and a general chase succeeded. The English victory was 
complete, if not overwhelming. Five French line-of-battle 
ships were taken or destroyed; the Glorieux, Caesar, 
Hector, Ardent, and the flag-ship Ville de Paris. The 
English accounts say that three of their line-of-battle ships 
concentrated upon the Ville de Paris ; the French accounts 
say five. Certain it is that she made a gallant fight for 
hours after the battle was decided; and when, at last, she 
hauled down her flag, she had one hundred and twenty 
killed, and almost all the rest more or less wounded. 
Count De Grasse himself, although he had not left the deck, 
escaped unscratched, as did a very few others on board. 

The Ville de Paris was considered the finest ship afloat 
at that time. She measured 2300 tons, and had been 
presented to Louis XV, by the City of Paris, at the close 
of the preceding war. She is said to have had a large 
amount of specie on board. She was towed to Jamaica 
by her captors, but was so damaged that she foundered 
in an attempt to take her to England; as did the Hector 
and Glorieux. The Caesar, a very fine ship, was burned 
on the night following her capture, and four hundred of 
her crew, as well as an English lieutenant and fifty 
seamen who were in charge, lost their lives. In fact, not 
one of the French ships captured in this battle ever 
reached England. 

The victory caused great exultation in England. Sir 
George Rodney and Sir Samuel Hood were both made 
peers, and Rear-Admiral Drake and Commodore Affleck 
made baronets. Public monuments were erected in West- 
minster Abbey to those captains who were killed. 




SHIP ON FIRE. 
HOISTING THE FLAG. 

LIFE AT SEA, No. 3, 



DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 225 

The French loss was very heavy, some reported it as 
3000, in killed and wounded. The English loss was 
reported as 253 killed and 816 wounded. 

As for the French ships, twenty-four of which escaped, 
they were at last collected, in a very damaged condition, 
under the Marquis de Vaudrueil, but they were obliged 
to abandon the West India islands. 

De Grasse was sent a prisoner to England, where he 
was most courteously received by the King and court 
circles. Indeed, he was accused of enjoying his popularity 
too much, and of lowering the dignity which became a 
prisoner of his rank. He was instrumental in forwarding 
the negotiations which led to the peace between England 
and the United States, which was concluded at Versailles, 
in 1783. 

Upon his return from captivity De Grasse was tried 
for the loss of the battle of April 12th, and honorably 
acquitted; but he was never again employed, and died in 
Paris, at the age of sixty-five. 

The opinion concerning De Grasse, both in France and 
England, was that he had brilliant courage, but a lack of 
judgment. 

Sir George Bridge Rodney, the victor in the battle of 
April 1 2th, 1 782, was born in 1 71 7, and survived the battle 
ten years. George the First was his godfather, and with 
such patronage his advancement in the Navy was rapid. 

In 1 759 he commanded at the bombardment of Havre ; 
and two years afterwards he captured the French West 
India islands of Saint Lucie, Saint Pierre, Grenada and 
Saint Vincent. He was made an Admiral in 1.771; but, 
in consequence of debts contracted in an election for 
Parliament, he was obliged to take refuge on the Conti- 
nent. While in France he was, one day, at the table of 
the Marshal de Biron, and was holding forth upon his 
15 



226 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



hopes of one day defeating the combined French and 
Spanish fleets. Biron jokingly offered to pay his debts, 
so as to enable him to put his threat into execution. 

Rodney, whose bravery and ability were equal to his 
arrogance and self-conceit, justified what he had said in 
less "than three years, for, in February, 1780, he utterly 
defeated Don Juan de Langara, and a Spanish fleet, off 
Cape St. Vincent, being the first naval battle of that 
name; and in April, 1782, he defeated De Grasse. He 
received the thanks of Parliament, the title of Baron, and 
a pension of two thousand pounds, with reversion to his 
heirs. 




LE SOLEIL ROYALB. 

(A femous French 120-Gun Ship, 17th Century, Built by Colbert.) 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 



■w 



XVI. 

LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 
JUNE 1ST, A. D. 1794. 




HIS naval battle is memorable as the first 
of any importance in the long series which 
followed, in the wars between the English 
and the French Revolutionary government, 
the Republic, and the Empire. 

Lord Howe, the English Commander-in- 
chief, had had experience in the last war of 
the English with France, and on our own 
coast during the Revolutionary war. But some of his 
captains and most of his junior officers had no experience 
of war, and this, perhaps, is one of the great reasons why 
the battle of the first of June did not have the magnificent 
results afterwards obtained by the British ships against 
the French. 

At the time of the battle in question Howe was an old 
man; and the fatigues and anxieties of the week preced- 
ing the action must have told upon him. 

In his youth and middle age he had been celebrated 
for his endurance, and coolness in emergency, but at 
sixty-nine he was not able to bear the strain of hard and 
continuous service so well, and so the results of his 
great action were incomplete as compared with those 
of Nelson. 

To illustrate Howe's natural disposition, we may relate 
one or two well-known anecdotes. 



228 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

While captain of the Princess Amelia, of 80 guns, the 
flag-ship of the Duke of York, the lieutenant of the watch 
suddenly appeared at his bedside, at night, and called out, 
in great agitation, "My Lord! the ship is on fire, close to 
the magazine ; but don't be frightened, my Lord, it will 
soon be got under." 

"Frightened, Sir; what do you mean by that? I never 
was frightened in my life!" and looking the lieutenant 
full in the face, he said to him, coolly, "Pray, Sir, how does 
a man feel when he is frightened? I need not ask how he 
looks. I will be with you immediately; but take care that 
His Royal Highness is not disturbed." 

At another time, when Captain of the Magnanime, he 
was obliged to anchor in a gale of wind, on a lee shore. 
In the course of the night the wind increased, almost to a 
hurricane, but Howe, having two anchors ahead, went 
down to his cabin, and took up a book. Presently the 
lieutenant of the watch came below hurriedly, and, with a 
woful face, said, " I am sorry to inform you, my Lord, 
that the anchors are coming home." " They are much 
in the right," replied Howe, coolly, " I don't know who 
would stay abroad on such a night as this." 

But to return to the great battle of the first of June : — 

In the latter part of May, 1 793, Lord Howe hoisted his 
flag on board the Queen Charlotte, at Portsmouth. She 
was a ship of 100 guns. His principal instructions were 
in regard to protecting the English trade from the French 
privateers. 

By the middle of July he put to sea, and steered down 
Channel with twenty-three sail-of-the-line, in two divisions, 
under Vice-admiral Graves and Sir Alexander Hood. 
For several months the doings of this fleet might be 
comprised in saying that they had occasional glimpses of 
squadrons and fleets of the French, varied by gales of 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 229 

wind, which invariably did much damage, and necessitated 
the putting in at some western port of England. The 
fleet was so continually in trouble, indeed, and so much 
in port, that great dissatisfaction was felt. 

Howe expressed himself as decidedly against keeping 
a heavy fleet of line-of-battle ships at sea, at the mouth 
of the Channel, and in the Bay of Biscay, during the 
autumnal and winter gales. Nor did he believe in the 
blockade of Brest, at that season, although it was his 
enemy's great naval port. He said that " to keep a fleet 
at sea, watching an enemy's fleet lying snugly in port, 
and ready to start the moment the weather has driven 
the blockading squadron from the coast, and probably 
disabled many of them, appeared to be a mistaken system, 
and ruinous in the extreme to the ships themselves, 
hateful to the seamen, and extravagant beyond measure 
in expense." 

In fact, long periods of this kind had so much weakened 
the larger English ships that private yards had to be 
employed for repairs, as well as building new ships. 

What Lord Howe recommended was, keeping a fleet 
at St. Helen's Roadstead, near Spithead, all ready for sea, 
while a few frigates watched the enemy's movements. 
Another fleet he recommended to lie at Torbay, where, 
in event of the enemy's putting to sea from Brest, the 
contending fleets might meet on equal terms, being each 
fresh from port ; while a blockading fleet, keeping the 
sea for months, and exposed to all kinds of weather, was 
not on a par with one fresh from the dockyards ; and 
still less in a condition to follow them abroad. "The 
public does not care for such considerations, but judge by 
the results, and require a battle and a victory ; or else 
blame must rest somewhere, most appropriately on the 
shoulders of the commander-in-chief." 



230 NAVAL BATTLES^ ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

There was plenty of this fault-finding in England, in 
1 793. The French fleet was known to be often at sea — 
had been seen by Lord Howe — and yet no battle had 
been fought, no captures made. 

The caricaturists and the press were very hard upon 
Lord Howe, but he was not a man to be very much 
affected by sarcasm or abuse. He wished to save wear 
and tear of ships and men, and to improve the discipline 
and health of his fleet. The laurels earned by the vet- 
eran sailor were too deeply planted to be plucked away 
by scribblers, and Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville would not 
listen to Howe's retirement, which he urged, on account 
of infirmities and advancing age. 

The sequel proved that they were right. 

In the middle of April, 1794, the fleet, having been 
repaired, assembled at St. Helen's. Howe had thirty- two 
sail-of-the-line, six of which, with some frigates, were 
detailed to convoy in and out of the Channel the East 
India Company's ships and the West Indian traders. On 
May 2d the fleet put to sea, and cruised, generally in bad 
weather, off Ushant, and on the 19th discovered that the 
French fleet had sailed from Brest. They were twenty- 
four sail-of-the-line and ten frigates, and had come out 
to give protection to an immensely large and valuable 
homeward-bound convoy of French merchant ships, from 
North America and the West Indies. 

On the 25th, after a fruitless search for the enemy, two 
French corvettes steered into the midst of the English 
fleet, mistaking it for their own. They were both taken. 
Not to diminish the efficiency of his ships by sending 
prize crews, Howe destroyed them, as well as several 
other prizes and recaptures. He then continued his 
search for the main French fleet. 

The following is, in the main, an extract from the pri- 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET.. 231 

vate journal of Lord Howe himself. It is to be premised 
that, on the morning of May 28th, with a fresh southwest 
wind and a rough sea, he had sighted a portion of the 
French fleet, bearing southeast. 

"May 28th. They (the French) were some hours 
before they had formed their line, on the larboard tack, 
which they proceeded to do while three or four leagues 
distant ; the British fleet being in the order of sailing, 
with the advanced squadron, under Rear Admiral Paisley, 
on the weather quarter of the body of the fleet ; the whole 
under as much sail as the weather would safely permit, 
standing to the eastward, by the wind. At 1 1 a.m. tacked 
to approach nearer the enemy, the centre of their fleet 
then in the S. S. W. 

"At 4 in the evening tacked back to the eastward. Soon 
after 5 o'clock, the Bellerophon arriving up abreast of the 
rear ship of the enemy, the Revolutionnaire, of three 
decks, though too far distant for close action, began to fire 
upon her, and received the fire from that ship, and some 
others ahead of her. But observing that the other ships 
of the advance squadron, the Russell, Marlborough and 
Thunderer, though gained more to windward of the 
enemy, had shortened sail, and the two last backed their 
main-top-sails, and firing at the enemy from a distance 
far too considerable, their particular signals were made 
to attack the enemy's rear ; and soon after the general 
signal to the same effect. The Bellerophon, having her 
main-top-sail lowered and aback, and making signal to 
denote that her main-top-mast was disabled, the other 
ships also, of the advanced squadron, still keeping astern, 
with little sail set, and firing far distant, the general signal 
was made for assisting ships in action ; and a few minutes 
after the particular signals for the Russell and Marl- 
borough for the same purpose ; enforcing it by a gun, to 



232 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

obtain the notice that was not duly shown to the former 
signal." In other words these ships were not behaving 
very handsomely, and the beginning of their collision 
with the French did not augur well for success. 

" The three aforementioned ships thereupon made sail 
to the eastward, the Marlborough having been observed 
to have set her courses, and the Leviathan pressing for- 
ward, commenced action with the rear ship of the enemy, 
to the relief of the Bellerophon. 

"As the day was closing in, the Audacious was seen to 
advance to the attack of the Revolutionnaire, in apparent 
very close action. The body of the enemy's fleet keep- 
ing on in order of battle, and being approached to about 
three miles distance from them; their force consisting of 
twenty-six ships-of-the-line, besides frigates, it was judged 
requisite to form the British fleet in such order of battle 
ahead as the ships by their accidental situation at the 
time could be so arranged, ahead and astern of the 
Charlotte, to be in suitable disposition for any service 
which might occur in the night ; nothing more of the 
action being distinguishable, and the firing ceasing at 
dark. Information was given, by the Marlborough and 
Niger, that the sternmost ship of the enemy was beaten 
out of their line by, and supposed to have struck to, the 
Audacious." 

The crews of the Audacious and Russell declare that 
the Revolutionnaire struck ; but whether she did or 
not, she was clearly beaten and defenceless, as she only 
answered three guns from her one hundred and twenty 
to the last broadside of the Audacious. The Revolution- 
naire's loss was nearly 400 men. The Audacious was 
so crippled that she could hardly keep clear of the 
French fleet, but after an engagement with a frigate and 
a corvette made her way to Plymouth. The Revolution- 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 233 

naire afterwards lost her masts, but was towed into 
Rochefort. 

Thus ended the first day's collision. 
For the next two days indecisive manoeuvres took 
place. There was a very fresh breeze, heavy seas, fogs, 
and various other reasons why no general action could be 
brought on. During this time Lord Howe passed through 
the French fleet in his flag-ship, but as only one or two 
of his ships were able to follow him no general action 
occurred. One or two of the ships of each fleet lost masts 
in the heavy sea, and between the 29th and 31st of May 
Rear-Admiral Nielly joined Admiral Villaret de Joyeuse, 
with five line-of-battle ships, and then left the French fleet. 
This left twenty-six line-of-battle ships to the French; 
many of these had very revolutionary names, such as 
Tyrannicide, Convention, Trente et un Mai, Montagne, 
Jacobin, Republicaine, etc., and many were very large 
ships, one being of 1 20 guns, and two of 1 10. 

During these days Lord Howe was far from satisfied 
with the behavior of some of his captains, and we find in 
his journal the following : " The centre of the British fleet 
drawing fast up with the van, the signal was repeatedly 
made for the Caesar, leading the line, and then under treble 
reefed topsails and foresail, to make more sail;" and this 
ship, by her conduct, threw out the whole line, and inter- 
fered materially with the operations of the day. 

Again Lord Howe says, " the ships of the fleet (called 
up by signals, and appointed to fall into line, ahead and 
astern of the flag-ship, as most convenient) came forward 
to meet her, which had stood toward them, as the enemy 
approached. When arrived they came up so crowded 
together that they afforded an opportunity for the enemy 
to have fired upon them with great advantage. But they 
' (the French)' having covered their disabled ships, and 



234 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

giving a distant fire as they passed to leeward of our 
fleet, wore again to the westward ; and the English 
fleet, preserving the weather gage, kept on after them." 
" Most of the time the Oueen Charlotte was engraved the 
sea was so rough that much water was taken in at the 
lower deck ports, and the pumps were constantly at 
work." 

Lord Howe goes on to say, " soon after noon on the 
31st, the fog clearing off, the enemy were seen to leeward, 
forming again in order of battle." " But before our fleet 
could get abreast of them the day was too far advanced 
for bringing them promptly to action. It was, therefore, 
deemed expedient to keep the wind, with frigates of 
observation to notify any change in the enemy's motions 
during the ensuing night." 

It is hard in these days to realize the slow and labori- 
ous movements of a fleet of the old line-of-battle ships. 
And it is also curious to observe the adherence to old 
ideas in regard to battle, as well as the lukewarmness, 
and want of conduct and seamanship, which amounted 
to bad behavior, and which characterized some of the 
captains of Howe's fleet. As we shall see, further on, 
only one captain was brought to a court-martial, and he 
was only lightly punished. Had the action of the first 
of June been less successful, it is probable that more would 
have been tried for misconduct, and disobedience of 
orders. But success condones many offences. A few 
years after this a British fleet of the force of Howe's 
would have dashed at any French fleet, without regard to 
the time of day, and not risked losing the enemy in the 
night, or the chance of his changing his mind about 
fighting. 

But to come to the decisive day, June 1st. It is 
impossible to follow Lord Howe's journal further, for, at 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 235 

the risk of being irreverent, we must observe that the 
gallant and noble Lord's English is almost as much 
involved as that of those other English seamen, Captains 
Cuttle and Bunsby. 

The French fleet being six miles to leeward on the 
morning of June ist, Howe made signal that he intended 
to attack the enemy's centre, and engage to leeward. 
The British fleet filled away for the French, each ship 
being directed to steer for and engage her proper oppo- 
nent. 

Both fleets were under single-reefed topsails, the 
French backing and filling, to preserve their stations in 
their line, which extended from east to west. The wind 
was very fresh, at south by west, and with the signal to 
engage flying, Lord Howe closed his signal book, as the 
matter was so clear that it was impossible for any captain 
to mistake his duty. 

The French first opened fire. The flag-ship of Lord 
Howe, setting a noble example, steered for the Mon- 
tagne, 120, receiving a heavy fire from other ships in 
reaching her. The ship passed close under the French 
flag-ship's stern, giving her a tremendous raking broad- 
side. She was so close that the French ensign brushed 
the Queen Charlotte's rigging. In a moment she was 
attacked by the Jacobin, but succeeded in giving her a 
like raking. The Queen Charlotte lost her fore-top-mast, 
but, in spite of this, stuck to the Montagne, and killed 
and wounded 300 on board of her. At last the Mon- 
tagne hauled out of the line, and several other French 
vessels followed her, when Howe made signal for a 
general chase. 

It would be tedious to follow the action of the particu- 
lar ships up to this period of the battle. Suffice it to say 
that the fire was most concentrated and deadly on both 



236 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

sides. Some of the French ships fought most despe- 
rately. Among others, the Vengeur lost her masts, and 
lay rolling her lower deck ports in the water, many of 
which had been torn off or shot away by the English ship 
Brunswick. The Vengeur soon filled with water, and 
although fast sinking, her colors were kept flying. By 
great exertions of some of the English vessels, some 400 
of her crew were rescued, but many sank with the ship. 
Among the survivors were the brave French Captain, 
Renaudin, and his son, only twelve years old. Being 
taken off to different ships, each believed the other to 
have perished. To their great joy, they met again in 
Portsmouth. 

Many of the French ships which struck were enabled 
to make off during the succeeding night, as the English 
had not been able to take possession of them. But they 
secured the 80-gun ships, Sans Pareil and Juste, and 74- 
gun ships, America, Impetueux, Achille, and Northumber- 
land, and the Vengeur, 74, was sunk. 

The British loss in the battle was 11 40, in killed and 
wounded. The French loss is not exactly known, but 
was much greater. 

The damage to the masts and rigging of the British 
ships generally was so considerable that the 2d and 3d 
of the month were passed in securing the injured masts, 
fixing jury-masts when required, and removing the pris- 
oners, and taking the six prizes in tow. 

Fine weather prevailed, and light westerly breezes, and 
the fleet arrived in the Channel on the 1 ith ; part of it, 
under Rear- Admiral Graves, going to Plymouth, and the 
rest, led by the Queen Charlotte, anchoring at Spithead 
on the 13th of June. 

It had been many a year since Portsmouth had seen 
the arrival of a victorious fleet, with six of the enemy's 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 237 

line-of-battle ships in tow. Crowds flocked to witness it, 
from all parts of England; and to see the landing of the 
2300 prisoners. 

Rear- Admirals Paisley and Bowyer each lost a leg, and 
Admiral Graves was very badly wounded in the arm, 
while three English captains were killed. There was no 
doubt about the^behavior of these officers, but the report 
of Lord Howe omitted the mention of many captains, 
most of whom thought themselves aggrieved, and made 
a great commotion. The fact appears to be that more 
were delinquent in the previous operations than on the 
day of the great battle ; and this, in many cases, was no 
doubt due to want of seamanship and experience. 

The Caesar being especially mentioned in an unfavor- 
able light, her captain, Molloy, demanded a court-martial, 
which the Admiralty was bound to grant. Lord Howe 
was much annoyed at this, and did all that he could to 
prevent captain Molloy from persisting, but without avail. 
Howe, like all others who had fought a successful action, 
did not want the scandals and delinquencies of his com- 
mand exposed to the public gaze. After a long trial, 
Molloy was found delinquent, and was dismissed from the 
command of his ship. 

As regards the conduct of the other captains, it is 
certain that Howe's orders as to passing through the 
French line and engaging to leeward were not carried into 
effect by a very large portion of his fleet. 

In some this was caused by the bad sailing of the ships 
and by the very compact form in which the French formed 
their line, so that only five captains of the British fleet 
had the nerve to let their ships "make their own way," 
as the Queen Charlotte did, through the French line. 
Signals were misunderstood, or not seen, in the smoke 
and confusion, and Howe made, at last, a discretionary 



238 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

signal, which left each captain to engage his opponent to 
windward or to leeward, as circumstances might arise. 

Howe's fame as a naval commander will not bear com- 
parison with some others who were to immortalize them- 
selves in the long wars which his action inaugurated. 
But we must remember that this was the first great naval 
battle of that eventful period, and that, it had an immense 
influence upon the French; as well as in forming the 
British Navy for their future glorious achievements. Had 
the action of June ist been the last of that series of great 
actions, instead of the first, it is probable that few ships 
of the French fleet would have escaped. Lord Howe, 
although not making much complaint of his want of 
efficient support, nevertheless felt the defection of some 
of his captains strongly. 

In the year 1 799, not many months before his death, 
he wrote, concerning Nelson's splendid victory at the 
Nile, "I will only say, on the splendid achievement of 
Nelson, that one of the most remarkable features in the 
transaction consists in the eminently distinguished con- 
duct of each of the captains of the squadron." Perhaps it 
never before happened that every captain had equal 
opportunity to distinguish himself in the same manner, or 
took equal advantage of it. 

There is one point upon which Lord Howe's conduct 
has been censured. It is said that he gave way to the 
opinion of Sir Roger Curtis, his Captain of the Fleet, 
who advised him not to pursue the five dismasted French 
ships which went off unmolested, under sails set on the 
stumps of their masts, and which succeeded in joining the 
rest of their vessels. 

The prevailing opinion in the English fleet certainly 
was that these ships of the enemy were suffered to escape, 
when they might have been captured with ease. That 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 239 

they were not captured was the fault of having a Flag 
Officer at sea who was too old to command, and who had 
a Fleet Captain who was not enterprising. 

But the victory was sufficient, and settled the fate of 
the war, as far as the naval part was concerned. 

The general reader may be interested in some remarks 
and anecdotes concerning the battle. 

During the hottest part of the engagement between 
the Marlborough and the Vengeur, the former ran the 
latter aboard to windward, her anchor hooking the French 
ship's fore shrouds and channels. The master of the 
English ship wanted to cut her adrift, but Captain Harvey 
exclaimed, "No ! we have got her, and we will keep her." 
" The ships then swung broadside to broadside, and both 
paid off before the wind, locked together, dropped out of 
line, and engaged furiously. So close were these ships 
locked that the Marlborough was unable to open her 
midship lower-deck ports, which were consequently blown 
off by her eager crew, etc." 

The flag-ship, the Queen Charlotte, as in duty bound, 
set a brilliant example to the rest of the fleet. On the 
29th of May, when she broke through the French line, 
she was followed, gallantly, by the Leviathan and Belle- 
rophon, commanded by Captains Lord Seymour, Conway 
and Hope, and both these ships were most conspicuous 
in the whole engagement. 

The foremast of the Leviathan was crippled, and in 
danger of falling, and Lord Howe, observing this, stood 
to her rescue. Lord Seymour, in his own journal, says, 
"quarter before four; being very near, and pointing into 
the body of the French fleet, which had then appeared, 
to succor their rear, the Queen Charlotte wearing, we 
did the same, but not without exposing ourselves for a 
long time to be raked by the French Admiral and three 



240 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

other ships, which had stood back to the relief of two of 
their ships that were in danger of being cut off by our 
fleet. 

"On this occasion the gallant conduct of the Queen 
Charlotte, in coming down to draw the enemy's fire from 
the Leviathan, has made too strong an impression upon 
my mind, and is too much the subject of general applause 
on board of her, for me to resist expressing my sense 
of it, and offering, in the name of all the officers, as well 
as my own, this feeble though grateful tribute of our 
admiration of our noble chief, Lord Howe." 

But the day most glorious for Howe was the ist of 
June, when he broke through the French line again, 
brushing the ensign of Admiral Villaret Joyeuse's flag- 
ship on the one side, and grazing, on the other, the 
Jacobin's mizzen shrouds with her jib-boom. 

Collingwood, eleven years after, in the battle of Trafal- 
gar, did much the same thing, in the Sovereign, when he 
cut the line, and grazed the stern of the Santa Anna. 

Had not the Queen Charlotte's fore-top-mast been shot 
away, and the main-top-mast gone over the side just as 
the French Admiral's fire had about ceased, there is little 
doubt he would have captured the French flag-ship ; but 
she made off to leeward, and it was impossible for the 
Charlotte to follow her. The French flag-ship's hull was 
completely knocked to pieces, and her battery rendered 
almost useless. The tremendous broadsides which the 
Charlotte poured into her stern, in passing -through the 
line, made a hole large enough, the sailors said, to row 
the Admiral's barge through. 

As the Queen Charlotte was coming down on the 
French line, determined to pass through, it appeared so 
close and compact that Howe expressed a doubt as to 
whether there was room to pass between the Montagne, 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 241 

1 20, and the Jacobin, 80, which had got partly under the 
lee of the former, as if afraid of the Charlotte's broadside, 
thus occupying the place the Charlotte intended to take. 
Howe was determined either to go through, or to run the 
French flag-ship or the Jacobin on board. His Master, 
Bowen, in a blunt and resolute tone, called out, " That's 
right, my Lord, the Charlotte will make room for her- 
self." 

On his first appointment to the flag-ship this unpolished 
but shrewd and excellent seaman was in the habit, in 
addressing the commander-in-chief, of so constantly using 
the expression "My Lord," that one day Howe said to 
him, "Bowen, pray, my good fellow, do give over that 
eternal 'My Lord! My Lord;' d'ont you know I am 
called Black Dick in the fleet?" This was his usual 
sobriquet among the sailors. 

Just as the Queen Charlotte was closing with the 
Montagne, Lord Howe, who was himself conning the 
ship, called out to Bowen to starboard the helm. On 
this Bowen remarked that if they did they would be on 
board the next ship, the Jacobin. His lordship replied, 
sharply, "what is that to you, sir? " Bowen, much nettled, 
said, in an undertone, "D — n my very eyes if/ care, if you 
d'ont. I'll go near enough to singe some of our 
whiskers." 

Howe heard him, and, turning to his Captain, said, 
"That's a fine fellow, Curtis!" 

Lord Howe appears to have had but a dim conception 
of a joke. Shortly after the return of his flag-ship to 
Portsmouth, he sent for the First Lieutenant, Mr. Larcom, 
whom he thus addressed: "Mr. Larcom, your conduct in 
the action has been such that it is necessary for you to 
leave this ship." 

Larcom, who was as brave as the Admiral, and a good 
16 



242 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

officer, and good seaman, was perfectly thunder-struck, 
and, with tears in his eyes, exclaimed "Good God! My 
Lord, what have I done? Why am I to leave the ship? 
I have done my duty to the utmost of my power." 

" Very true, Sir," said the Admiral, "but leave this ship 
you must ; and I have great pleasure in presenting you with 
this commission as Commander, for your conduct on the 
late occasion." 

It appeared that it was at the solicitation of his Fleet- 
Captain, Sir Roger Curtis, that Howe appointed the Csesar 
to lead the van in the order of battle of May 29th. 

It was against Lord Howe's own opinion. Circum- 
stances occurred, on the very day, which induced Lord 
Howe to place another ship in that station. But he again 
yielded the point, at Curtis' earnest request to give 
Molloy another trial, the Admiral remarking, at the same 
time, "You have mistaken your man; I have not." On 
the 1st of June, when the Csesar hauled up, instead of 
going through the enemy's line, Howe, who was standing 
on the poop of the Queen Charlotte, tapped Sir Roger 
Curtis on the shoulder, and, pointing to the Caesar, said, 
"Look, Curtis, there goes your friend. Who is mistaken 
now?" 

Certainly Lord Howe's biographer is mistaken in re- 
cording this anecdote of the man whom he delights to 
honor. It is an old story, and has been true of Admirals, 
in peace or war, time out of mind. But it shows a 
culpable weakness in Howe, to allow himself to be 
swayed against his own convictions by any one, in so 
vitally important a matter. 

The conduct of the Marlborough, Captain Berkeley, is 
interesting, and illustrates the phases of naval actions of 
that day. 

The Marlborough first engaged the Impetueux for 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 243 

about twenty minutes, when the French ship paid off, 
and dropped with her bowsprit over the Marlborough's 
quarter, where she lay exposed to a heavy raking fire. 
Every one was driven from her decks, and some of the 
Marlborough's men boarded her, but were ordered back. 
Just then the three masts of the French ship went over 
the side, and a 74 which was astern attempted to weather 
and rake the Marlborough. But he met with such a fire 
that he dropped on board his consort's quarter, and then 
luffing up, boarded the Marlborough upon the bow. But 
the steadiness of the English small-arm men and the fire 
of her carronades prevented the French from succeeding. 
In a few minutes this second ship's masts also went over, 
and they both lay, without firing a gun, without any 
colors, and with no one on the upper deck. At last the 
English fleet came up and took possession of them both. 
Captain Berkeley proceeds to say: " I now attempted to 
back off from the two vessels, and unfortunately accom- 
plished it just as the French Admiral came under our 
stern and raked us, by which he did us considerable 
damage, and carried away our three masts. It was from 
this ship I received my wound, and, therefore, the re- 
mainder is the account of my First Lieutenant." 

Lieutenant Monckton then proceeds: "At the time 
Captain Berkeley was obliged to quit the deck we were 
still on board, but backing clear of our opponents. Our 
masts being then shot away by the three-decker under 
our stern, carried away the ensign staff, and deprived us 
of hoisting any colors for a few minutes. I ordered the 
wreck to be cleared away from the color-chest, and 
spread a Union Jack at the sprit-sail yard, and a St. 
George's ensign on the stump of the foremast; but per- 
ceiving that the latter was mistaken by some of our own 
ships for the tri-colored flag, I ordered that flag to be cut off. 



244 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

"At this time we were laying along the Impetueux, 
within pistol shot, and finding she did not return a gun, I 
ordered our ship to cease firing at her, and suffered them 
quietly to extinguish the flames, which I could easily have 
prevented with our musketry. While clearing away the 
wreck, the rear of the enemy's fleet was coming up, and 
perceiving that they must range close to us, and being 
determined never to see the British flag struck, I ordered 
the men to lie down at their quarters, to receive their 
fire, and return it afterwards, if possible. But, being 
dismasted, she rolled so deep that our lower deck ports 
could not be opened. The event was as I expected: the 
enemy's rear passed us to leeward, very close, and we 
fairly ran the gauntlet of every ship which could get a gun 
to bear, but, luckily, without giving us any shot between 
wind and water, or killing any men, except two, who 
imprudently disobeyed their officers, and got up at their 
quarters. Two of their ships, which had tacked, now 
came to windward of us, and gave us their fire, upon 
which one of their dismasted ships, that had struck, 
hoisted her national flag, but, upon our firing some guns 
at her, she hauled it down again ; and a three-decker, 
having tacked, also stood toward us, with a full intention, 
I believe, to sink us, if possible. 

"The Royal George, however, who I suppose had tacked 
after her, came up, and engaged her very closely, carried 
away her main and mizzen masts, and saved the Marl- 
borough from the intended close attack. I then made 
the signal for assistance, on a boat's mast, but this was 
almost instantly shot away. At five the Aquila took us 
in tow, and soon after we joined the fleet." 

A curious incident is said to have taken place on board 
this ship, when lying entirely dismasted, and otherwise 
disabled, the captain and second lieutenant severely 



LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 245 

wounded, and the ship so roughly treated that a whisper 
of surrender was heard. Lieutenant Monckton resolutely 

exclaimed, "he would be d d if she ever should 

surrender, and that he would nail her colors to the stump 
of the mast." At that moment a cock, having been 
liberated from a broken coop, suddenly perched himself on 
the stump of the mainmast, clapped his wings, and crowed 
aloud. In an instant three hearty cheers rang through 
the ship, and there was no more talk of surrender. The 
cock was afterwards given to the Governor of Plymouth, 
lived to a good old age, and was frequently visited by the 
Marlborough's men. 

The Brunswick, 74, had a large figure-head of the Duke 
of that name, with a laced cocked hat on. This hat was 
carried away by a shot, during the battle. The crew sent 
a deputation to the captain to ask him to give his own 
laced hat to supply the place; and he did so; the 
carpenter nailing it on the Duke's head, when they 
continued the action. 

Nothing could exceed the gallant conduct of this ship, 
as we have already jioticed. The Defence, Captain Gam- 
bier, also behaved most gallantly, being terribly cut up, 
and totally dismasted. She was one of the. few that 
passed through the enemy's line, and got into the midst 
of the French ships. Captain Gambier was an excellent 
officer, and a gentleman of strict principles of religion 
and morality. At the close of the action, Captain Paken- 
ham, a rattling, good-humored Irishman, hailed him from 
the Invincible, "Well, Jimmy, I see you are pretty well 
mauled; but never mind, Jimmy, whom the Lord loveth 
he chasteneth." 

When the Sans Pareil was taken possession of, the 
English Captain Trowbridge was found on board, a 
prisoner, having been captured in the Castor, when in 



246 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

charge of the Newfoundland convoy. On the morning 
of the i st of June, the French officers, seeing the British 
fleet under easy sail, going parallel to the French line, 
taunted him by saying, "there will be no fighting to-day; 
your Admiral will not venture down." "Wait a little," 
said Trowbridge, " English sailors never like to fight with 
empty stomachs ; I see the signal flying for all hands to 
breakfast ; after which, take my word for it, they will pay 
you a visit." When the Sans Pareil had got enough of the 
battle, and was prepared to surrender ; her captain sent 
down to request Trowbridge to come on deck and do him 
the honor of striking the colors. This he very properly 
declined to do. 

Anecdotes of the action are too numerous for all to 
find a place here. But we may mention that on board the 
captured French ships the cartridges were found to be 
mostly made of the fine painted vellum on which church 
music was painted, and of the titles and preuves de 
noblesse of the principal French families, many hundred 
years old, and illuminated, in many instances, with the 
genealogical tree. There was a decree of the French 
Convention, applying the archives of the nobility to that 
particular purpose. The great convoy of ships from the 
West Indies and America, consisting of more than two 
hundred sail of ships, of immense value, and of so much 
importance tc*the French government that they risked 
the loss of their great Brest fleet for its safety, arrived 
safely in port a few days after the battle of the first of 
June. 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 



247 



XVII. 

BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. A. D. 1797. 




LTHOUGH Rodney had fought a cele- 
brated action off Cape St. Vincent a few- 
years before, yet the one which occurred 
in 1797 so far eclipsed it that Rodney's 
action is scarcely ever thought of. 

St. Vincent is the name of the most 
southwestern point of Portugal, in the 
old Kingdom of Alg-arve. 
Admiral Sir John Jervis, with an English fleet under 
his command, left the Tagus on the 18th of January, 1 797, 
with eleven ships-of-the-line. Before crossing the bar of 
the Tagus the St. George, a three-decker, got on shore, 
and, being got off with difficulty, was found to be so much 
injured as to render it necessary to send her back to 
Lisbon. So with ten sail-of-the-line Sir John put to sea, 
having for his first object to escort some Brazil merchant- 
men and their Portuguese convoy to a safe latitude; 
thence he intended to proceed off Cape St. Vincent, 
where he had appointed a rendezvous for the St. George 
to join him. He also hoped to be there joined by long 
and anxiously expected reinforcements from England. 

His fleet consisted of the Victory, of 100 guns, his 
flag-ship; the Britannia, 100, Vice Admiral Thompson; 
the Barfleur and Blenheim, 98s ; and the Captain, Cul- 
loden, Egmont, Excellent and Goliath, 74s, and the 
Diadem, 64. 



248 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

On the 6th of February Sir John had parted from the 
Portuguese ships, and was upon his return to his station 
off Cape St. Vincent, where five sail-of-the-line, sent from 
the Channel fleet to reinforce him, effected their junction. 
These were the Prince George, 98, Vice Admiral Parker ; 
the Namur, 90 ; and the Colossus, Irresistible, and Orion, 
74s. It so happened that the accession of force did no 
more than make up that which the Admiral had with him 
when he sent home for an addition to his force. A sixth 
serious accident soon deprived him of the use of another 
ship ; for, early on the morning of February 1 2th, while yet 
quite dark, as the ships were tacking in succession, the 
Colossus, keeping her wind a little too long, compelled 
the Culloden to bear up, to clear her. The former ship 
then suddenly bore up also, and the two ran foul of 
each other. The Colossus escaped almost without injury, 
but the Culloden received damages which would have 
sent most ships home to a dockyard. She was, however, 
commanded by the gallant Captain Trowbridge, and he 
managed, after a time, to repair damages at sea, and to 
be ready for action again. 

Sir John Jervis, with his fifteen ships, persevered in 
working up to his station, against a strong southeast 
wind, not doubting that he should there gain a sight, or 
at least have tidings, of the Spanish fleet, of which he was 
in quest, which could not be less than nineteen, and might 
be thirty sail-of-the-line. 

Whatever the force might be, it was to be broken up, 
if possible, and a heavy blow struck against the Spanish 
navy. 

On the morning of February 13th the English frigate 
Minerve, bearing the flag of Horatio Nelson, then a 
Commodore, came into the fleet, with the intelligence that 
on the nth, soon after quitting Gibraltar, he had been 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 249 

chased by two Spanish line-of-battle-ships, and that, after- 
wards, when in the mouth of the Straits, he got sight of 
the Spanish fleet, of whose strength and probable inten- 
tions Commodore Nelson communicated some important 
information. In the course of the same evening the 
Niger frigate joined the fleet, with the same information; 
she having kept the Spaniards in sight for several days. 
Captain Foote, of the Niger, informed the Admiral that 
their fleet could not be more than fifteen miles off. 

It was then near sunset. Signal was made for the 
British fleet to prepare for battle, and to keep close 
order for the night, during which the signal guns of the 
Spaniards could be distinctly heard. 

While the English are thus keeping a bright lookout 
for them, let us take a glance at the Spanish fleet, soon to 
be encraored m a momentous battle. 

The grand fleet of Spain, under the command of Don 
Josef de Cordova, in the Santissima Trinidada, a huge 
ship of 1 30 guns, had sailed from Carthagena on the first 
of the month. He had, besides his flag-ship, six of 1 1 2 
guns, two of 80, and eighteen of 74 guns ; in all twenty- 
seven sail-of-the-line, with ten frigates, and two or three 
brigs. 

Some gun-boats, and about seventy transports, having 
on board two battalions of guards and a Swiss regiment, 
and a great quantity of military stores and ammunition, 
accompanied the fleet, all bound to the camp of St. Roche. 

The Spanish fleet passed Gibraltar at daylight of the 
5th, and some of them escorted the transports to Alges- 
iras, where the troops and stores were disembarked. It 
was these ships, upon their return to the main fleet, which 
had seen and chased Nelson. 

The report was that this fleet was to proceed to Brest, 
then to join the French fleet, which was in turn to be 



250 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

joined by the Dutch fleet; and that with the whole united, 
England was to be invaded. Be that as it may, the 
destination of the Spanish Admiral was, in the first 
instance, Cadiz. But the strong easterly gale that had 
given him a quick passage through the Straits soon blew in 
his teeth and drove his ships considerably to the westward 
of their port. On the night of the 13th, the wind still 
adverse, the lookout frigates of the Spanish fleet, which 
now consisted of twenty-five sail-of-the-line and eleven 
frigates,, got sight of several of the British ships ; but the 
latter, being taken by them for part of a convoy, excited 
little attention. 

The Spaniards were busy in taking advantage of a 
favorable change of wind which just then occurred, and 
were crowding sail to make the land, without much 
regard to order. 

The morning of the 14th of February, a disastrous day 
long to be remembered by the Spaniards, broke dark and 
hazy. The two fleets were in full sight of each other. 
The British were formed in two compact divisions, on the 
starboard tack, with the wind at west by south. Cape 
St. Vincent then bore east by north, distant about twenty- 
five miles. 

At about half-past six the Culloden, 74, made signal 
for five sail, S. W. by S. The frigates immediately con- 
firmed the same, adding that the strangers were by the 
wind, on the starboard tack. A sloop-of-war was at once 
sent to reconnoitre, and the English Admiral made signal 
to his fleet to form in close order and prepare for battle. 
Soon after three ships-of-the-line were sent to chase to 
the S. W., and, upon the sloop signaling that she saw 
eight sail in that direction, three more line- of- battle ships 
were sent. 

The Spanish reconnoitring frigates soon made out 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 251 

and recognized these detached English ships, and it was 
not until then that the Spaniards recovered from their 
delusion that the ships they had seen were part of a 
convoy. 

Then they fell into another. An American ship, which 
had passed through the British fleet some days before, 
while the Culloden was away in chase, had afterwards 
been spoken by the Spanish Admiral, and informed 
him that Sir John Jervis had but nine sail-of-the-line. 

The partial view of the British fleet now obtained 
through the fogf and haze tended to confirm this state- 
ment, and the Spanish were in high glee at the idea that 
they should soon make a triumphant entry into Cadiz, 
with some English ships as prizes ; for their force was too 
great for nine ships to resist, however well handled and 
bravely fought. 

About 10 a.m. the English frigate Minerve made signal 
for twenty sail in the southwest, and presently for eight 
more. 

By this time the fog had cleared away, and left the two 
fleets to count their enemy's numbers. 

The Spanish were, of course, greatly surprised at seeing 
fifteen instead of nine sail-of-the-line ; and these fifteen, 
found in two close lines, were steadily advancing to cut 
off those of their ships that, owing either to mismanage- 
ment or to a blind confidence in numerical strength, had 
been allowed to separate from their main body. Their 
'main body, formed in a sort of a square, were running 
before the wind, under all sail, while their leewardmost 
ships, with their starboard tacks on board, were striving 
hard to effect a junction with the former, in time to frus- 
trate, if possible, the evident design of the British Admiral. 

As, besides the object of cutting off the six detached 
sail-of-the-line, it was now equally important to be ready 



252 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

to receive the nineteen sail bearing down from to wind- 
ward, the British Admiral, soon after eleven a.m., ordered 
his fleet to form in line-of-battle, ahead and astern, as was 
most convenient, and to steer south-southwest. 

The advanced position of the Culloden in the morning's 
chase conferred upon her the honor of being the leading 
ship in the line, which, when all the ships had fallen into 
their stations, and were close hauled on the starboard 
tack, was closed by the Excellent. 

Thus arranged the fifteen British ships steered direct 
for the opening, still wide, but gradually narrowing, 
between the two divisions of the Spanish fleet. 

About this time the advanced ships of the Spanish 
weather division began wearing and trimming on the port 
tack. 

At 11.30 a.m., the Culloden, coming abreast of the 
leewardmost of these ships, opened fire upon them, as 
they passed her starboard broadside. She then stood on, 
followed by the Blenheim, which ship also gave and 
received a distant fire. 

As soon as she reached the wake of the enemy's line 
the Culloden tacked again and stood towards it. 

The three rearmost Spanish ships, the Conde de Regla, 
112; Principe d' Asturias, 112; and Oriente, 74, being 
some way astern of their companions, and therefore in 
danger of being cut off by the leading British ships, bore 
up together, athwart the hawse of the Prince George, 98, 
(Vice- Admiral Parker's flag-ship). The latter, being 
rather too far from her leader, had left a sufficient open- 
ing for the purpose. 

The three Spaniards then hauled up on the starboard 
tack, and joined four others that lay a little to windward 
of the remaining three of their lee division. 

Upon the Prince George and Blenheim tacking, half an 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 253 

hour after noon, the advanced portion of the Spanish lee 
division put about also, and thus both divisions of the 
Spanish fleet were brought on the port tack. The 
English ships astern of the Prince George, as they in- 
creased their distance from the van, lessened it from the 
rear division, several of the ships of which opened, and 
received in return, a sharp fire, evidently to the disadvan- 
tage of the Spanish, as they all, but one, wore round on 
the other tack. 

The Egmont, 74, at this time received damaging shots 
through both main and mizzen-masts; while the Colossus, 
another English 74, lost important spars, which compelled 
her to wear out of line, and afforded an opportunity to a 
Spanish three-decker, which was to windward and astern 
of the others, to bear up, with the intention of raking the 
crippled English ship. The Orion, 74, seeing this, backed 
her main-top-sail, and lay to, to cover the Colossus ; 
whereupon the three-decker wore, and stood away to the 
southward, after her friends. 

The Spanish ship which had not accompanied their lee 
division in its retreat was the Oriente. She hauled up, 
on the port tack, and stretching along, under the lee of 
the remainder of the British line, from which she was 
partly concealed by the smoke, succeeded in running the 
gauntlet, and in regaining her own line, to windward. 

This was the most gallant and seamanlike act per- 
formed by any Spanish ship on that day. About 1 p. m., 
as the rearmost ship of that part of the British line which 
was still upon the starboard tack had advanced so far 
ahead as to leave an open sea to leeward of the Spanish 
weather division, then passing in the contrary direction, 
the ships of the latter, as the last effort to join their lee 
division, bore up together. Scarcely was the movement 
made ere it caught the attention of one who was as quick 



254 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

in seeing the consequences of its success as he was ready 
in devising the means for its failure. Nelson, then a 
Commodore, directed Captain Miller to wear the Captain, 
74, on which ship he bore his pennant, and in which he 
achieved much of his renown. 

The Captain, a smart working ship, was soon round, 
and, passing between the Diadem and the Excellent, ran 
athwart the bows of the Spanish ships, as far as the ninth 
from the rear, which was the huge Santissima Trinidada, 
°f I 3° g uns > a four-decker. The Captain instantly 
opened fire upon the large ship and those about her, 
with the rearmost of which the Culloden, which had 
recommenced firing a few minutes before, was warmly 
engaged. Soon the Spanish Admiral and the ships 
about him, not liking to present their bows, even to so 
insignificant a force, hauled nearly to the wind, and soon 
opened a very heavy fire upon the Captain and Culloden. 
By 2 p. m. the latter had stretched so far ahead as to 
cover and to afford a few minutes' respite to the Captain. 
Of this Nelson took advantage, replenishing her racks 
with shot, and splicing and repairing running rigging. 
The Captain then renewed the battle with great anima- 
tion. 

At about half-past two the Blenheim, 98, came crowd- 
ing up, and, passing to windward of the Captain, afforded 
her a second respite, which was taken advantage of as 
before. 

The two more immediate opponents of the Captain and 
Culloden had been the San Ysidro, 74, and the Salvador 
del Mundo, 112; these, being already with some of their 
topmasts gone, and otherwise in a crippled state, the 
Blenheim, by a few heavy broadsides, sent staggering 
astern, to be cannonaded afresh by the Prince George 
and other advancing ships. 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 255 

The Excellent, 74 (Captain Collingwood, afterwards 
Lord Collingwood), was now coming up. This ship had 
been ordered by the Admiral to quit her station in the 
line and lead the weather division, consisting of the 
Victory, 100; Barfleur, 98 ; Namur, 90; Egmont, 74; 
Goliath, 74, and Britannia, 100. The latter was a dull 
ship, and a longdistance off, though under all sail. 

This weather division was intended to pass to wind- 
ward of the Spanish line. 

About half-past two, the Excellent, having by a press 
of sail arrived abreast of the Salvador del Mundo's 
weather quarter, brought to, and engaged her warmly, 
until the latter, ceasing to fire in return, and as it appeared, 
striking her colors, the Excellent stood on to the next 
ship, the San Ysidro, whose three top-masts had already 
been shot away. This ship she closely engaged on the 
lee side, for some time, when the San Ysidro, after a 
gallant defence, in his crippled state, hauled down the 
Spanish, and hoisted the British flag. 

The Excellent then made sail ahead, and soon came 
into close action with the San Nicolas, 86, whose fore- 
mast was gone, and who, as well as the ship abreast and 
rather ahead of her, to windward, the San Josef, 112, had 
been occasionally firing at the Captain, which we have 
seen so busily engaged with others. 

The Excellent, passing within a few feet of the San 
Nicolas' starboard side, poured in a destructive fire, and 
then stood on. The San Nicolas, in luffing up to avoid 
Collingwood's broadside, ran foul of the San Josef, whose 
mizzen-mast was already shot away, and which had 
received very considerable other damage from the fire 
of four English ships. 

The Captain, as soon as the Excellent was sufficiently 
ahead of her to be clear, luffed up as close to the wind as 



256 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

her shattered condition would admit, when her fore-top- 
mast, which had been shot through, fell over the side. 
In this unmanageable state, with her wheel shot away, 
and all her sails, shrouds and running rigging more or 
less cut, with the Blenheim far ahead, and the Culloden 
crippled, astern, no alternative remained but to board 
the San Nicolas. Previous— to doing this the Captain 
reopened her fire within less than twenty yards, and the 
San Nicolas returned it, with great spirit, for some time. 
The Captain then put her helm a starboard, and encoun- 
tered the two Spanish ships drifting down upon her. As 
the Captain came to, she hooked, with her port cat-head, 
the San Nicolas' starboard gallery, and with her sprit-sail 
yard, the San Nicolas' mizzen-rigging. What immedi- 
ately ensued is in Nelson's own language. 

There was a detachment of the 69th Regiment on 
board, and Nelson says : — 

"The soldiers of the 69th, with an alacrity which will 
ever do them credit, and Lieutenant Pearson, of that regi- 
ment, were almost the foremost on this service. The 
first man who jumped into the enemy's mizzen-chains was 
Captain Berry, late my first lieutenant; (Captain Miller 
was in the very act of going, also, but I directed him to 
remain;) he was supported from our sprit-sail yard, which 
hooked in their mizzen-rigging. 

"A soldier of the 69th Regiment, having broke the 
upper quarter gallery window, I jumped in myself, and was 
followed by others, as fast as possible. I found the cabin 
doors fastened; and some Spanish officers fired their 
pistols ; but, having broke open the doors, the soldiers 
fired, and the Spanish Brigadier (Commodore with a dis- 
tinguishing pennant) fell, as he was retreating to the 
quarter-deck. I pushed immediately onward for the 
quarter-deck, where I found Captain Berry in possession 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 257 

of the poop, and the Spanish ensign hauling down. I 
passed, with my people and Lieutenant Pearson, on the 
larboard gangway, to the forecastle, when I met three or 
four Spanish officers, prisoners to my seamen ; they 
delivered me their swords. A fire of pistols or muskets 
opening from the stern-gallery of the San Josef, I directed 
the soldiers to fire into her stern ; and calling Captain 
Miller, ordered him to send more men into the San 
Nicolas ; and directed my people to board the first-rate, 
which was done in an instant. Captain Berry assisting me 
into the main-chains. 

"At this moment a Spanish officer looked over the 
quarter-deck rail and said they surrendered. From this 
most welcome intelligence it was not lonof before I was 
on the quarter-deck, when the Spanish Captain, with a 
bow, presented me his sword, and said the Admiral was 
dying of his wounds. 

" I asked him, on his honor, if the ship was surrendered. 
He declared she was ; on which I gave him my hand, and 
desired him to call on his officers and ship's company, and 
tell them of it ; which he did, and, on the quarter-deck of 
a Spanish first-rate, extravagant as the story may seem, 
did I receive the swords of vanquished Spaniards ; which, 
as I received, I gave to Wm. Fearney, one of my barge- 
men, who put them, with the greatest sang-froid, under 
his arm. I was surrounded by Captain Berry, Lieutenant 
Pearson, of the 69th Regiment, John Sykes, John 
Thompson, Francis Cooke, all old Agamemnons, and 
several other brave men, seamen and soldiers. Thus fell 
these ships." 

The foregoing is part of a report signed by "Horatio 
Nelson," "Ralph Willett Miller," and "T. Berry." 

The loss of the Captain in boarding the San Nicolas 
did not exceed seven killed and ten wounded. That of 

17 



258 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the San Nicolas was about twenty. But the taking of 
the first-rate San Josef did not cost the Captain a man, 
nor does it appear that the prize herself lost above one or 
two men, in the trifling exchange of small-arm shot which 
had preceded her surrender. 

The previous loss of the San Josef had, however, 
been severe, principally from the fire of the St. George. 

During this brilliant service of the Captain she had 
been so disabled that Commodore Nelson returned to the 
Minerve, and at five o'clock the same day shifted his 
broad pennant to the Irresistible. 

But other ships besides those already mentioned did 
good work. 

The Victory, next astern of the Excellent, came up in 
time to throw a most destructive fire into the Salvador 
del Mundo, whose colors had been once lowered but 
were then again flying. The Barfleur, close astern of the 
Victory, seconded the blow. Having already lost her 
fore and main-top-masts, and being seriously shattered in 
the hull ; observing, also, that her two antagonists were 
preparing to round upon her bow, and that a third three- 
decker, the Namur, was not far off, to windward, the 
Salvador del Mundo hauled down her colors. 

The Diadem and Irresistible had previously been 
ordered to suspend their fire at the Salvador del Mundo, 
until the Victory and her second passed clear, and they 
were now directed, by signal, to take possession of the 
Spanish ship. Soon after this the Excellent got close 
under the lee of the Santa Trinidada, which vessel she 
engaged for nearly an hour, assisted by the Orion, 
Irresistible, and particularly the Blenheim. At last the 
Spanish four-decker, having her fore and mizzen-masts 
shot away, and having suffered immense damage in hull, 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 259 

rigging and sails, hauled down her colors, after a splendid 
resistance to odds. 

Just then two of the Spanish van ships, having wore, 
were standing to the support of the Santa Trinidada. 
Two fresh ships were coming down from the southwest ; 
and the lee Spanish division, of nine sail, well formed, and 
including among them the Conde de Regla, and the 
Principe d' Asturias, three-deckers, were approaching from 
the southeast. All these ships, closing round their sorely 
harassed comrade, saved him from further molestation. 

By five o'clock the victory was won. At this time all 
firing ceased, and at that season of the year night was at 
hand. The British Admiral made the signal for his fleet 
to bring to, on the starboard tack. This he did, chiefly to 
cover the prizes and his own disabled ships from the 
nine Spanish ships of the lee division, which, having made 
a good stretch to windward, on the starboard tack, were 
now rapidly coming up on the opposite one. 

The determined front of the British changed their 
purpose, and after firing a few ineffectual broadsides, they 
stood on to the assistance of their chief. 

Both fleets lay to during the night, to repair damages; 
and day-break discovered them on opposite tacks, each 
in line-of-battle ahead. 

The Spanish had the weather gage, and still possessed 
eighteen or twenty effective sail-of-the-line, but they made 
no attempt to renew the action. Probably some of their 
ships were not in condition to fight. The great Santa 
Trinidada was nearly out of sight to leeward, in tow of a 
frigate. As it was necessary to keep the British fleet 
together, Sir John Jervis sent no vessels in chase of her. 

The whole Spanish line was standing to the northward, 
while the British fleet, which — including the Colossus and 
Culloden, neither of which was fit to take a place in the 



260 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

line — could muster but fourteen ships-of-the-line, then took 
their four prizes and the Captain in tow, and very slowly 
made their way southward. 

The damage sustained from the contest by the British 
ships was not so great as might have been expected, 
from the severity of the contest. The only ship of theirs 
dismasted was the Captain, which ship also suffered much 
in the hull. 

The Colossus and Culloden were both very much cut 
up, and the latter had suffered especially in the hull, and 
was very leaky. She had only one carronade dismounted, 
however, and two first and two second deck guns. 

The loss of life among the British was comparatively 
small. Except in the cases of the Colossus and Egmont, 
those ships which suffered most in hull and rigging had 
most killed and wounded. The total for the fleet was 
J3 killed and 227 wounded. Of course, these were only 
the badly wounded ; for it was not the custom, in those 
days, to report the slightly wounded. It is, therefore, fair 
to consider the total as about 400 ; an amazingly small 
number, considering the nature of the action. 

According to the Spanish accounts, ten of their ships, 
besides those crippled, suffered materially, but not more 
than half of them showed any signs of being at all 
crippled. . The Santa Trinidada, Soberano, Principe 
d'Asturias and Conde de Regla were very much dam- 
aged. 

The damages of the prizes are better known. All four 
ships had lost masts, and all were so hulled as to be very 
leaky. The San Nicolas was badly on fire, but her 
captors extinguished it. Their loss in killed and wounded 
amounted to about 1000. 

The detached and confused state of the Spanish fleet 
at the beginning of the battle, and the consequent partial 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 261 

and irregular manner in which their ships came into 
action, would render any statement of comparative force, 
by comparing the totals on each side, very unfair. 

It would be correct 'to say that the British line con- 
sisted of fifteen ships-of-the-line, and the Spanish line (if 
it could be called so) of twenty-five, and afterwards of 
twenty-seven, ships-of-the-line. 

The Santissima Trinidada was a monster in size. She 
was built in Havana, in 1769, as a 112-gun ship, except 
that she had greater beam than was usual with that class. 
Some time about 1 796 her quarter-deck and forecastle 
were formed into a whole deck, barricades built along 
her gangways, with ports in them, and she was made into 
a flush four-decker, but was not really much superior in 
force to the three-decked 112s. 

The most striking feature in this victory is the boldness 
of the attack. Another commander might have paused 
before running into the midst of twenty-five sail with 
fifteen. If he had paused to weigh the chances, the 
separated ships would have closed, and the Spanish line 
then have been too compact to be attacked with hopes of 
success. 

Sir John Jervis, relying upon the character of his force, 
and viewing with a general's eye the loose and disordered 
state of his enemy's line, resolved to profit by it, attacked 
promptly, and cdnquered. It cannot be said that he 
broke the Spanish line, for there was no line to be broken. 
He simply chose the proper moment for advance, had a 
leader who never flinched or fell back, and he had all 
about him those who were emulous to follow so bright 
an example. 

On the other hand, the bold front he put on was calcu- 
lated to sink the hearts of those among the Spanish 
fleet who had little experience of naval warfare. The 



262 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Spanish fleet was not only in confusion at the outset, but 
continued to be so; and some of their ships undoubtedly 
fired into their comrades, while they were so huddled 
together that if a shot missed one it was sure to strike 
another of them. 

Then the British were better sailors, and repaired 
damages more quickly ; and to many of them the battle 
was more like a rattling game than a grim matter of life 
and death and national renown. 

It is reported that the Captain actually expended all 
her shot in this action, and when grape was needed for 
her 3 2 -lb carronades, used 7-ft) shot as a substitute. 

This at a short distance must have caused great 
execution. 

When the Spanish Admiral at last formed his scattered 
divisions into line, he found the British in equal, if not 
better, alignment ; and each side then drew off, the one 
to lament, the other to exult, over the events of the 
day. 

The Spanish were never accused of a lack of courage, 
either by sea or on land, and their discomfiture appears 
to have been caused principally by the worthlessness of 
the crews which manned their ships. These were com- 
posed of pressed landsmen, and soldiers of new levies, 
with a very few seamen in each ship. It has been re- 
ported that these "poor panic-stricken wretches," when 
called upon to go aloft, to repair the damaged rigging, 
fell upon their knees, and cried out that they preferred 
being sacrificed on the spot to performing a duty where 
death seemed inevitable from more than one cause. The 
numerical superiority of their guns seemed little in their 
favor, for some of the San Josef's were found with their 
tompions in, on the side which had been engaged, after 
the battle was over. Indeed, the numbers on board some 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 263 

of the Spanish ships seem to have been rather a detri- 
ment to them. 

A rather prejudiced writer says that if eight of their 
twenty-five ships had been left at Carthagena, and had 
the five or six hundred seamen they probably contained 
been substituted for twice that number of raw hands, 
taken from the remaining seventeen ships, the latter 
would probably have made a better stand; and the 
victory, if achieved at all, have been at the expense of a 
much greater number of lives in the British fleet. What- 
ever the fault of the crews, the officers fought well. 
" Upon the whole, the victory off Cape St. Vincent, 
although from its consequences pre-eminently great, from 
its results, dispassionately considered, cannot be pro- 
nounced in an equal degree glorious." 

At about 3 p.m. of the 16th the British fleet and the 
prizes anchored in Lagos Bay. Here the Spanish 
prisoners, numbering about 3000 men, were landed; and, 
a receipt being given by the proper authority, were 
allowed to remain. 

On the 23d, after riding out a gale of wind with much 
difficulty, it blowing dead on shore, Sir John Jervis sailed, 
and in five days the whole were in safety in Lisbon. It 
was remarked that the prizes, under jury-masts, beat all 
the English ships in working into the Tagus. 

Great congratulations and celebrations took place at 
Lisbon, for the Portuguese had every reason to rejoice 
at this victory, while in England the news was met with 
immense enthusiasm. Sir John Jervis was created a peer 
of Great Britain, by the title of Baron Jervis of Meaford, 
and Eapl of St. Vincent ; with a pension of ^3000 per 
annum. Vice-Admiral Thompson and Admiral Parker 
were created Baronets, and Vice-Admiral the Hon. William 
Waldegrave was appointed to a lucrative post abroad. 



264 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Commodore Nelson, who had so often proved in his own 
person that the danger of a bold enterprise required only 
to be met to be overcome, was not mentioned in Sir John 
Jervis' despatches, but received the insignia of the Bath, 
and the freedom of the City of London. 

Thanks of Parliament were voted to the fleet, and gold 
medals were given to all the flag-officers and captains, as 
on similar occasions. The four Spanish prizes were 
commissioned, and retained in service on the Lisbon 
station. 

The eale which had assailed the British fleet in Lag^os 
Bay caught the remainder of Admiral Cordova's fleet at 
sea. It dispersed his ships, and prevented them from 
reaching Cadiz until March. Among them was the huge 
Santissima Trinidada, which, being so much -injured by 
shot, was least able to stand bad weather. 

On the morning of the 28th of February, as she was 
striving to regain the coast, the English frigate Terpsichore 
appeared in sight, to the westward. Her captain knew 
of the battle, and divined, at once, that the four-decker 
must be the Sta. Trinidada. He instantly cleared for 
action, and bore down upon her, and began engaging, 
so manoeuvring that he kept clear of her broadside. The 
great ship had, therefore, only her chasers with which to 
chastise the temerity of her pigmy foe. The frigate kept 
her company until March 2d, doing her considerable 
damage, and receiving some in return. 

On that date twelve sail of Spanish men-of-war 
appeared, and the Terpsichore hauled up for the Mediter- 
ranean. 

Several ships from England joined the fleet, .and the 
Admiral cruised off Cadiz, with twenty-one sail-of-the-line, 
blockading twenty-six Spanish ships, and the latter did 
not again appear at sea that year. 



BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 265 

Admiral Cordova, and his two divisional flag-officers, 
Moralez and Merino, together with eleven captains, were 
brought before a council of war, to answer for their 
conduct in the battle. Nothing appears to have come of 
it, for the personal gallantry of the officers was beyond 
all dispute. 

One fact is certain, that a Spanish three-decker, bearing 
a Vice-Admiral's flag, did her best to cut through the 
line, between the Victory and Egmont. 

In cases of this kind the officers are too frequently 
made the scapegoats of a blundering Administration. 



266 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XVIII. 



ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 
A. D. .797. 




N addition to the blockade and bombardment 
of Cadiz, with which Lord St. Vincent was 
carrying on an active warfare against the 
Spaniards, he detached two expeditions 
against Santa Cruz, in the Canary Islands, in 
the more important of which Rear-Admiral 
Nelson was not only repulsed, but lost his 
arm, a model of which is still among the 
trophies and ex-votos to be seen in the Cathedral of that 
place. 

On May 28th, 1797, Captain Hallowell, of the Royal 
Navy, in command of the Lively frigate, with the Minerve 
frigate in company, stood into the bay of Santa Cruz, 
Teneriffe, and discovered at anchor in the road an armed 
brig, which, as the frigate approached, hoisted French 
colors. 

The two commanders deeming it practicable to cut her 
out, the boats of the frigates were next day manned, and 
placed under the orders of Lieut. Thos. Masterman Hardy 
(who afterwards much distinguished himself, and became 
an Admiral). At about half-past two in the afternoon, 
Hardy, with three other naval lieutenants, and one of the 
Lieutenants of Marines, in the boats of the Lively, and two 
lieutenants of the Minerve, with her boats, and their 
respective crews, made a very resolute attack upon the 



ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 267 

brig, as she lay at anchor, and, in the face of a smart fire 
of musketry, boarded, and almost immediately carried her. 

This alarmed the town, and a heavy fire of musketry 
and artillery was opened upon the brig, not only from 
every battery, but from a large ship which lay in the road. 

The liehtness of the wind at the time retarded the 
weighing of the brig's anchor, and then made it necessary 
for the boats to take the brig ia tow. During nearly an 
hour an unremitting fire was kept up from the shore and 
ship. At length, at a little before four o'clock, they 
succeeded in getting the vessel out of gun-shot. She 
was the French national brig, Mutine, mounting fourteen 
guns, twelve of them long 6-pounders, and the remain- 
ing two brass 36-pounder carronades. 

She had on board 113 men, the rest of her ship's 
company, with her captain, being on shore at the time of 
the capture. 

Hardy, in effecting this handsome capture, did not lose 
a man, but had fifteen wounded. 

The Mutine was a remarkably fine brig, and was put 
in commission by Earl St. Vincent ; and the command of 
her given to the officer in command of the party that 
cut her out. Lord St. Vincent set an example which was 
not followed by all other commanders-in-chief, in those 
stirring times. " He appointed, and gave out that he would 
always appoint, to the command of any of the enemy's 
armed vessels the senior lieutenant of the party that 
captured her." This " win her wear her " plan was a better 
way to multiply Nelsons, than by filling up the vacancies 
with the oftener high-born than deserving gentlemen sent 
out by the Admiralty." 

So ended the first small and successful expedition. 
Let us now look at the second. This was of a much 
more serious character. 



268 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The rumored arrival at Santa Cruz, on her way to 
Cadiz, of a richly-freighted Manilla ship, the Principe 
d'Asturias, and the represented vulnerability of the town 
to a well conducted sea attack, induced Earl St. Vincent 
to attempt another enterprise. 

Accordingly, on the 15th of July, 1797, his lordship 
detached upon that service a squadron of three sail-of- 
the-line, the Theseus, Culloden, and Zealous, 74s; the 
Seahorse, Emerald, and Terpsichore, frigates, the Fox, 
10-gun cutter, and a mortar boat. The whole were under 
the orders of Rear-admiral Nelson, in the Theseus. 

In about five days the squadron arrived off the island. 
Every arrangement that sound judgment could devise 
having been completed, two hundred seamen and marines 
from each of the line-of-battle ships, and one hundred 
from each of the three frigates, exclusive of commissioned 
officers and servants, and a small detachment of Royal 
artillery, the whole together amounting to about 1050 
men, were placed under the command of Captain Trow- 
bridge, of the Culloden. Each captain, under his direc- 
tion, commanded the detachment of seamen from his own 
ship ; and Captain Thomas Oldfield, of the marines, as 
senior marine officer, the entire detachment from that 
corps. 

On the night of the 20th of July the three frigates, 
accompanied by the cutter and mortar-boat, and most of 
the boats of the squadron, stood in close to the land, to 
debark the shore party. 

A strong gale in the offing, and a strong current against 
them, near the shore, prevented them from reaching the 
intended point of debarkation. At about half-past three 
on the morning of the 2 2d the squadron bore up for 
Santa Cruz, and soon after daylight was joined by the 
frigates and small craft. The unavoidable appearance of 



ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 269 

the latter off the coast gave the islanders the very warn- 
ing it was so desirable, for the success of the expedition, 
they should not have. A consultation of the principal 
officers of the squadron now took place, and decided that 
an attack should be made on the heights immediately 
over the fort at the northeast part of the bay ; and then, 
from that commandimg position, to storm and carry the 
fort itself. At nine o'clock on the night of the 2 2d the 
frigates anchored inshore, off the east end of the town, 
and landed their men ; but the latter finding the heights 
too strongly guarded to be attempted, re-embarked in 
the course of the night, without loss. The three line-of- 
battle ships had meanwhile kept under way, to batter 
the fort, by way of diversion ; but, owing to calms and 
contrary currents, were unable to approach nearer than 
three miles. 

Nelson, not being one to abandon an enterprise until 
after a stout struggle to accomplish it, resolved to give his 
seasoned men a chance at the Santa Cruz garrison as 
soon as possible. On the 24th the 50-gun ship Leander 
joined the squadron, having been sent to reinforce it, by 
Lord St. Vincent. Her captain had considerable experi- 
ence as a cruiser in those parts, and his local knowledge 
was therefore valuable ; while the additional force was 
very acceptable and added to the hopes of the attacking 
party. 

On the afternoon of the 24th, at five o'clock, every- 
thing being in readiness, and secrecy no longer possible, 
the whole squadron anchored to the northeastward of 
\h~ town : the line-of-battle ships about six miles off, and 
the frigates much nearer. At eleven o'clock at night, 
about 700 seamen and marines embarked in the boats of 
the squadron, 180 more in the Fox cutter, and about 75 
on board a large boat that had just been captured ; 



270 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

numbering altogether, with the small detachment of Royal 
artillery, about eleven hundred men. The different 
detachments of seamen, under the immediate command 
of their respective captains, the marines under Captain 
Oldfield, the artillery under Lieut. Baynes, and the whole 
force under command of the Rear-Admiral, in person, 
then pushed off for the shore. 

Every precaution had been taken to keep the boats 
together, in order that the attack might be simultaneous ; 
but the rough state of the weather, and the extreme 
darkness of the night, rendered it almost impossible for 
them to keep each other within sight or hearing. At 
about half-past one in the morning, the Fox cutter, with 
the Admiral's boat, those of Captains Fremantle and 
Bowen, and one or two others, reached, undiscovered, 
within half gunshot of the head of the Mole, when, 
suddenly, the alarm bells on shore began to ring, and 
a fire was opened by many pieces of artillery and by 
infantry stationed along the shore. 

Two shots raked the Fox, and another struck her 
between wind and water; so that she sank instantly. Of 
those on board no less than ninety-seven were lost ; and 
among- them her commander, Lieut. Gibson. 

Another shot struck Rear-Admiral Nelson on the elbow, 
just as he was drawing his sword and stepping out of 
his boat. The wound completely disabled him, and he 
was carried back to his ship at once. Another shot sank 
the boat in which Captain Bowen was about approaching 
the Mole, and seven or eight seamen of her crew perished. 

In spite of this very spirited and determined opposition, 
the British effected a landing, and carried the Mole, 
although it was defended by about three hundred men 
and six 24-pounders. Having spiked these guns, the 
English were about to advance, when a heavy fire of 



ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 271 

musketry and grape-shot from the citadel and from the 
houses at the Mole head began to mow them down by 
scores. Captain Bowen, of the Terpsichore, and his first 
lieutenant were almost immediately killed, and the whole 
party which landed then were either killed or wounded. 

Meanwhile, Captain Trowbridge, of the Culloden, being 
unable to hit the Mole, the spot appointed for landing, 
pushed on shore under a battery close to the battery to 
the southward of the citadel. 

Captain Waller, of the Emerald, and a few boats with 
him, landed at the same time, but the surf was so high 
that many of the boats put back ; and all that did not 
were filled with water, which spoiled the ammunition in 
the men's pouches. 

Captain Trowbridge advanced as soon as he had 
collected a few men, accompanied by Captain Waller. 
They reached the great square of the town, the appointed 
rendezvous, in hopes of there meeting the Admiral and 
the rest of the landing party ; but we have seen already 
how these were disposed of. 

Captain Trowbridge now sent a sergeant, accompanied 
by two citizens of the place, to summon the citadel to 
surrender. No answer was returned, and the sergeant 
is supposed to have been killed on the way. As the 
scaling ladders which had been brought were lost in the 
surf, there was no way of storming the citadel, and after 
waiting there an hour, Trowbridge went to join Captains 
Hood and Miller, who, with a small body of men, had 
landed to the southwest. At daybreak it was found that 
Trowbrido-e was in command of about three hundred and 

o 

forty survivors, consisting of marines, pikemen, and seamen 
with small arms. Having procured a small quantity of 
ammunition from some Spanish prisoners whom they had 
taken, Trowbridge resolved to try what could be done 



272 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

with the citadel without ladders, and then found that the 
streets were commanded by field-pieces, while an over- 
whelming force was approaching them by every avenue. 
The boats being all stove, there was no possibility of 
getting any reinforcements ; they were short of ammu- 
nition, and their provisions had been lost in the boats. 

Trowbridge now sent Captain Hood, with a flag of 
truce, to the Governor, expressing a determination to 
burn the town if the Spanish forces advanced, and 
proposing terms of capitulation, to the following effect : 
that the British should be allowed to re-embark, with 
their arms, taking their own boats, if saved, and if not, to 
be provided with others. And Captain Trowbridge 
engaged, in case of compliance, that the ships then before 
the town should not molest it, nor attack any one of the 
Canary Islands. 

The Governor, Don Juan Antonio Guttierez, received 
Captain Hood and his message, being considerably 
astonished at receiving such a proposal from men whom 
he considered already in his power. Nevertheless, he 
accorded the terms, and Trowbridge marched to the Mole 
head, where he and his officers and men embarked, in 
boats furnished by the Spaniards. 

The Governor supplied each of the retreating invaders 
with a ration of bread and wine, and directed that the 
British wounded should be received into the hospital. 
He, moreover, sent word to Admiral Nelson that he was 
at liberty to send on shore for, and purchase, fresh pro- 
visions. 

This was a most disastrous defeat for Nelson, inde- 
pendent of the melancholy loss of life, which was almost 
as great as in the battle off Cape St. Vincent. 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 278 



XIX. 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. nTH OCTOBER, 
A. D. 1797. 




■ORD VISCOUNT DUNCAN, who won the 
decisive naval battle of Camperdown, under 
rather extraordinary conditions, was born, 
as simple Adam Duncan, in Dundee, Scot- 
land, in 1 73 1 ; so that he was a veteran, as 
well in years as in service, when he gained 
the victory for which he will always be 
remembered. 

As a Lieutenant he had served in the expedition to 
America, in "the French war;" being in the fleet which 
brought Braddock over to meet well earned defeat, as 
well as death. He was afterwards distinguished in the 
attack upon Belleisle, and in the capture of Havana. 
In the war of 1778 he was actively employed under 
Rodney. At the first battle of St. Vincent he was in 
command of a ship ; the first to engage and capture a 
70-gun ship. 

After participating' in many other actions of importance 
he was made a Rear- Admiral in 1759, a Vice- Admiral in 
1 793, the rank he held at Camperdown, and finally became 
full Admiral in 1 799. 

He was a man of great and unaffected piety, and 

excited the wonder and admiration of the Dutch Admiral, 

when a prisoner on board his flag-ship, after Camperdown, 

by summoning his ship's company, and then going down 

18 



274 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

on his knees and thanking God for the mercy vouchsafed 
them. 

Admiral Duncan had, in 1797, the command of the 
North Sea English fleet. But that fleet had been so 
thinned by the secession of the disaffected ships which 
took part in the great mutiny of the English fleet, in that 
year — called the " Mutiny of the Nore," and the "Mutiny 
atSpithead" — that, towards the end of May, he found 
himself at sea with only his own ship (the Venerable, 74) 
and the Adamant, 50. 

It is necessary here to touch upon the causes which 
gave rise to a mutiny which has forever remained a 
disgrace to the Lords of the British Admiralty, and to the 
officers of the fleet serving under them at that time and 
for a long time before. 

Avoiding any speculations or reflections, we will simply 
quote from a well known writer on naval affairs, Admiral 
Ekins, of the British Navy, who, quoting another writer 
in respect to the state of the British Navy about that time 
says, " in 1 796 and the following years, after the naval 
force became so much expanded, the seamen were 
exceedingly deteriorated by the introduction of a large 
mass of Irish rebels, and the sweepings of all the gaols 
in England, on the home station ; and by as large an 
introduction of foreigners on the stations abroad." 

This writer seems to intend to say, as he goes on, that 
the Irish, many of whom had filled offices of some kind 
at home, had, by plausible ways, acted with great influence 
on the minds of the British seamen whom they found on 
board their ships, and who were certainly suffering, at the 
time, from very oppressive regulations and fraudulent 
practices. 

" These men entirely overturned the whole discipline 
and constitutional temperament of the navy. An honest 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 275 

zeal was changed for gloomy discontent; grievances were 
magnified into oppressions, and the man who had cheer- 
fully executed his subordinate duties, in what he as yet 
considered his proper sphere, now aimed at an equality 
with, or superiority to, his own respected superiors. Thus 
arose the mutiny." 

"After the mutiny, numbers of the Irish were sent to 
foreign stations, as a punishment, and disseminated the 
same spirit." 

The poor Irish ! They have for many generations 
fought the battles of the English, and of several other 
nations, but their case seems more unsettled than before. 
Without a permanent contingent from Irish recruits 
England would be badly off. 

To continue with our quotation, " Patrick Little, who 
was Secretary to Parker, the leader of the mutiny of the 
Nore, had been an attorney in Dublin. He was sent to 
the West Indies, and, in a few months, was accused of 
fostering mutiny there. He was not convicted of the full 
offence charged, but was sent to receive six hundred 
lashes, did receive two hundred and fifty, and is said to 
have died, soon after, of the ' prevailing fever.' 

"The ships in the Mediterranean in 1797— '98— '99, were 
so short of men that foreigners of all descriptions were 
received ; and I have often heard it stated that the fleet 
could not have gone to sea at times, if a certain com- 
missioner at Lisbon, about that period, had not assumed 
the post of head of Police in that Metropolis, and made, 
occasionally, clean sweep of all individuals on the quays 
and adjacent streets, who were sent indiscriminately on 
board the British fleet ; from whence none returned who 
were serviceable." 

This British Admiral proceeds to quote, " if the battle 
of the Nile had not been fought under the directing skill 



276 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of such a chief, and under all the effects of sitrprise, I have 
heard Sir Thomas Louis declare that the result might 
have been very different. As it was, the defence was 
much more obstinate than is generally imagined, and 
much more protracted." (In America we have been used 
to read English accounts of the battles of those days, 
because they were written in our own language.) He 
goes on to say, " I have understood it was certainly not 
the superiority of the crews which prevailed. The Van- 
guard was wretchedly manned ; and but for the assistance 
of the Minotaur, which I saw acknowledged in Lord 
Nelson's handwriting, her fate would have been preca- 
rious." 

These remarks are from high English cotemporary 
authority, we must remember. 

In a note, Admiral Ekins says, " at the conclusion of 
the war in 1802, the Victorious, of 74 guns, returned to 
Europe after serving a considerable time in the East 
Indies ; but, being in a bad state, from length of service, 
reached no further than Lisbon. She was there broken 
up. Part of her crew were put on board the Amazon, to be 
taken to England to receive their wages and return to 
their homes. But, unfortunately for them, poor fellows, 
before they arrived at Spithead, war had again declared 
itself, and they learned, with tears streaming from their 
eyes, that they were to be detained to serve another war. 
They remained nine or ten years in the Amazon, and 
were then distributed (the Amazon being worn out) to 
other ships. A few of them were afterwards killed serv- 
ing in the boats of the Bacchante, in the Mediterranean. 
Perhaps the whole, certainly the greatest part, of these 
men were originally impressed against their will." 

These are only some authentic instances of the state 
ot the personnel of the British Navy at this time ; and the 




NELSON WOUNDED AT TENERIFFE (page 270). 




DUTCH MAN-OF-WAR, I7TH CENTURY. 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 277 

wonder is that the officers did so well with such material. 
Men were often nine or ten years without setting foot on 
shore. 

And now to return to Admiral Duncan and his opera- 
tions. Having-, as we have said, been left with only the 
Venerable, his flag-ship (a name which reminds us of 
H. M. S. Pinafore), and the Adamant, he nevertheless 
proceeded to his station, off the Texel, to watch the 
Dutch, with whom they were then at war. 

In the Texel lay at anchor the Dutch fleet of fifteen 
sail of the line (including 56s), under the command of 
Vice Admiral De Winter. 

In order to detain the latter in port until a reinforce- 
ment should arrive, Admiral Duncan caused repeated 
signals to be made, as if to the main body of his fleet in the 
offing. This stratagem, it was supposed, had the desired 
effect. At length, about the middle of June, several 
line-of-battle-ships, in detached portions, joined the British 
Admiral, and the two fleets were again placed on an equal 
footing. 

The Venerable, having been nearly five months at sea, 
and during a part of the time exposed to very boisterous 
weather, was in want of almost every description of 
stores. Others of the ships had also suffered by the 
recent gales of wind, and were short of provisions. Thus 
circumstanced, the Admiral, on the 3d of October, put 
into Yarmouth roads, to refit and re-victual, leaving off 
the Dutch coast a small squadron of observation, under 
the orders of Captain Trollope, of the Russell. 

Early on the morning of October 9th an armed lugger, 
hired as a despatch vessel, came into the back of Yar- 
mouth sands, with the signal flying for an enemy. 

After great bustle and hurried preparations, Admiral 
Duncan put to sea, a little before noon, with eleven sail- 



278 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of-the-line. With a fair wind he steered straight for his 
old station. On the following day three more ships joined 
him ; so that he had seven 74s, and seven 64s, and two 
50-gun frigates. There were also the Beaulieu, 40 ; the 
Circe, 28 ; and the Martin, sloop. 

On the afternoon of the nth the advanced ships were 
near enough to count twenty-two sail of square-rigged 
vessels, chiefly merchantmen, at anchor in the Texel. 

Admiral Duncan, having received from Captain Trol- 
lope information of what course the enemy's fleet was 
steering, now stood along shore to the southward. 

At about seven on the following morning, the Russell, 
Adamant and Beaulieu were made out in the southwest, 
bearing at their mast-heads the signals for an enemy in 
sight, to leeward ; and at about half-past eight a strange 
fleet, consisting of twenty-one ships and four brigs, made 
its appearance in that quarter. 

The Dutch fleet consisted of four 74s, seven 64s, four 
50s and two 44-gun ships, with two 32-gun frigates, two 
corvettes, four brig-sloops, and two advice-boats. Some 
accounts give more ships than this. Probably there were 
more. 

These vessels, under the command of Vice-Admiral De 
Winter, had quitted the Texel at ten o'clock on the 
morning of the 10th of October, with a light breeze at 
about east by north. On the night of that day, the wind 
being then southwest, Captain Trollope's squadron was 
discovered by them, to windward, and immediately chased; 
but the Dutch ships, being dull sailers, did not come near 
him. The Dutch fleet then stretched out toward the 
Meuse flat, where Admiral De Winter expected to be 
joined by a 64-gun ship. Not meeting her, he stood on 
to the westward, followed, or rather, as the wind was, 
preceded, by Captain Trollope's squadron. 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 279 

The wind continued westerly during the three succeed- 
ing days, and prevented the Dutch fleet from getting 
abreast of Lowestoffe until the evening of the ioth. The 
extreme darkness of that nigfht induced Admiral De 
Winter to detach a few of his best sailing ships, in 
hopes that they would be enabled, by daybreak, to 
get to windward of, and capture or chase away, 
Captain Trollope's squadron, which had followed them 
with great pertinacity. Just as the ships had made sail 
for that purpose some friendly merchant ships came 
into the fleet, and informed Admiral De Winter that the 
English fleet was within thirty miles of him, in the north- 
northwest, and steering east by south. The detached 
ships were instantly recalled; and the -Dutch fleet, as soon 
as formed in compact order, edged away, with the wind 
northwest, towards Camperdown, the appointed place of 
rendezvous. 

At daylight on the nth the Dutch fleet was about 
thirty miles off the village of Scheveningen, in loose order, 
and speaking a friendly convoy, from which additional 
information was obtained. 

At this time the English squadron of observation was 
seen to windward, with numerous signals flying, which 
convinced Admiral De Winter that the English fleet was 
in sight. He accordingly ordered his ships to their 
stations, and to facilitate the junction of the ships most 
to leeward, stood towards the land. The Wykerdens 
bearing east, about twenty miles off, the Dutch fleet 
hauled to the wind, on the starboard tack, and shortly 
afterwards discovered Admiral Duncan's fleet in the 
north-northwest. The Dutch fleet then tacked, and, as 
soon as a close line was formed in the direction of north- 
east and southwest, the Dutch ships, throwing their main- 



280 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

top-sails aback, resolutely awaited the approach of the 
British fleet. 

Owing chiefly to inequality in point of sailing - among 
the British ships, their fleet, when that of the Dutch 
appeared in sight, was in very loose order. To enable the 
dull sailers to take their proper stations, Admiral Duncan, 
at about eleven a.m., brought to, on the starboard tack; 
but soon afterwards observing that the Dutch ships were 
drawing fast inshore, he made signal for each ship to 
engage her opponent in the enemy's line ; then to bear 
up ; and, lastly, for the van to attack the enemy's rear. 
At about half-past eleven, the centre of the Dutch line 
then bearing southeast, distant four or five miles, the 
British fleet bore down, but, owing to some of the ships 
not yet being up, in no regular order of battle. Some 
were stretching across to get into their stations ; others 
seemed in doubt where to go ; and others, again, were 
pushing for the thickest of the enemy, without regard to 
stations. 

A little before noon Admiral Duncan made signal that 
he should pass through the enemy's line and engage him 
to leeward. This signal appears to have been kept flying 
but a short time, and the weather was so thick that the 
ships generally did not make it out. It was replaced by 
one for close action, which was kept flying for an hour 
and a half; till, indeed, it was shot away. About half-past 
twelve Vice-Admiral Onslow, whose ship, the Monarch, 
was leading the advanced or port division of the British 
fleet, cut through the Dutch line, between the Haerlem, 
64, and the Jupiter, 74 ; pouring into each, in passing, a 
well-directed broadside. Then the Monarch, leavine the 
Haerlem to the Powerful, which followed her, luffed up 
close alongside the Jupiter, and these two ships became 
warmly engaged. The Jupiter carried the flag of Vice- 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 281 

Admiral Reyntjes. The rounding to of the Monarch 
afforded the Dutch Monnikendam frigate and Atalanta 
brig, which were in shore and in the rear, an opportunity 
to rake the English ship several times ; and the very 
plucky little brig, in particular, did not retire until she had 
been much damaged by the Monarch's shot. It was 
supposed she had been sunk by the 74, but she arrived 
safely, after the battle, in a Dutch port. The remaining 
ships of the English port division, especially the Mon- 
mouth, 64, and the Russell, 74, were soon in action with 
the Dutch rear-ships ; among the last of which to 
surrender was the Jupiter, 74, the first to be engaged. 

About twenty minutes after the Monarch, with Vice- 
Admiral Onslow's flag, had broken the Dutch line, 
Duncan's flag-ship, the Venerable, frustrated in an attempt 
to pass astern of the Vryheid, 74, De Winter's flag-ship, 
by the great promptness of the States-General, 74, in 
closing the interval, ran under the stern of the latter, and 
soon compelled her to bear up ; and the Triumph, the 
Venerable's second astern, found herself closely engaged 
with the Wassenaer, the second astern to the States- 
General. Meanwhile the Venerable had ranged up close 
on the lee side of her first intended antagonist, the 
Vryheid, with whom, on the other side, the Ardent was 
also warmly engaged, and in front, the Belford, as she 
cut through the line astern of the Dutch Gelykheid, 64. 
The Dutch ships Brutus, 74, Rear-Admiral Bloys, and the 
Leyden, 64, and Mars, 44, not being pressed upon by 
opponents, advanced to the succor of their closely beset 
Admiral, and did considerable damage to the Venerable, 
as well as the Ardent, and others of the British van ships. 
Just at this critical period the Hercules, 64, which ship 
had caught fire on the poop, bore up and fell out of line, 
drifting down very near the Venerable. 



282 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Although, to the surprise of every one, the Dutch crew 
managed to extinguish the flames, yet, having thrown 
overboard their powder, they were obliged to surrender 
the ship, which had already had her mizzen-mast shot 
away, to the first opponent which challenged her. The 
serious damages which the Venerable had sustained 
obliged her to haul off and wear round on the starboard 
tack. Seeing this, the Triumph, which had compelled 
the Wassenaer to strike, approached to help finish the 
Vryheid ; but that very gallant ship still made a good 
defence. At length, after being pounded at by the 
Venerable, Triumph, Ardent and Director, her three masts 
fell over the side, and disabled her starboard guns, when 
the overmatched but heroic Vryheid dropped out of the 
line of battle, an ungovernable hulk, and struck her colors. 

A curious incident occurred in regard to the Wassenaer, 
64, which, we have just seen, was compelled by the 
English Triumph, 74, to strike her colors, and fall out of 
the line. One of the Dutch brigs followed her, and fired 
at her, persistently, until she re-hoisted her colors. The 
Russel, 74, soon came up, however, and compelled the 
unfortunate Wassenaer aeain to strike to her. With the 
surrender of Admiral De Winter's ship the action ceased, 
and the English found themselves in possession of the 
Vryheid and Jupiter, 74s, Devries, Gelykheid, Haerlem, 
Hercules and Wassenaer, 64s, Alkmaar and Delft, 50s, 
and the frigates Monnikendam and Ambuscade. The 
first of these frigates had been engaged by the Mon- 
mouth, 64, and was finally taken possession of by the 
Beaulieu, a 40-gun frigate of the English. 

The Dutch van ship, the Beschermer, 50, dreading, 
very naturally, so strong an opponent as the Lancaster, 
64, had early wore, and fallen out of the line. Her 
example was followed, with much less reason, by several 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 283 

of the other Dutch ships, which, although seen making 
off, could not be pursued, on account of the nearness of 
the land, and the shallowness of the water. The 
Venerable at this time sounded, and found only nine 
fathoms, and the shore, under their lee, which was that be- 
tween Camperdown and Egmont, and about thirty miles 
northwest of Amsterdam, was only about five miles off. 

The British ships now hastened to secure their prizes, 
so that they might, before nightfall, work clear of this 
dangerous coast. 

The appearance of the victorious British fleet was very 
different from that which generally presented itself after 
a battle with the French or the Spaniards. Not a single 
lower mast, not even a topmast, in the British fleet, was 
shot away. Nor were the sails and rigging of the latter 
very much damaged. 

It was at the hulls of their adversaries that the sturdy 
Dutchmen had directed their shot, and they did not fire 
until they were so near that no shot could well miss. All 
the English ships had shot sticking in their sides ; many 
were pierced by them in all directions, and some of them 
had such dangerous wounds between wind and water that 
their pumps had to be kept going briskly. The Ardent 
had received about one hundred round shot in her hull ; 
the Belliqueux, Belford, Venerable and Monarch had 
nearly as many. But the latter ship was so untouched 
aloft, that when her top-sail sheets, which had been shot 
away, were spliced and hauled home, no one looking at 
her from a little distance would have believed she had 
been in action. 

With such fire, directed almost exclusively at the hulls, 
even by the feeble guns of that day, the loss of men could 
not be otherwise than severe. The British loss was 203 
killed, and 622 wounded. 



284 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The captured ships were all either dismasted outright, 
or so injured in their masts that most of the latter fell as 
soon as the wind and sea, during the passage to England, 
began to act powerfully upon them. The Dutch ships' 
hulls were also terribly cut up, and were so damaged as 
mostly to be brought into port to be exhibited as trophies, 
and then broken up. 

Their loss was proportionately severe. The Dutch 
Vice-Admiral and the two Rear-Admirals were all 
wounded. Vice-Admiral Reyntjes died in London soon 
after, not of his wound, but of a chronic disease. Captain 
Holland, of the Wassenaer, was killed early in the action, 
which may account, partially, for her not holding out 
longer. Admiral De Winter's captain, Van Rossem, had 
his thigh carried away by a round shot, and died almost 
immediately. 

Many other Dutch officers were killed and wounded, 
and their loss, including that on board the Monnikendam 
frigate, which was not in the line, was 540 killed, and 620 
wounded. 

The actual force of the two fleets in this battle was, 
according to English accounts — not always very reliable 
at that time — 

British. Dutch. 

Ships 16 16 

Guns 1^15° I >°34 

Agg. weight of metal, lbs 11,501 9,85 7 

Crews 8,221 7,1 75 

Size, tons 23,601 20,937 

It is fair to say that the Dutch had several frigates and 
brigs abreast the intervals in their line, which did good 
service, raking the English ships as they came through 
and luffed up to leeward of the enemy's line. 

As it was, Admiral Duncan met and fought the Dutch 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 285 

fleet before a 98- and two 74-gun ships which De Winter 
had expected could join him. 

Admiral De Winter, in his official report of the action, 
attributed his failure to four causes: first, the superiority 
of the British in large ships ; secondly, their having been 
together at sea for many weeks, and hence well accus- 
tomed to work together; thirdly, the advantage of the 
attack, and fourthly, the early retreat of some of his 
ships, and the bad sailing of some of the others. He 
also expressed his belief that, if his signals had been 
obeyed as promptly as Admiral Duncan's were, some of 
the English fleet would have been brought into the Texel, 
instead of the Dutch ships going to England. His state- 
ment about the English ships being so long together 
was not altogether correct. Captain Williamson, of the 
English ship Agincourt, 64, was court-martialed for his 
conduct in this action. He was accused of disobedience 
of signals and failure to go into action ; and also, on a 
second charge, of cowardice or disaffection. The first 
charge was found proved, but not the second, and Wil- 
liamson received a very severe sentence. It was proved 
on this trial that some of Admiral Duncan's fleet did 
not know other ships in the same fleet. In the great 
fleet actions of those days, between ships-of-the-line, it 
was not customary for frigates and smaller ships to fire, 
or to be fired at, unless they provoked it ; and the Dutch 
frigates, corvettes and brigs formed in this action a sec- 
ond line, and fought well. The Dutch were, indeed, an 
enemy not to be despised, and Admiral Duncan did full 
justice to the determined way in which most of them 
fought. 

Scarcely was the British fleet, with its prizes, pointed to 
the westward, when a gale of wind came on, which scat- 
tered and endangered the whole of them. The injured 



286 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

masts fell, and the vessels leaked through shot-holes 
which in any ordinary weather would have been above 
the reach of the water. 

On the 13th, the Delft, 50, a prize, exhibited a board 
with the words chalked on it "The ship is sinking." 
Assistance was sent, and most of the men removed ; but 
several of the prize crew and many of the prisoners 
perished in her, so quickly did she founder. 

The Monnikendam frigate was wrecked on a shoal ; 
bui all on board were saved ; and the Ambuscade frigate, 
being driven on the Dutch coast, was recaptured. One 
by one the rest of the scattered fleet and the prizes 
reached English ports. 

Admiral Duncan was made a peer, and Vice-Admiral 
Onslow a baronet, for this action. Gold medals were 
presented to the flag-officers and captains; and the thanks 
of Parliament were voted to the fleet. 

We often realize more of the real spirit of a fight from 
private accounts and comments than from the official 
reports; and we, therefore, add a few remarks and 
anecdotes from such sources. In the first place, the 
promptitude and decision of Admiral Duncan on meeting 
the Dutch fleet is especially to be noticed. " The British 
Admiral soon perceived that if he waited to form his line 
(the enemy drawing fast in with the land) there would 
be no action." He, therefore, hoisted the signal to make 
all sail, break the line, and engage the enemy to leeward; 
and for close action, which last signal flew until it was 
shot away. This signal could not be mistaken, and, 
coupled with the gallant Admiral's example, superseded 
all former ones. 

If further proof of the superior efficacy of such a mode 
of attack be wanting, it is to be found not only in the 
declaration of the brave Dutch Admiral, but also in the 



BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 287 

testimony of Lord Nelson, who, although not acquainted 
with Lord Duncan, wrote to him, after the battle of the 
Nile, to tell him how " he had profited by his example." 

The Dutch Admiral De Winter said, " Your not waiting 
to form a line ruined me ; if I had got nearer to the 
shore, and you had attacked, I should probably have 
drawn both fleets on, and it would have been a victory 
to me, being on my own coast." 

It is a fact that many of the vessels of Admiral Dun- 
can's fleet were intended for Indiamen, and not so stoutly 
built as men-of-war .usually are ; and many of his ships 
were in bad condition, and had not had time to complete 
their stores when called away from Yarmouth Roads to 
encounter the enemy. 

Among other incidents of this action, it is recorded 
that, when the main-top-gallant mast of the Venerable 
was shot away, a seaman named Crawford went aloft with 
another flag, and hammer and nails, and nailed the flag 
to the topmast- head. 

Had Duncan's fleet been of as good material as that 
of Lord St. Vincent, it is probable that every Dutch ship 
would have been taken. When the action ceased the 
English fleet were in only nine fathoms of water, and a 
severe gale was nearly upon them; and the wonder is 
that they saved themselves and so many of their prizes, 
in their battered condition. 

Captain Inglis, of the Belliqueux, of 64 guns, owing 
either to a long absence from active service, or an inapt- 
itude to the subject, sometimes apparent in sea officers, 
had neglected to make himself a competent master of the 
signal-book, and on the morning of the day of the battle, 
when it became necessary to act with promptitude in 
obedience to signals, found himself more puzzled than 
enlightened by it, and, throwing it with contempt upon 



288 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the deck, exclaimed, in broad Scotch: "D — n me, up 
wi' the helium, and gang intil the middle o't!" 

In this manner he bravely anticipated the remedy in 
such cases provided by Nelson, who, in his celebrated 
"Memorandum," observes that, "when a captain should 
be at a loss he cannot do very wrong if he lay his ship 
alongside of the enemy." 

In strict conformity with this doctrine the Belliqueux 
got herself very roughly treated by the van of the Dutch 
fleet. 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 



289 



XX. 

BATTLE OF THE NILE. 1ST. AUGUST, 1708. 




HIS battle is called by the French Aboukir, 
the name of the bay in which it took place, 
and it is really a more proper name for 
the action, as only a small mouth of the 
Nile opened into the bay. 

Beside the great naval action, Aboukir 
has given its name to a bloody and de- 
cisive land battle, which took place July 
25th, 1 799, between the French and a Turkish army. We 
may dispose of the latter briefly before taking up the 
more important sea fight, although in point of time the 
latter precedes it a year. 

Bonaparte having learned of the landing of a Turkish 
army of 18,000 infantry at Aboukir, advanced to attack 
them, at the head of only about 6000 men. The Turks, 
who were mostly Janissaries, had a very considerable 
force of artillery, and were in part commanded by Eng- 
lish officers. Being strongly intrenched at the village of 
Aboukir, they should have beaten off the French force 
easily; but, at the word of command from Bonaparte, 
Generals D'Estaing, Murat and Lannes attacked the en- 
trenchments with desperate courage, and, after a terrible 
fight, which lasted some hours, the Turks were fairly 
driven into the sea. Thousands of bodies floated upon 
the bay, which the year before had borne the corpses of 
so many French sailors, who had perished from gun-shot 

*9 



290 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

or by fire. Perhaps for the first time in the history of 
modern warfare, an army was entirely destroyed. 

It was on this occasion that Kleber, at the close of the 
fio-hting, seized Bonaparte in his arms, and embracing 
him, exclaimed : " General, you are the greatest man in 
the world ! " 

A year previous to the event just recorded, while 
Bonaparte was occupied in organizing his new conquest 
of Egypt, fortune was preparing for him one of the most 
terrible reverses which the French arms had ever met, 
by sea or by land. 

What must have made it harder for him to bear was, 
that when leaving Alexandria to go to Cairo he had very 
strongly recommended Admiral Brueys, who commanded 
the fleet which had brought him to Egypt, not to remain 
at the anchorage of Aboukir, where the English could, he 
thought, take him at a disadvantage. In fact, Napoleon's 
military mind foresaw just what afterwards happened. 

Brueys at first thought of taking his fleet to Corfu, but 
lost precious time in waiting for news from Cairo, and 
this delay brought on the disaster which had a very 
important influence in moulding the destiny, not only of 
Egypt, but of the whole of Europe. 

Learning of the departure of a large body of troops, 
and of a strong fleet, from Toulon, but in entire ignorance 
of the object of their expedition, Nelson, after vainly 
seeking for them in the Archipelago, in the Adriatic, at 
Naples, and on the coasts of Sicily, at last learned with 
certainty that they had effected a landing in Egypt. He 
made all sail at once for Alexandria, determined to fieht 
the French fleet the moment it was found, and wherever 
it might be. He found it at Aboukir bay, just to the 
eastward of Alexandria, on the i st of August, 1 79S ; and 
we shall now give a general sketch of what ensued, and 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 291 

after that the particulars of this important action — from 
both French and English sources. 

Although it was nearly six o'clock in the evening when 
the French fleet was discovered, Nelson resolved to attack 
immediately. 

Admiral Brueys' fleet was moored in the bay, which 
forms a pretty regular semicircle, and had arranged his 
thirteen ships-of-the-line in a curved line, parallel with 
the shore ; having upon his left, or western flank, a little 
island, called also Aboukir. 

Thinking it impossible that a ship-of-the-line could pass 
between this island and the last ship of his line, to take 
him in the rear, he contented himself with establishing 
upon the island a battery of twelve or fourteen guns ; 
thinking, indeed, that part of his position so little liable 
to attack that he placed his worst vessels there, 

But with an adversary like Nelson, most formidable, 
not only for the brilliancy of his conceptions, but for the 
skillful audacity with which he carried them out, the pre- 
cautions which under ordinary circumstances would have 
been sufficient proved of no avail. 

The British fleet comprised the same number of line- 
of-battle-ships as the French, but the latter had more 
smaller ships. 

The British Admiral advanced intrepidly to the attack; 
a portion of his ships taking a course between the French 
line and the coast. The Culloden, the leading English 
ship, ran upon a shoal, and stuck fast ; but, although her 
batteries were thus thrown out of the engagement which 
followed, her mishap piloted the others in. The Goliath, 
the Audacious, the Theseus and the Orion succeeded in 
passing inside the French line ; penetrating as far as the 
Tonnant, which was the eighth of the French line, and 
thus engaged the French centre and left. 



292 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The rest of the English fleet advanced outside the 
French line, and so put the left and centre of it between 
two fires. 

The battle was a terrible one, especially at the French 
centre, where the French Admiral's ship, L'Orient, was 
stationed. The Bellerophon, one of Nelson's best ships, 
was dismasted, terribly cut up, and obliged to haul off; 
and other English ships so damaged that they were 
obliged to withdraw. 

In spite of the success of Nelson's grand manoeuvre, 
Brueys still had some chance of success, if the orders 
which he gave to his right, or eastern, wing had been 
carried out. But Admiral Villeneuve, who commanded 
there, did not make out Brueys' signals, and remained in 
his position, at anchor, instead of getting under way, and 
doubling upon the English outside line, which would have 
thus put the latter, in their turn, between two fires. 

Nelson's ready mind had foreseen this danger; but 
Villeneuve, who was to lose another even more import- 
ant battle at Trafalgar, lacked the instinctive resolution 
which causes a second in command, under such circum- 
stances, to hasten to the relief of his chief, without formal 
orders. 

Like Grouchy at Waterloo, he heard and saw the 
cannonade which was destroying the centre and left of 
the French line, without coming- to the rescue ; and 
while that part of the French fleet was performing prodi- 
gies of valor to uphold the honor of their flag, Villeneuve 
escaped, with four ships-of-the-line, thinking himself 
praiseworthy in saving them from the fate of the rest. 

The unfortunate Brueys, though wounded, would not 
leave the deck. 'An Admiral oueht to die o-ivinsf his 
orders," he is reported, on good authority, to have said. 
Not long after this speech another shot killed him. The 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 293 

brave Captain Dupetit-Thouars had both legs carried 
away, but, like the Admiral, would not leave the deck, 
but remained there, taking snuff, and coolly directino- 
operations, until another shot struck and killed him. 

In fact, acts of heroism were performed by many of 
the officers and men on both sides. 

About eleven o'clock at night the Orient, a huge and 
magnificent vessel, blew up, with a terrible explosion. By 
this time all the French vessels were destroyed or ren- 
dered worthless, except the four carried off by Villeneuve, 
and Nelson's fleet was in no condition to pursue them. 

Such, in brief, was the celebrated battle of Aboukir, or 
the Nile, the most disastrous the French navy had ever 
fought, and the military consequences of which were of 
such immense importance. It shut up the French and 
their army in Egypt, and abandoned them to their own 
resources. 

France lost, and England gained, ascendancy in the 
Levant, and what was worse, it destroyed the morale of 
the French navy — the effects being seen for years, and 
especially at Trafalgar. 

And now we will proceed to give a more detailed ac- 
count of the action. 

Nelson's fleet arrived off Alexandria on the morning of 
the ist of August, at about 10 o'clock. They found there 
a forest of masts — belonging to transports and troop- 
ships, but few men-of-war. The harbor did not permit 
of the entrance of such large ships as composed the 
French line. The two British look-out ships, the Alex- 
ander and Swiftsure, also found the French flag flyino- on 
the forts and walls. 

About noon the Zealous, which ship had been lookino- 
further to the eastward (just as the Pharos tower of 
Alexandria bore south-southwest, distant about 20 miles), 



294 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

signaled that sixteen ships-of-the-line lay at anchor, in 
line of battle, in a bay upon her port bow. 

The British fleet instantly hauled up, steering to the 
eastward, under top-gallant sails, with a fine breeze from 
the northward and westward. These ships were in good 
discipline, and it did not take them long to clear for 
action. 

Let us now turn to the French fleet, which they were 
soon to encounter. On the ist of July, Admiral Brueys, 
with his fleet, brought to off the old port of Alexandria, 
and at once learned that a British squadron had been 
looking for him there. On hearing this, General Bonaparte 
desired to be landed, and the Admiral at once proceeded 
to disembark the General and 6000 men, in a creek near 
Marabout Castle, about six miles from the city of Alex- 
andria. 

Between the ist and the 6th of July all the troops, 
with their baggage, were landed ; and six vessels, armed 
en flute, went into Alexandria harbor, to protect the trans- 
ports. As the ships-of-the-line drew too much water to 
enter, Admiral Brueys, with three frigates and 13 sail-of- 
the-line, stood off and proceeded to Aboukir bay, about 
1 5 miles to the eastward of Alexandria. Reaching the 
bay, he anchored his ships very judiciously, in line ahead, 
about one hundred and sixty yards (Engl.) from each 
other, with the van-ship close to a shoal in the northwest, 
and the whole of the line just outside a four-fathom bank. 
It was thus considered that an enemy could not turn 
either flank. 

The French ships, beginning at the van, were ranged 
in the following order : Guerrier, Conquerant, Spartiate, 
Aquilon, Peuple-Souverain (all 74's), the Franklin, 80, 
Rear- Admiral Blanquet, second in command ; Orient, 1 20, 
(formerly called the Sans Culotte, and the flag-ship of 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 295 

Admiral Brueys, Rear-Admiral Gauteaume and Captain 
Casa-Bianca); next the Tonnant, 80; the Heureux, 74; 
the Mercure, 74; the Guillaume Tell, 80, and the Gener- 
eux and Timoleon, both 74's. 

Having thus moored his fleet in a strong- position, the 
French Admiral awaited the issue of General Bonaparte's 
operations on shore. 

He also erected the battery already spoken of on 
Aboukir island, and four frigates — the Diane, Justice, 
Artemise and Serieuse, with four brigs and several gun- 
boats, were stationed along the bank, inside, or at the 
flanks of the line, so as best to annoy an enemy in his 
approach. 

Yet Admiral Brueys appears to have been taken, at 
last, rather by surprise. No doubt the short interval 
which had elapsed between the departure of a reconnoit- 
ring fleet and the arrival of another led him to the 
belief that the English were aware of the proximity of 
the French fleet, and for want of sufficient strength de- 
clined to attack it. So that, when the Heureux, at 2 p. m. 
of the 1st of August, made the signal for a fleet in the 
northwest, the French ships were still lying at single 
anchor, without springs on their cables ; and many of the 
crew of each ship were on shore, getting water. These 
were at once recalled; and some of the men of the frigates 
were sent to reinforce the crews of the largest vessels. 
The latter crossed top-gallant yards, as if about to get 
under way, but the French Admiral thought that his 
enemy would never attack at night, in such a position, 
and so he remained at anchor. When Nelson's move- 
ments undeceived him, he ordered the ships to let go 
another bower anchor, and another one to be carried out 
to the S. S. E.; but very few of his ships found time to do 
either. 



296 NAVAL BATTLES, AlSCIENT AND MODERN. 

Before the English fleet approached the bay, each ship 
got a cable out of a gun-room port, and bent it to an 
anchor, and prepared springs, to give requisite bearing 
to her broadside. This was to enable the ships to anchor 
by the stern, in the best position for attacking the enemy, 
and for supporting each other. 

As the British approached the bay, two French brigs 
stood out to reconnoitre, and one of them, the Alerte, 
stretched towards the shoal which lies off Aboukir island, 
in the hope that one or more of the English would follow 
her, and get on shore. But this ruse de guerre was 
disregarded, and the English fleet stood on. 

About half-past five the signal was made to form in 
line of battle, ahead and astern of the Admiral, as most 
convenient. By a little after six, in spite of some confu- 
sion from a new order of sailing, the line was pretty well 
formed, and eleven of the ships had rounded the shoal 
at the western side of the bay, and, with the wind on the 
starboard quarter, were rapidly approaching the French. 
The Culloden was astern of the rest; and far astern of 
the Culloden were the Alexander and Swiftsure, all three 
making every effort to get up into line. 

At about twenty minutes past six the French hoisted 
their colors, and their two van ships, the Guerrier and 
Conquerant, opened a fire upon the two leading English 
ships, the Goliath and Zealous. The guns in the battery 
on the island also opened now, and fired also on the 
other ships, as they rounded the shoal. They ceased to 
fire, however, after the engagement became close, for fear 
of injuring their own van ships. 

Soon the Goliath crossed the bows of the Guerrier, and 
ranging past her, let go her stern anchor, and brought 
up abreast of the small opening between the Conquerant 
and Spartiate. As she passed she kept up a spirited fire 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 297 

upon the two van ships, as well as engaging, from the 
other battery, a mortar-brig and a frigate, nearly abeam. 

The Zealous, close astern of the Goliath, came in and 
anchored abreast the inner or port bow of the Guerrier, 
the French van ship. The English Vanguard and Mino- 
taur then making for the starboard side of the enemy's 
line, left the Theseus to follow the Zealous. This she 
did, passing between the latter and her opponent, and 
along past the Goliath, anchoring directly ahead of the 
latter, and, within two cables' length of the Spartiate's 
beam. The Orion, having passed inshore of the Zealous 
and Goliath, found herself assailed by the Serieuse frigate, 
anchored inshore. As soon as the Orion's starboard 
guns would bear, she opened on the frigate, and dismasted 
and sunk her in a few minutes ; but she was in such shoal 
water that her upper works were dry. Passing on, the 
Orion passed the Theseus, and dropped her bower, so 
that she swung with her bows towards the Theseus. 
Then she veered away until between the Peuple Souverain 
and the Franklin, firing into the port bow of the latter and 
the port quarter of the former. 

The Audacious, having from the outside cut the open- 
ing between the Guerrier and the Conquerant, came to, 
with a small bower, and opened upon the Conquerant, at 
only about forty yards' distance. In a few minutes the 
Audacious swung round the Conquerant's bows, and 
brought up, head to wind, within about the same distance 
of her, on the port side. 

Nelson had wisely resolved to complete the capture or 
destruction of the French van ships before he made any 
attempt upon those in the rear. He knew that the latter, 
from their leeward situation, would be unable to afford 
any immediate support to the former. 

So, as the first step, the Vanguard anchored abreast of 



298 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the Spartiate, within half pistol-shot, on her starboard 
side. The Minotaur anchored next ahead of the Van- 
guard, opposed to the Aquilon; and the Defence, still on 
the outer English line, brought up abreast of the Peuple 
Souverain. The Bellerophon and Majestic passed on to 
close with the French centre and rear, on the outside. 

These eight British and five French ships should be 
followed by themselves in their action. 

The Guerrier receiving a raking broadside from each 
English ship which passed her bows, and a succession of 
the same from the judiciously placed Zealous, lost all 
three masts and bowsprit in a quarter of an hour, without 
being able to bring enough guns to bear to seriously 
damage any of her antagonists. 

The French apparently did not expect any action on 
the port side, and were not prepared in that battery. 
The knowledge that French and Spanish ships seldom 
cleared for action on both sides, and also that the French 
must have allowed themselves room to swing, in the event 
of the wind's blowing directly on shore, induced the Eng- 
lish to pass between them and the shore, especially as the 
English ships generally drew less water, and thus all fear 
of getting aground was dispelled. The unfortunate 
Guerrier, having been completely cut to pieces, and 
having most of her crew disabled, was forced to strike. 

The Conquerant, besides receiving fire from the ships 
which ran by her, had to withstand a portion of the fire 
of the Theseus, and all that of the Goliath and the Auda- 
cious, the latter, for a time, in a raking position. At the 
end of about twelve minutes, being dismasted, and from 
her position unable to make a suitable return fire, the 
Conquerant hauled down her flag. She struck, indeed, 
before the Guerrier did. In doing this the Goliath and 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 299 

Audacious were considerably damaged, principally in 
spars and rigging. 

Next we come to the Spartiate. She sustained, for 
some time, the fire of both the Theseus and the Vanguard, 
with occasional shots from the quarter guns of the Auda- 
cious and the bow guns of the Minotaur. Her masts 
were soon shot away, and she surrendered at about the 
same time as the Guerrier. 

The Aquilon, astern of the Spartiate, had a slanting 
position in the line, and made a good fight, raking the 
Vanguard with dreadful effect, but was at last overcome 
by the batteries of the Minotaur. The Vanguard was 
very much injured. The unusually powerful broadside 
of the Minotaur (she being the only ship in either fleet 
which had 32-pounders in the upper battery), aided by 
the occasional fire of the Theseus, within the line, soon 
dismasted the Aquilon, and compelled her surrender. 
This occurred about half-past nine. 

Next we come to the Peuple Souverain. She was sub- 
jected to the close and well-sustained fire of the Defence, 
and occasional raking broadsides from the Orion, as the 
latter ship lay on the Peuple Souverain's inner quarter. 
This ship, having had her fore and main masts shot 
away, and being, in other respects, greatly disabled, cut 
her cable and dropped out of the French line, anchoring 
again abreast of the Orient, and about two cables' 
length from her. 

The fore-top-mast of the Peuple Souverain's opponent, 
the Defence, fell over the side just as the French ship had 
ceased firing and quitted the line. The Defence then 
veered away on her cable, and brought up on the outer 
or starboard bow of the Franklin. The Defence's three 
lower masts and bowsprit were tottering, in consequence 
of the fire of the Peuple Souverain ; and both hull and 



300 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

masts of the Minotaur were very much damaged by the 
fire of the Aquilon. But of the eight British ships whose 
conduct we have detailed, the Defence was the only one 
who had actually had spars to fall. The order in which 
the five French van ships surrendered appears to have 
been thus ; ist. Conquerant; Guerrier and Spartiate next, 
and at the same time; then the Aquilon; and lastly, the 
Peuple Souverain. 

In order to lessen the confusion of a night attack, and 
to prevent the British vessels from firing into each other, 
every ship had been directed to hoist at her mizzen-peak 
four lights horizontally. The English fleet also went into 
action with the white, or St. George's ensign (at this day 
used exclusively by the British Navy), the red cross in 
the centre of which rendered it easily distinguishable, in 
the darkest night, from the tri-colored flag of the French. 
At about seven o'clock the lights made their appearance 
throughout the fleet; and it was at about the same time 
that the Bellerophon dropped her stern anchor so as to 
bring up abreast, instead of on the bow, of the French 
three-decker. In a very few minutes afterwards the 
English Majestic brought up abreast of the Tonnant, and 
soon lost her captain by that ship's heavy fire. Subse- 
quently, on this dreadful night, when the Tonnant cut 
her cable, to keep clear of the Orient, the Majestic slipped 
her cable, to keep clear of the hawse of her consort, the 
Heureux. The Majestic then let go her best bower 
anchor, and again brought up, head to wind. She now 
had the Tonnant on her port bow, and the Heureux on 
her starboard quarter. 

The Swiftsure, of the English fleet, having passed the 
Alexander, when the latter tacked to avoid Aboukir 
shoal, now came crowding up. At about 8 o'clock she 
anchored by the stern, judiciously placing herself on the 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 301 

starboard bow of the Orient, and on the starboard quarter 
of the Franklin; while, into the port bow of the latter 
ship, the Leander, having taking an admirable position in 
the vacant space left by the Peuple Souverain, poured 
several broadsides which had no response. The Leander 
would have been much earlier in action, but for having 
hove to, to try to assist the Culloden. 

Almost immediately after, the Alexander passed 
through the wide opening which the driving of the Ton- 
nant had left, and dropped her bower anchor, so as to 
bring her starboard broadside to bear on the port quarter 
of the Orient. 

Until the Leander took up a position inside of the 
Orion, the latter had been firing into the Franklin, and 
the Minotaur was also occasionally firing at the Frank- 
lin. But after the Peuple Souverain quitted the line, the 
Franklin was engaged almost entirely with the Defence. 
The fight was thus going on, most intrepidly on both 
sides, when an event occurred which seemed to appall 
every one, and suspended, for a time, the hostile opera- 
tions of the two fleets. 

From the moment that the Bellerophon had, with so 
much more gallantry than judgment, stationed herself 
alongside the huge Orient, a heavy cannonade had been 
kept up between the two ships. So decidedly was it to 
the disadvantage of the English ship, the Bellerophon, 
that her mizen, and then her main mast, were cut away, 
doing - much damage in their fall. 

At about nine o'clock a fire was observed on board the 
Orient. To those on board the Bellerophon it appeared 
to be on the second deck ; while to those on board the 
Swiftsure it appeared to be in the French flagship's 
mizzen chains. The origin of the accident has been vari- 
ously explained. By some it is said to be due to paint- 



302 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

pots, oil and other combustibles in the chains. Others 
decided that it was due to premature ignition of combust- 
ibles arranged by the French to burn the English ships. 
The truth will never be known now. At any rate, all of 
the Swiftsure's guns which would bear were directed to 
fire upon the seat of combustion. It was soon evident 
that they were firing with precision — for the French could 
not approach the spot. The Bellerophon, much dam- 
aged by her powerful opponent, and fearing fire for her- 
self, now cut her stern cable, loosed her sprit-sail, and 
wore clear of the Orient's guns. The Orient was keep- 
ing up a splendid and uninterrupted fire from the first 
deck in particular, even after the upper part of the ship 
was entirely involved in flames. Scarcely had the 
Bellerophon effected her escape when her foremast fell 
over her port bow, killing a lieutenant and several men 
by its fall. The fact that the Bellerophon could thus 
drop clear shows that the French line continued to lay 
head to the wind, although many statements to the con- 
trary were made. 

At about ten the Orient blew up, with a tremendous 
explosion, which seemed, for the time, to paralyze every 
one, in both fleets, It must have been an awful sight, of 
which description would fall short; for certainly, no vessel 
of such a size had blown up before, and none so large 
has blown up since. The effect produced upon the adja- 
cent ships was different. The Alexander, Swiftsure and 
Orion, the three nearest English ships, had made every 
preparation for the event which they saw was inevitable. 
They closed their ports and hatchways, removed from 
their decks all cartridges and combustible material, and 
had their firemen ready, with buckets and pumps. The 
shock of the explosion shook the ships to their very 
keelsons, opened their seams, and did considerable other 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 303 

injury. A flaming mass flew over the Swiftsure. Some 
burning fragments fell into her tops, but the wise action 
of her commander in not hauling further off probably 
saved her. A part of the blazing mass fell on board the 
Alexander, much further off than the Swiftsure, and a 
port-fire set fire to some of the upper sails of the Alex- 
ander, as well as to her jib. The crew extinguished the 
flames, after cutting away the jib-boom and other spars. 
The Alexander then dropped to a safer distance. 

Among the French ships, the Franklin received the 
greatest share of burning wreck from the Orient. Her 
decks were covered with red-hot pitch, pieces of timber, 
and burning rope. She caught fire, but they succeeded in 
putting it out. The Tonnant, a near neighbor, just before 
the explosion, slipped her cable and dropped clear. The 
Heureux and Mercure did the same. 

After the explosion it was full ten minutes until a gun 
was fired again. On both sides there was a sort of 
paralysis, and a waiting for what next was to occur. The 
wind seemed to have been lulled by the concussion, but 
then freshened up again, whistled about the rigging of 
the ships, ruffled the surface of the water, and aroused, 
by its cool breath, the benumbed faculties of the com- 
batants. 

The first ship to renew the fire was the much damaged 
French ship Franklin. She had only her lower battery, 
but opened with that, upon the Defence and Swiftsure ; 
and they returned it, with full effect. Being surrounded 
by enemies, the gallant Franklin, fighting until her main 
and mizzen masts had gone by the board, and having 
scarcely a serviceable gun left, and half her crew dead 
or wounded, hauled down her colors. 

It was now midnight. The Tonnant was the only French 
ship which kept her battery in active play. Her shot 



304 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

annoyed the Swiftsure, particularly; while the latter, owing 
to the position of the Alexander, could make little or no 
return. 

At 3 a.m the formidable and unremitting fire of the 
Tonnant shot away the main and mizzen masts of the 
Majestic ; and shortly after, the Tonnant herself had all 
three masts shot away, close to the deck. The wreck of 
the masts falling over her battery caused her to cease firing, 
but, for all that, she did not strike. Indeed, by veering 
cable, she had dropped to leeward of her second position, 
and there lay, like a lion at bay. 

The Heureux and Mercure having, as stated, withdrawn 
from the line, left room for the Tonnant to take a position 
ahead of the Guillaume Tell and the two ships in her 
rear. This she did; and then a second interval of silence 
occurred in this awful battle. 

Just as day broke, about four o'clock, the fire opened 
again, between the Tonnant, Guillaume Tell, Genereux 
and Timoleon, on the French side, and the Alexander 
and the Majestic on the other. This firing soon brought 
down the Theseus and Goliath. 

Soon after these ships arrived, the French frigate 
Artemise fired a broadside at the Theseus, and then 
struck her colors. A boat was dispatched from the 
English ship, to take possession; but the frigate was 
discovered to be on fire, and soon after blew up. In the 
meantime the four French line-of-battle ships, and the 
two frigates inside of them, kept dropping to leeward, so 
as, presently, to be almost out of gunshot of the English 
vessels that had anchored to attack them. 

At about six o'clock in the morning the Goliath and 
Theseus got under way, and, accompanied by the Alex- 
ander and Leander, stood towards the French Mercure 
and Heureux. These, on quitting the line, had first 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 305 

anchored within it, and then had run on shore on the 
southerly side of the bay. These two ships, after inter- 
changing a few distant shots, struck their colors. 

About an hour before noon the Genereux and 
Guillaume Tell, with the frigates Justice and Diane, got 
under way, and made sail to the northeast, the absence 
to leeward of the three English ships which were in a 
condition to carry sail giving them an opportunity to get 
clear. The Timoleon, being too far to leeward to fetch 
clear, ran herself on shore, losing her fore-mast by the 
shock. The four other French ships now hauled close, 
on the port tack, and the Zealous, the only other English 
ship in a condition to make sail, stood after them. After 
some distant firing, the four French ships stretched on, 
and escaped. In this affair the Zealous had one man 
killed, who had already been wounded on the day before. 

And now to sum up. Of the thirteen French ships-of- 
the-line, one had been totally destroyed, with nearly all 
on board ; eight had surrendered, and two had got clear. 
Of the two remaining, one, the Timoleon, was on shore, with 
her colors flying ; the other, the indomitable Tonnant, 
having had her second cable cut by the fire of the Alex- 
ander, was lying about two miles away, a mere wreck, 
but with her colors flying on the stump of her main-mast. 

Things remained in this state until the following morn- 
ing, the 3d of August, when the Theseus and Alexander 
approached the Tonnant, and, further resistance being 
utterly hopeless, the gallant French ship hauled down 
her colors, replacing them with a flag of truce, and was 
taken possession of by a boat from the Theseus. 

The principal part of the crew of the Timoleon had, 
during the night, escaped on shore, although a few had 
been taken off in the four vessels which escaped. Be- 
tween three and four hundred of those who reached the 
20 



306 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

shore were murdered by the Bedouins, while a few fought 
their way to a French camp. Those who remained by 
the ship set her on fire, and she soon after blew up, making 
the eleventh line-of-battle-ship lost by the French in the 
battle of Aboukir, or the Nile. 

As for the British ships engaged in this great battle, 
their damages were chiefly aloft. The Bellerophon was 
the only British ship entirely dismasted, and the Majestic 
the only one, beside her, which lost a lower mast. The 
Alexander and Goliath lost top-masts ; but the lower 
masts, yards and bowsprits of all the British ships were 
more or less damaged. And we must remember, that 
such damage was almost equivalent to loss of propellers 
or boiler in ships of our day. 

The Bellerophon's hull was very much shattered, and 
many of her guns broken to pieces. The Vanguard had 
received very great injury in her hull, while the Swiftsure 
had received from the Tonnant shots under water, which 
kept four feet of water in her hold during the entire 
action, in spite of the pumps. The Theseus was hulled 
seventy times, and the Majestic was in nearly as shat- 
tered a state as the Bellerophon. 

The loss of the English was 218 killed and 678 
wounded. Admiral Nelson was struck by a splinter a 
little above his right, or blind eye, causing a piece of skin 
to hang down over the lid. This was replaced and 
sewed up. 

The Bellerophon suffered most in killed and wounded, 
and the Majestic next. 

As regards the captured French ships, the statistics of 
loss were never properly given. Five of them were 
entirely dismasted, and were rendered unseaworthy as 
to their hulls. 

The Peuple Souverain and the Franklin, though not 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 307 

entirely dismasted, were not in much better plight than 
the others. The Mercure and Heureuxwere principally 
damaged by running on shore, where they lay with their 
top-gallant yards across, to all appearance as perfect as 
when the action commenced. 

As no official account of the French loss was given, 
the matter was left open to conjecture. One of the 
lowest estimates makes the French loss 2000. It was 
probably more. 

The French commander-in-chief, Admiral Brueys, 
while upon the Orient's poop, received three wounds, 
one of which was in the head. Soon afterwards, as he 
was descending to the quarter-deck, a shot almost cut 
him in two. He asked not to be carried below, but to be 
allowed to die on deck — which he did, in a few minutes. 

Casa Bianca, the captain of the Orient, is said, by some 
accounts, to have died by the Admiral's side ; but, by the 
account most generally received, he died, with his son, 
who was only ten years old, in the great explosion. 
Captains Thevenard, of the Aquilon, and Dupetit- 
Thouars, of the Tonnant, were killed, and six other 
captains were dangerously wounded. 

Mention must be made of the Culloden, which had run 
on a reef of rocks, off the Island of Aboukir, and did not 
get into the action. Her running on shore saved the 
Alexander and Swiftsure — both of which ships did such 
good service. Every effort was made, with the assist- 
ance of the Mutine brig, to get the Culloden off. But 
the swell increased, and she lost her rudder, and began 
to leak badly. Next day she came off, much damaged, 
and with seven feet of water in her hold, but was 
eventually saved, by good seamanship. 

In this great action the number of line-of-battle-ships 
was the same on both sides ; but the weight of metal, the 



308 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

gross tonnage, and number of men were on the side of 
the French. The French ships were conquered in detail, 
by a masterly and bold manoeuvre of Nelson's. Had 
the unengaged French ships got under way, they would 
have no doubt captured the Culloden, prevented the two 
other English ships from entering the bay, and, possibly, 
turned the tide of battle. 

The great disaster which befell the huge three-decker, 
the Orient, no doubt gave a decided turn of the action in 
favor of the English. 

With respect to the behavior of the French, nothing 
could be more gallant than the defence made by each of 
the six van-ships ; by the Orient, in the centre, and by 
the Tonnant, in the rear. The Heureux and Mercure 
appear to have been justified in quitting the line, by the 
great danger of fire ahead of them — however precipi- 
tate in running themselves on shore. No instance of 
personal misconduct was ever reported, in either fleet. 

The engagement and its consequences ruined the 
French hopes of receiving the reinforcement of troops 
destined for Egypt ; it left the Porte free to declare war 
against them ; it rekindled the war with the German 
States ; it opened the Mediterranean to the Russians, 
and occasioned the loss of Italy and the Adriatic posses- 
sions, which had been won by Bonaparte in his great 
campaigns. Finally, it put the English at ease concerning 
India, while the Egyptians became more inimical, and the 
French there, isolated as they were, were put upon a 
strictly defensive policy. 

On the morning of the 14th of August, after an incred- 
ible deal of labor in refitting the ships, the prizes, rigged 
with jury-masts and weakly manned, proceeded to the 
westward, except the Heureux, the Mercure and the 
Guerrier, which were in too bad a state to be refitted, 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 309 

and which were burned. A fleet was left, under Captain 
Hood, to cruise off Alexandria. Nelson, himself, in the 
Vanguard, with two other ships, went to Naples, which 
he had better never have seen, for events there occurred 
which have always more or less tarnished his fame. 

The English public had all summer been reproaching 
Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson for his tardiness in 
finding the French fleet, and the news of his great action 
(owing to the capture of the Leander, which had been 
sent with the news) did not reach England until the 2d 
of October, and then the English people thought they 
could not do enough to make amends for their complaints 
against the brightest ornament of their favorite service. 

o o 

On October 6th Nelson was made a peer, with the title of 
Baron Nelson of the Nile, and of Burnham Thorpe, in the 
County of Norfolk. Thanks of Parliament, of course, 
followed, and a pension of ^2000 per annum, to him and 
his two next heirs male, was granted by the Parliament of 
England, and ^"iooo from that of Ireland. Gold medals 
were presented to Lord Nelson and his captains, and the 
first lieutenants of all the ships were promoted to com- 
manders. In regard to the Culloden, which ran on 
shore, and, of course, was not engaged, Nelson wrote: 
" I sincerely hope it is not intended to exclude the first 
lieutenant of the Culloden ; for heaven's sake, for my 
sake, if it be so, get it altered." 

Strictly speaking, only the captains engaged were to 
have medals, but the King himself expressly authorized 
Lord Spencer to present one to Captain Trowbridge, of 
the Culloden. Nelson wrote to Earl St. Vincent con- 
cerning this officer : "The eminent services of our friend 
deserve the very highest rewards. I have experienced 
the ability and activity of his mind and body. It was 
Trowbridge who equipped the squadron so soon at 



310 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Syracuse ; it was Trowbridge who exerted himself for me 
after the action; it was Trowbridge who saved the Cul- 
loden, when none that I know in the service would have 
attempted it; it is Trowbridge whom I have left as 
myself at Naples ; he is, as a friend and as an officer, a 
non-pareilT 

The East India Company presented Lord Nelson with 
,£10,000, and Liverpool, London and many other cities 
voted him rewards. The Sultan presented him with a 
diamond aigrette and robe of honor; and instituted a 
new Order, that of the Crescent, and made Nelson the 
first knight companion of it, while many other foreign 
powers presented tokens of respect for his talents and 
bravery. The finest of the French prizes which the captors 
succeeded in getting home was the Franklin. Her name 
was changed to Canopus, the ancient name of Aboukir. 

The following is Nelson's official letter to Lord St. Vin- 
cent, announcing the victory. It is the letter which was 
captured in the Leander, on her way to the westward, by 
the Genereux. 

" Vanguard, off the Mouth of the Nile, 
"August 3d, 1 798. 

" My Lord: — Almighty God has blessed his Majesty's 
arms, in the late battle, by a great victory over the fleet 
of the enemy, whom I attacked at sunset on the 1st of 
August, off the mouth of the Nile. 

"The enemy were moored in a strong line-of- battle for 
defending the entrance of the Bay (of shoals), flanked by 
numerous gunboats, four frigates, and a battery of guns 
and mortars on an island in their van, etc. 

"The ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are 
nearly dismasted, and those two, with two frigates, I am 
sorry to say, made their escape; nor was it in my power 
to prevent it, etc. 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 311 

" Captain Berry will present you with the flag of the 
second in command, that of the commander-in-chief being- 
burned in L'Orient, etc." 

As personal remarks and details by eye-witnesses of 
celebrated actions are always of interest, we may, at the 
risk of being prolix, add some extracts from a private 
letter of Sir Samuel Hood to Lord Bridport, and terminate 
the account by a report from a French officer who was 
present. 

Sir Samuel Hood says, "After completing our water at 
Syracuse, in Sicily, we sailed from thence on the 24th of 
July, and arrived a second time off Alexandria, on the 
31st, where we found many more ships than were there 
before; amongst which were six with pendants, and 
appearing large, so that we were convinced the French 
fleet had been there. I immediately kept well to the 
eastward of the Admiral, to see if I could discover the 
enemy at Bequir (Aboukir). 

"About one o'clock the man at the mast-head called 
down, and said he saw a ship, and in a few minutes after 
announced a fleet, at anchor. I sent -a glass up, and 
eighteen large ships were clearly ascertained, thirteen or 
fourteen of which appeared to be of the line; which I 
made known by signal to the Admiral, who instantly 
pressed sail up, and made the signal to prepare for battle. 
The wind being to the N. N. W. and sometimes more 
northerly, we were obliged to haul to the wind. The 
Alexander and Swiftsure, which were to leeward, were 
called in, and the Culloden ordered to cast off the prize 
which she had in tow, as she was somewhat astern. 

"As we advanced towards the enemy we plainly made 
out 13 sail-of-the-line, 4 frigates, with several small armed 
vessels, all at anchor in the road of Bequir, or Aboukir, 
very close in, and in order of battle. The Admiral then 



312 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

made the signal to anchor, and for battle, and to attack 
the van and centre of the enemy; and soon after for the 
line ahead, as most convenient." 

"As we got pretty nearly abreast of the shoal at the 
entrance, being within hail of the Admiral, he asked me 
if I thought we were far enough to the eastward to 
bear up clear of the shoal. I told him I was in eleven 
fathoms ; that I had no chart of the bay, but if he would 
allow me, would bear up and sound with the lead, to 
which I would be very attentive, and carry him as close 
as I could with safety. He said he would be much obliged 
to me. I immediately bore away, rounded the shoal, the 
Goliath keeping upon my lee bow, until I found we were 
advancing too far from the Admiral, and then shortened 
sail, and soon found the Admiral was waiting to speak to 
a boat. 

"Soon after he made the signal to proceed, the Goliath 
leading, and as we approached the enemy shortened sail 
gradually, the Admiral allowing the Orion and others to 
pass ahead of the Vanguard. 

"The van-ship of the enemy being in five fathoms, I 
expected the Goliath and Zealous to stick fast on the shoal 
every moment, and did not imagine we should attempt 
to pass within her, as the van, with mortars, etc., from the 
island, fired regularly upon us. 

"Captain Foley intended anchoring abreast of the van- 
ship, but his sheet anchor, the cable being out of the 
stern port, not dropping the moment he wished it, he 
brought up abreast of the second ship, having given the 
first one his fire. I saw immediately he had failed of his 
intention ; cut away the Zealous' sheet anchor, and came 
to in the exact situation Captain Foley meant to have 
taken. 

"The enemy's van-ship having her bow toward the 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 313 

Zealous (which had received very little damage, notwith- 
standing we received the fire of the whole van, island, 
etc., as we came in), I directed a heavy discharge into 
her bow within musket-shot, a little after six. Her fore- 
mast went by the board in a few minutes, just as the sun 
was closing with the horizon ; upon which the squadron 
gave three cheers, it happening before the next ship 
astern of me had fired a shot, and only the Goliath and 
Zealous had been engaged, and in ten minutes more her 
main and mizzen masts went (at this moment also went 
the main-mast of the second ship, closely engaged by the 
Goliath and Audacious) ; but I could not get her to strike 
for three hours after, although I hailed her several times, 
seeing she was totally cut up, and only firing a stern 
chase, at intervals, at the Goliath and Audacious. 

" At last, being tired of killing men in this way, I sent 
a lieutenant on board, who was allowed, as I had in- 
structed him, to hoist a light and haul it down, as a sign 
of her submission. From the time her foremast went, the 
men had been driven from her upper decks by our 
canister-shot and musketry, and I assure your Lordship 
Xh2£,fro?n her bow to the gangway, the ports on her main 
deck were entirely in one ; and the gunwale in that part 
entirely cut away, which caused two of her main deck 
beams to fall upon her guns, and she is so terribly 
mauled that we cannot move her without great detention 
and expense, so that I imagine the Admiral will destroy 
her. In doing this execution I am happy to say that the 
Zealous had only seven men wounded and not one 
killed. 

" The Bellerophon, unfortunately alongside the Orient, 
was in two hours totally dismasted, and, in consequence, 
cut her cable and went off before the ship took fire ; but 
she was most gallantly replaced by the Alexander and 



314 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Swiftsure, our worthy friends. She (the gallant Sir 
Samuel means L'Orient, but he does not say so) soon 
after took fire and blew up. 

"The Alexander and Swiftsure, having been sent to look 
into Alexandria, was the cause of their being so late in 
the action. Poor Trowbridge, in trying to make the short- 
est way to the enemy, being too far astern, struck upon 
a reef; his ship is since got off with the loss of her rudder 
and some damage to her bottom, so that he had no share 
in the glorious victory. I believe, had not the Culloden 
struck, the Alexander and Swiftsure, in the dark, would 
probably have got into her situation, so that the accident 
may be fortunate, as she was a buoy to them. 

"On the blowing up of L'Orient a part of the wreck 
fell on board of, and set fire to the jib and fore-top-mast- 
stay-sail of, the Alexander, but the great exertion of her 
officers and people soon got it under, with the loss of 
some men. Captain Westcott was killed by a musket- 
ball early in the action, but his loss was not felt, as the first 
lieutenant, Cuthbert, fought the Majestic most gallanily 
during the remainder of the action. The Bellerophon 
and that ship have suffered much. Tn the morning, the 
Theseus, Goliath, Audacious and Zealous were ordered 
into the rear, having sustained but little damage; but 
as I was going down, the Admiral made my signal to 
chase the Diane frigate, which was under sail and attempt- 
ing to escape. She, however, returned and closed with 
the ships of the enemy that had not submitted, and I was 
called in and ordered to go to the assistance of the 
Bellerophon, who lay at anchor on the other side of the 
bay ; but in going to her, I perceived the Guillaume Tell, 
of 80 guns, and the Genereux, of 74, the Diane and 
Justice, of 40, pressing to make their escape, being the 
only ships not disabled, and immediately directed the 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 315 

Zealous to be kept close upon the wind, in the hope I 
should be able to bring them to action and disable them, 
so as to allow assistance to come to me, or so far cripple 
them as to prevent their working out of the bay. I 
weathered them within musket-shot and obliged them to 
keep away to avoid being raked ; and although I did 
them a great deal of damage, they were so well prepared 
as to cut away every brace and bowline, with topmast 
and standing rigging. I meant to have boarded the rear 
frigate, but could not get the ship round for a short space 
of time, and whilst I was trying to do it, I was called in 
by signal, seeing I should get disabled, without having it 
in my power to stop so superior a force. The Admiral 
was very handsome in his acknowledgments for my 
zealous attempt" (we suppose the gallant Sir Samuel 
intended no pun here, but he made a very good one), "as 
well as for my gallant conduct. I told him I only did my 
duty, and although the ship was very much cut in her 
sails and rigging, having forty cannon-shot through her 
main-sail, I had lost but one man killed and none materi- 
ally wounded. 

"The Audacious was sent to the Bellerophon in my 
room, and I am now quite to rights. Ben Hallowell has 
written to your Lordship, so has our brave Admiral, who, 
I am sorry to say, is again wounded, but is doing well ; the 
wound is in his head, not dangerous, but very trouble- 
some. Some of our ships have suffered much. Your 
Lordship, as well as the whole world, will believe and 
think this the most glorious victory that ever was gained, 
and it will certainly prove the ruin of the French army. 

"A courier has been taken, charged with despatches 
from Bonaparte and the other Generals, for France. * * 

"Amongst the French letters * * is one from young 
Beauharnais, B's step-son, who is with him, to his 



316 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

mother; in which he says Bonaparte is very much dis- 
tressed, owing to some disputes with Tallien and others, 
and particularly with Berthier, which he did not expect. 
These are favorable events, and will make our victory the 
more important." 

To give an idea of the important events we have been 
speaking of from the point of view of the losing side, we 
give an account of the action written by the Adjutant of 
the French fleet, while a prisoner on board the Alexander. 

Beginning with the advance of the English fleet, he says, 
" The Alert then began to put the Admiral's orders into 
execution, namely, to stand towards the enemy until 
nearly within gunshot, and then to manoeuvre and 
endeavor to draw them towards the outer shoal, lying off 
the island; but the English Admiral no doubt had 
experienced pilots on board, as he did not pay any atten- 
tion to the brig's track, but allowed her to go away, 
hauling well round all danger. 

"At five o'clock the enemy came to the wind in succes- 
sion; the manoeuvre convinced us that they intended 
attacking us that evening. The Admiral got the top- 
gallant yards across, but soon after made the signal that 
he intended engaging the enemy at anchor; convinced, 
no doubt, that he had not seamen enough to engage 
under sail. * * * * 

" After this signal each ship ought to have sent a 
stream cable to the ship astern of her, and to have made 
a hawser fast to the cable, about twenty fathoms in the 
water, and passed to the bow on the opposite side to that 
expected to be engaged, as a spring. This was not gen- 
erally executed. Orders were then given to let go 
another bower anchor, and the broadsides of the ships 
were brought to bear upon the enemy, having the ships' 
heads S. east from the Island Bequir, forming a line about 



BATTLE OF THE NILE. 317 

1300 fathoms, northwest and southeast, each with an 
anchor out S. S. east. * * * * 

" All the (French) van were attacked on both sides by 
the enemy, who ranged close along our line ; they had 
each an anchor out astern, which facilitated their motions, 
and enabled them to place themselves in a most advan- 
tageous position. * * * * 

" At nine o'clock the ships in the van slackened their 
fire, and soon after it totally ceased, and with infinite 
sorrow we supposed they had surrendered. They were 
dismasted soon after the action began, and so damaged, 
it is to be presumed, they could not hold out against an 
enemy so superior by an advantageous position, in 
placing several ships against one. * * * * 

" At ten o'clock the main and mizzen masts of the 
ship (on board of which the officer who writes the account 
was — the flag-ship of Admiral Blanquet) were lost, and 
all the guns on the main deck were dismounted. At 
half-past ten this ship had to cut her cables to avoid the 
fire of her consort, L'Orient. The English ship that was 
on L' Orient's port quarter, as soon as she had done 
firing upon her, brought her broadside to bear upon the 
Tonnant's bow, and kept up a very heavy raking fire. 

"The Mercureand Heureux conceived that they ought 
likewise to cut their cables ; and this manoeuvre created 
so much confusion amongst the rear ships that they fired 
into each other, and did considerable damage ; the 
Tonnant anchored ahead of the Guillaume Tell ; the 
Genereux and Timoleon got ashore, etc. * * * * 

"The Adjutant General, Montard, although badly 
wounded, swam to the ship nearest L'Orient, which 
proved to be English. Commodore Casa Bianca and his 
son, only ten years of age, who during the action gave 
proofs of bravery and intelligence far beyond his age, 



318 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

were not so fortunate. They were in the water, upon 
the wreck of the Orient's masts, neither being able to 
swim, and seeking each other, until the ship blew up 
and put an end to their hopes and fears. 

"The explosion was dreadful, and spread fire to a 
considerable distance. The decks of the Franklin were 
covered with red-hot pitch, oakum, rope, and pieces of 
timber, and she was on fire for the fourth time, but luckily 
got it under. 

"Immediately after the tremendous explosion the action 
everywhere ceased, and was succeeded by a most 
profound silence. * * * * j^ was a quarter of an 
hour before the ships' crews recovered from the stupor 
they were thrown into. 

"Towards eleven o'clock the Franklin, anxious to 
preserve the trust confided to her, re-commenced the 
action with a few of the lower-deck guns ; all the rest were 
dismounted. Two-thirds of the ship's company were 
killed, and those who remained most fatigued. She was 
surrounded by the enemy's ships, who mowed down the 
men at every broadside. At half-past eleven, having 
only three lower-deck guns which could defend the honor 
of the flag, it became necessary to put an end to so 
disproportionate a struggle, and Citizen Martinel, Capi- 
taine de Frigate, ordered the colors to be struck." 

Of the 'French officers in command at the Nile, one 
Admiral and two Captains were killed, and Rear- Admiral 
Blanquet and seven Captains were wounded. They were 
all taken on board the Vanguard, and hospitably enter- 
tained by Nelson. 

The following- anecdote of them is said to be true. 
While on the passage to Naples, in the Vanguard, they 
were, as usual, dining with Nelson. One of the French 



BATTLE OF THE NILE- 319 

captains had lost his nose, another an eye, and another 
most of his teeth, by a musket ball. During the dinner, 
Nelson, half blind from his wound, and not thinking what 
he was about, offered the latter a case of toothpicks, and, 
on discovering his error, became excessively confused, 
and in his confusion handed his snuff-box to the captain 
on his right, who had lost his nose. 



320 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

XXI. 

LEANDER AND GEnEREUX. 16TH AUGUST, 
A.D. 1798. 




N connection with the Battle of the Nile, it 
may be interesting to give some account of 
an action between single ships which closely 
followed it, in which Admiral Nelson's 
dispatches describing his victory were cap- 
tured by one of the two French line-of-battle 
ships which escaped from Aboukir Bay. 
It will be remembered that the Genereux 
and Guillaume Tell, with two frigates, made sail and 
escaped, on August 2d. 

On the 5th the Leander, 50, Captain Thompson, was 
despatched, with Captain Berry, of Admiral Nelson's 
flag-ship, to convey to Earl St. Vincent the report of the 
great action. 

The Leander, making the best of her way to the west- 
ward, was, at daybreak on the 18th of August, within a 
few miles of the Goza di Candia. As the sun rose a 
large sail was discovered in the south, evidently a ship- 
of-the-line, and standing directly for the Leander, which 
latter ship was becalmed, while the stranger was bringing 
up a fine breeze from the southward. The Leander 
being some eighty men short of her complement, and 
having on board several who were wounded in the late 
action, Captain Thompson very properly took every 



LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 321 

means to avoid a contest with a ship so superior in size 
and force. But the inferiority in sailing of the Leander 
rendered an action inevitable ; and it was only left him 
to steer such a course as would enable her to receive 
her powerful antagonist to the best advantage. 

The line-of-battle ship soon turned out to be French, 
and no other than the Genereux. She still had the breeze 
to herself, and came down within distant shot, when she 
hoisted Neapolitan colors. These she soon changed for 
Turkish, but had not at all deceived the English officers 
as to her nationality. About nine o'clock she ranged up 
on the Leander's weather quarter, within half gunshot. 
The English ship at once hauled up until her broadside 
would bear, and then opened a vigorous fire, which was 
returned by the Genereux. The ships contrived to 
near each other, keeping up a constant and heavy fire, 
until half-past ten, when it was evident the Genereux 
intended to lay her opponent on board. The Leander's 
sails and rigging were so much cut up, and the wind 
was so light, that she could not avoid the shock, and 
the French ship struck her on the port bow, and, drop- 
ping alongside, continued there for some time. The 
French crew were, however, prevented from boarding by 
the musketry fire of the Leander's few marines, upon her 
poop, and the small-arm men on the quarter-deck. They 
made several attempts, but were each time beaten off] 
with loss. 

Meanwhile the great guns of both ships, that would 
bear, were firing most actively, and the action was very 
severe. Presently, an increase of breeze occurring, the 
Leander took advantage of it to disengage herself, and, 
being ably handled, was able to pass under her enemy's 
stern, at but a few yards distance, while she deliberately 
raked her with every broadside gun. Soon after this the 
21 



322 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

breeze entirely died away, and the sea became as smooth 
as glass; but the cannonade between the two ships 
continued, with unabated fury, until half-past three in the 
afternoon. A light breeze then sprang up, and the 
Genereux had passed the Leander's bows, and stationed 
herself on the latter's starboard side. Unfortunately, a 
great wreck of spars and rigging had fallen on that side 
of the Leander, and disabled her guns. This checked the 
English ship's fire, and the French now hailed to know 
if she had surrendered. The Leander was now totally 
unmanageable, having only the shattered remains of her 
fore and main masts standing, while her hull was cut to 
pieces, and her decks covered with the killed and 
wounded. The Genereux, on the other hand, having 
only lost her mizzen-top-mast, was about to take up a 
position across her opponent's stern, where she could 
finish her work by raking her with deadly effect, without 
a possibility of reply. In this condition she had no 
choice but surrender, and the Genereux, took possession 
of her hard-won prize. 

In this six hours' close and bloody fight the Leander 
had thirty-five killed, and fifty-seven wounded, a full third 
of all on board. The loss of the Genereux was severe. 
She had a crew of seven hundred, and lost about one 
hundred killed, and one hundred and eighty-eight 
wounded. This defence of a fifty-gun ship against a 
seventy-four is almost unparalleled. 

Captain Le Joille, the commander of the French ship, 
was not, if we may believe the English accounts, a very 
good specimen of a French naval officer, even of those 
peculiar times, when rudeness was considered the best 
proof of true republicanism. Captain Thompson and his 
officers were allowed to be plundered, as soon as they 
arrived on board the Genereux, of every article they 



LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 323 

possessed, hardly leaving the clothes which they wore. 
In vain they expostulated with the French Captain, 
reminding him of the very different treatment experienced 
by the French officers taken prisoners at the battle of the 
Nile. With great nonchalance he answered, "I am sorry, 
but to tell the truth, our fellows are great hands at 
pillage." Captain Berry, the bearer of dispatches, who 
was a passenger in the Leander, was plundered of a pair 
of pistols which he valued. The man who had taken 
them was produced, when the French Captain himself 
took the pistols, telling Berry that he would give him a 
pair of French pistols when he was released, which he 
never did. This incident is related by Sir Edward Berry 
himself, in a letter. In fact, the French behaved very 
much like Barbary corsairs, and even took the instru- 
ments of the surgeon of the Leander, before he had 
performed the necessary operations. Captain Thomp- 
son's severe wounds nearly proved fatal, from their 
preventing the surgeon from attending to them. When 
the Leander arrived at Corfu, where she was taken, the 
French there treated the English very badly, and some 
of them nearly perished of privation. Had Captain 
Thompson fallen into the hands of Captain Bergeret, or 
many other French officers who could be named, his 
obstinate and noble defence would have secured him the 
respect and esteem of his captors. 

Bergeret was of a very different type of French officer. 
He was, during this war, a prisoner in England, and was 
given his parole, to go to France, and endeavor to effect 
an exchange between himself and the celebrated Sir 
Sidney Smith, then a prisoner in Paris. Failing in his 
object, he promptly returned to his imprisonment in 
England. Sir Sidney had, in the meantime, made his 
escape; and the British government, with a due sense of 



324 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Bergeret's conduct, restored his- liberty, without any 
restrictions. 

It is a pity that such a man as Le Joille should have 
been in command of one of the finest 74s in the French 
navy. 

When Captain Thompson's wounds healed, and he 
at length reached his native country, he received not only 
an honorable acquittal from the court held upon the loss 
of his ship, but also the honor of knighthood, for the 
defence which he had made against so superior a force. 

Another striking incident connected with the battle of 
the Nile, and we shall have done with that action. 

Just a month after the battle, while the squadron under 
Captain Hood, of the Zealous, which had been left off 
Alexandria, by Nelson, was cruising close in with that place, 
a cutter made her appearance, standing towards the land. 
The Swiftsure and the Emerald frigate fired several shots 
at her, but the cutter would not bring to, and at length ran 
aground a little to the westward of the Marabout tower. 
The English boats were at once despatched to bring her 
off; but in the meantime the crew of the cutter had made 
good their landing, and the vessel herself was shortly 
afterwards beaten to pieces by the high surf. The shore, 
at this time, presented nothing but barren, uncultivated 
sands as far as the eye could reach ; but soon several 
Arabs were seen advancing, some on horseback and some 
on foot. The French, who had quitted the cutter, now 
perceived their mistake; but, for nearly the whole of 
them, it was too late. The Arabs were upon them. 

The British boats pulled for the shore, in hopes of 
saving their unfortunate enemies, but the breakers were 
too heavy to effect a landing in safety. A midshipman 
of the Emerald, Mr. Francis Fane (who afterwards rose 
high in the service), with a high sense of humanity, threw 



LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 325 

himself into the water, and swam through the surf to the 
shore, pushing before him an empty boat's breaker, or 
small cask, to which a line had been made fast. By this 
means Citizen Gardon, the commanding officer of the 
French cutter, and four of his men, were saved. The 
cutter was the Anemone, of four guns and sixty men, six 
days from Malta, and originally from Toulon, having on 
board General Carmin and Captain Vallette, aide-de-camp 
to General Bonaparte ; also a courier, with despatches, 
and a small detachment of soldiers. 

The General, perceiving no possibility of escape from 
the English, had ordered Captain Gardon to run the 
cutter on shore. The sailor represented to the soldier 
the danger to his vessel and those on board, from the 
high surf, and particularly to all who should succeed in 
landing, from the hordes of wild Arabs who infested 
that coast. 

The General said he would cut his way through them, 
to Alexandria, which was not much more than ten miles 
off. No sooner, however, did the French land, than they 
perceived the Bedouins, who, up to that time, had con- 
cealed themselves behind the numerous sand hills in the 
neighborhood. 

Terror and dismay now seized upon the General and 
the unfortunate victims of his rash resolve ; and their 
enemy, the British, viewed their probable fate with com- 
miseration, for the Arabs never spared any French who 
fell into their hands. Although the crew of the cutter, 
by refusing to surrender, and by firing upon the British 
boats long after all hopes of escape were at an end, had 
brought the disaster on themselves, still the English could 
not help mourning their sad fate. 

What followed was a melancholy spectacle. The 
French officers and men were seized and stripped, and 



326 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

many of them murdered at once, in cold blood, as they 
made no resistance on being pillaged. An Arab, on 
horseback, unslung a carbine, and presented it at the 
General, in full sight of the boats. The General and the 
aide-de-camp appeared to be on their knees, begging for 
mercy. The Arab drew the trigger but the piece missed 
fire, and the man renewed the priming, very deliberately, 
and again fired at the General. He missed him, but shot 
the aid-de-camp, in his rear, and then he drew a pistol 
and shot the General, who instantly fell. 

The French courier endeavored to escape, but he was 
pursued and killed, and the Arab who got possession of 
his despatches at once rode off with them. It was learned, 
afterwards, that they were restored to the French for a 
large sum of money. 

On the appearance of a troop of French cavalry, from 
Alexandria, the Arabs retired to the desert, taking with 
them their surviving prisoners, while the British boats, 
with their five rescued prisoners, returned to the squadron. 



THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 



327 



XXII. 

ACTION BETWEEN THE AMBUSCADE AND 
BAYONNAISE. A. D. 1798. 




INGLE ship actions are often as decisive as 
' those between fleets ; and they are, as a 
rule, even more characteristic and interest- 
ing. Of course, we mean by decisive that 
they have often affected, for good or evil, 
the morale of nations, thereby encouraging 
one and depressing the other, and thus in 
no small degree affecting the progress of a 
war. 
The frigate actions of our last war with Great Britain 
were very pre-eminently of this nature, and some of them 
will, in due time, be given. 

The action of the Ambuscade and Bayonnaise has 
always been a fruitful source of discussion, as well as of 
lively contradiction, between the French and English 
naval writers, the latter being as much depressed by 
allusions to it as the French are elated. Where so-much 
discussion and rejoinder have taken place in regard to the 
collision of a comparatively insignificant force, we may 
expect to find many contradictory statements. 

In what follows we shall give the account of the beaten 
side, the British, in the main points, premising, of course, 
that they would make the best of a poor story. The 
facts of the capture are not disputed, and are given in 



328 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

about the same terms by both sides. It is the manner of 
telling which differs. 

On December 5th, 1798, the British 32-gun frigate 
Ambuscade, Captain Jenkins, sailed from Portsmouth (to 
which port she had escorted a prize, and on board the 
latter had left a few of her men as a prize crew), for a 
cruise on the French coast. Not long- after sailing she 
made prizes of a brig and a lugger, and received on 
board from the two vessels some thirty prisoners, while 
she sent to the prizes her Second Lieutenant and a suffi- 
cient number of men to man them. Her Third Lieutenant 
was at this time ill in his bed, and the Ambuscade was 
reduced in her complement, by the sending of prize crews, 
from 212 to 190. Of this one hundred and ninety the 
English accounts claim that a large number were boys. 
It is quite likely that she had many landsmen and boys, 
as most English ships had at that time, but that she had 
such a proportion of boys as to effect her efficiency is not 
very likely. She was not a school-ship or a training-ship, 
but an active 32, engaged in winter cruising on a noto- 
riously rough station, and doing her best to cripple the 
enemy by taking and sending in prizes. 

On the morning of December 14th, while lying to off 
the mouth of the Garonne, and momentarily expecting to 
be joined by the 32-gun frigate Stag, a sail was made out, 
to seaward, standing in. The stranger was directly end- 
on to the Ambuscade, and all on board the latter ship 
seem to have taken it for granted it was her consort, 
the Stag, because the latter was expected at that 
time. December mornings are not apt to be clear and 
fine in the Bay of Biscay, and the new comer was some 
distance*off. They could see but little of her hull, from 
her position, neither could they make out any colors, for 
the same reason. 



THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 329 

This being the state of affairs, on an enemy's coast, in 
time of active war, the officers and men of the Ambuscade 
left her hove to, and went unconcernedly to breakfast, 
with only a few hands on deck to observe the approach 
of the strange sail, which came rolling down at her leisure. 
Before nine o'clock she was within gunshot, and then she 
suddenly hauled by the wind, and made all sail, apparently 
to escape. She was now seen to be French, and the 
Ambuscade's hands were turned up, and a press of sail 
at once made in chase of what proved to be the French 
24-gun corvette, the Bayonnaise, commanded by Captain 
Richer, and coming from Cayenne, with some 30 troops 
and an officer as passengers; these raising the number on 
board to between 240 and 250 men. 

The English ship seems to have been faster than dier 
opponent, for she soon placed herself within comfortable 
firing distance, when she hoisted her colors, and the 
Bayonnaise did the same. The French ship then shortened 
sail, and the action began; the interchange of broadsides 
continuing for about an hour, the English account stating 
that, at the end of that time, the Bayonnaise was suffering 
very much. It is certain that the Ambuscade was suffer- 
ing, for one of her main-deck twelve-pounders, just 
abreast of her gangway, had burst. Now James, and 
other English naval historians scout the idea that such an 
accident should have any effect upon an action, when it 
relates to so dauntless a spirit as that of Commodore 
Rodgers, in command of an American frigate, outnum- 
bered by an English squadron. But in this case it is 
their ox which is gored, and they make the most of it, 
even going so far as to trace the capture of the English ship 
to that cause. By this unfortunate accident her gangway 
was knocked away, the boats on the boom were stove, and 
other damage done; while eleven men were wounded. 



330 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

It is true that the bravest and best disciplined ship's 
company has its ardor dampened by an occurrence of the 
kind, as they feel that the next gun may, at any moment, 
in its turn sacrifice its crew. The good fame of a gun is 
as important as that of a woman, and the bursting of a 
gun during an engagement is one of the most unfortunate 
accidents which can occur to any ship, be the destruction 
great or small. In addition to this, all the English naval 
historians combine in saying that the Ambuscade had an 
exceptionally bad crew; and James devotes as much 
space to proving this, and also that this 24-gun corvette 
ought not to have taken an English ship of 32 guns, as 
he does to most general actions. The accident to the gun 
seems to have caused so much confusion on board the 
English ship that the French corvette made sail to take 
advantage of it, and make her escape from a disagreeable 
predicament. This act on her part seems to have 
recalled the Ambuscade's Captain to a sense of his duty, 
and that ship soon overtook the Bayonnaise again — 
coming up to leeward, to recommence the action — but 
at first, owing to a press of sail, shooting a little too far 
ahead. 

The Bayonnaise was, at this time, much damaged in 
hull, rigging and spars, and had suffered a heavy loss in 
officers and men — among others, her Captain and First 
Lieutenant — wounded. The commanding- officer of the 
troops who were passengers then suggested to the only 
sea-officer left on deck the trial of boarding the English 
ship, which was so much the more powerful in weight of 
metal. The plan was assented to, the boarders called 
away, the corvette's helm was put up, and she was allowed 
to drop foul of the Ambuscade, carrying away with her 
bowsprit the quarter-deck barricade, wheel, mizzen-rig- 
ging and mizzen-mast of the English frigate. It is evident 



THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 331 

that the latter must have been in a bad state to permit 
this to be done. 

The Bayonnaise then swung round under the Ambus- 
cade's stern, but still remaining foul of her, having caught 
the English ship's rudder chain, either by a grappling 
iron or by the fluke of an anchor, and the French now, by 
a vigorous use of musketry, commanded completely the 
quarter-deck of the Ambuscade. 

The marines of the Ambuscade kept up a fire in return, 
but were overpowered by the steady, close fire of the 
French soldiers, and in a very short time the First Lieu- 
tenant was handed below, wounded in the groin, when he 
almost immediately expired. 

Almost at the same moment Captain Jenkins was shot 
in the thigh, breaking the bone, and was necessarily 
removed from the deck, as was the Lieutenant of Marines, 
from wounds in the thigh and shoulder. 

Scarcely had these left the deck when the Master was 
shot through the head, and instantly killed. The only 
surviving Lieutenant, who had left his sick bed to take part 
in the defence, was now wounded in the head. 

The gunner at this moment came on deck, and reported 
the ship on fire below and abaft, which so alarmed the 
uninjured portion of the crew, on account of the neighbor- 
hood of the magazine, that they left their quarters on the 
gun-deck, and went below. 

The fire was occasioned by some cartridges which had 
been carelessly left upon the rudder head, and which, on 
the discharge of a gun through the cabin window or stern 
port, into the bows of the Bayonnaise, had exploded, 
badly wounding every man at the gun, besides blowing 
out a part of the Ambuscade's stern, and destroying the 
boat which was hanging there. 

In the height of all this confusion on board the Ambus- 



332 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

cade the French soldiers, who, throughout, had behaved 
splendidly, charged across the bowsprit of their vessel, 
which formed a bridge to the quarter-deck of the Ambus- 
cade, now undefended, and, after a short struggle on the 
main deck, found themselves in possession of the frigate. 
There is no doubt that this result was most humiliating 
to a nation who had grown to consider themselves 
irresistible by sea, when the odds were not too great. 
The great advantage of the Ambuscade, her gun force, 
was not made the most of; and although she was 
evidently the faster vessel, the Frenchman, from superior 
tactics, was enabled to make his superiority in musketeers 
tell. In fact, the whole story shows that the English ship 
was sadly deficient in discipline and drill. It was imme- 
diately given out that the majority of her crew "were the 
scum of the British navy," but the great trouble appears 
to have been with the captain himself. This officer had 
been promoted to the command of the Ambuscade from 
the Carnatic, 74, where he had been first lieutenant, and 
he had brought with him from that ship a party of sea- 
men whom he chose to call the "gentlemen Carnatics," 
and distinguishing those men whom he found on board 
the frigate by the very opprobrious epithet of "black- 
guard Ambuscades." One can hardly speak calmly of 
the fact that such an idiot as this was placed in such a 
responsible position; and, as he himself had raised two 
parties in his ship, the only wonder is that she made so 
good a defence. When Captain Jenkins and his surviv- 
ing officers and ship's company were, some months later, 
exchanged, a court-martial was, of course, held upon him, 
for the loss of the Ambuscade. The Captain was suffer- 
ing still from the effects of his dreadful wound, and he 
and the rest were acquitted, in spite of the evidence 
showing that his ship was in bad discipline, and that the 



THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 333 

action had been conducted in a lubberly manner, on the 
part of the English, from first to last. No questions 
appear to have been pressed as to why the Bayonnaise's 
character was not earlier ascertained, whereby confusion 
would have been avoided in the opening of the engage- 
ment, and the Ambuscade might have obtained the 
weather-gage, and kept her adversary from boarding; 
while in that position, her superiority in metal should 
have told. It was proved that the hammocks were not 
in the nettings, in spite of the musketry being so much 
used, and other equally shameful points were made 
manifest. Yet Jenkins was acquitted, and the sentence 
of the court avoided even naming the ship by which 
he had been captured. The French took their prize into 
Rochefort, and great were the rejoicings, not without 
cause, for a French corvette had captured an English 
frigate. Richer was promoted by the French Directory, 
over one grade, to that of Capitaine de Vaisseau, and the 
crew properly rewarded. The gallant officer in com- 
mand of the troops, to whom so much of the credit of the 
action is due, was killed on the Bayonnaise's deck. 




334 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXIII. 

SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT 
ACRE. A. D. 1799. 




N March, 1799, Commodore Sir William Sid- 
ney Smith, in command of the English 74-gun 
ship, Tigre, then lying off Alexandria, was 
invested by the British government with 
the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary to the 
Sublime Porte. 

In consequence of an express received 
from Achmed Djezzar, Governor of Syria, 
with the information that Bonaparte had invaded that 
country, and had carried Jaffa by storm, and that the 
French were also preparing an expedition by sea, Sir 
Sidney sent off the Theseus, Captain Miller, to Acre, as 
well as a small vessel to reconnoitre the Syrian coast and 
rejoin the Theseus at Caiffa. 

Acre was the next town and fortified place on the coast, 
north of Jaffa, and was in a bay of the same name, the 
southern port of which was the headland celebrated from 
very ancient times as Mount Carmel. The bay is very 
much exposed to winds from every quarter but the east 
and south, and at all times is a rough and uncertain 
anchorage. Just within the southern cape of Carmel, 
where the Mount drops away and the country becomes 
flat, is the town of Hai'ffa or Kai'ffa, and beyond that, at 
the turn of the bay, before one comes to Acre, is the 
mouth of the river Kishon. This mouth, except when the 



SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 335 

river is in flood, is obstructed by sand bars, and is gener- 
ally to be forded, with care. 

On the 1 3th of March the Theseus, a 74, arrived at 
Acre, and on the 1 5th the Tigre, Alliance and Marianne 
also anchored in that port ; and Sir Sidney Smith, finding 
that the Turks were disposed to defend the place, used 
every exertion to put the walls in a state to resist an 
attack. On the 1 7th the Theseus was sent to the south- 
ward, and Sir Sidney, with the boats of the Tigre, proceeded 
to the anchorage of Caiffa, under Mount Carmel. That 
evening, after dark, the advanced guard of the French 
was discovered, mounted on asses and dromedaries, and 
passing along the coast road, close to the seaside, and a 
launch, with a 12-ft) carronade, was sent to the mouth of 
the river, to defend the ford. 

At daybreak the next morning this launch opened a 
most unexpected fire on the French column, and com- 
pelled it to change its route, so that when they took the 
Nazareth road they became exposed to the attacks of the 
Samaritan Arabs. The guns of the British ships pre- 
venting the French from making an attack from the 
north, they invested Acre on the northeast side, where the 
defences were much stronger. As no artillery was used 
in replying to the British boats, it was evident that the 
French had none with them. Expecting that a flotilla 
was to bring artillery up to them, a lookout was kept, and, 
on the mornine of the 18th a French corvette and nine 
sail of gun vessels was seen from the Tigre. They were 
promptly chased and the gun-boats taken, but the corvette 
escaped. The prizes were full of battering cannon, 
ammunition and siege stores, which they had brought 
from Damietta. 

These guns, which had been intended for the destruction 
of Acre, were now landed for its defence, and the gun- 



336 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

boats employed to harass their late owners, and cut off 
supplies. 

That same day an English boat expedition met with a 
disastrous repulse in an attack upon four French trans- 
ports, which had come into Caiffa anchorage with supplies 
for the French army, losing heavily in officers and men ; 
and soon after all the English vessels were obliged to put 
to sea, on account of bad weather, and were not able to 
return again until the 6th of April. 

In the meantime Bonaparte had been pushing the siege 
operations with the energy peculiarly his own, and it 
seemed impossible for the Turkish garrison and the 
English sailors to resist his determined approach. Dur- 
ing the absence of the British ships he had pushed his 
approaches to the counter-scarp, and in the ditch at the 
northeast angle of the town was mining the towers to 
widen a breach already made by his field pieces. As 
much danger was apprehended from this approach, a 
sortie was determined on, in which the English seamen 
and marines were to bear a prominent part. They were 
to force their way into the mine while the Turks attacked 
the enemy's trenches on the right and left. The sortie 
took place just before daylight, but the Turks rendered 
abortive the attempt to surprise the enemy by their noise 
and impetuosity. The English sailors, armed with pikes 
and cutlasses, succeeded in entering the mine, and 
destroyed its supports, and partly filled it up. The 
marines supported and protected them while doing this, 
and the party was covered on its return by a cross fire 
from one of the ships. This sortie much delayed Bona- 
parte's operations ; but, in the meantime, Rear-Admiral 
Perree of the French navy, who had been hovering about 
the coast with a squadron, succeeded in landing supplies 
and some 18-ft) guns, at Jaffa, which were immediately 



SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 337 

brought up, overland. Napoleon attached the utmost 
importance to the speedy capture of Acre, which was 
necessary to the success of his plans, and he pushed the 
siege with tremendous energy, and reckless disregard for 
the lives of his troops. The garrison continued to 
make sorties, under cover of the boats of the English 
squadron, but the ist of May found the French success- 
ful in establishing a breach, from the concentrated fire of 
twenty-three pieces of artillery. They then made a 
desperate attempt to storm the place. 

The Theseus was moored on one side of the town, and 
the Tigre on the other, while the gun-boats and launches 
flanked the enemy's trenches. 

Notwithstanding a tremendous fire from the shipping, 
and in the very face of a heavy fire from the walls of the 
town, the French bravely mounted to the assault; but, in 
spite of all their efforts, were repulsed with great 
slaughter. Several English officers and seamen were 
killed in this affair, and Colonel Philipeaux, a French 
Royalist officer of engineers, serving with the English 
against Bonaparte, died of excessive fatigue. 

The French continued to batter in breach, and continued 
their attempts to storm; in spite of which Sir Sidney 
Smith managed to construct two ravelins, within musket, 
shot of the besiegers. All this involved the most extreme 
fatigue on the part of both the besiegers and the 
besieged. Frequent sorties were made, which impeded 
the French in their work; and on May 7th a reinforce- 
ment of two Turkish corvettes, and twenty-five transports 
with troops, arrived. 

Bonaparte determined to make one more effort to 

capture the place before these troops could be landed. 

Although the British fire from the vessels was kept up, 

Bonaparte had succeeded in throwing up epaulements 

22 



338 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and traverses, with his great engineering ability, which in 
a great degree protected his working parties from the 
naval party. The pieces which annoyed him most were 
in the light-house tower, and in the north ravelin, and two 
68-pounders, mounted in native flat-bottomed vessels and 
throwing shells. These were all manned by the English 
seamen. 

In spite of all this, Bonaparte gained ground, and 
having- battered down the northeast tower of the walls, 
the ruins formed a sort of ladder, and at daylight on the 
8th of May the French stormed again, and succeeded in 
planting their colors on the outer angle of the tower. 

Their position was sheltered by two traverses, which 
they had constructed during the preceding night, com- 
posed of sand-bags and bodies of the dead built in with 
them, and forming a wall so high that only their bayonets 
could be seen above them. 

In the meantime the reinforcement of Turkish troops, 
under Hassan Bey, were being debarked, which only 
increased Bonaparte's endeavors to get possession of the 
place before they could be put in position. 

It was a most critical moment, and Sir Sidney, to gain 
time, himself led the British seamen, mostly armed with 
pikes, to the defence of the breach. Here he found a 
few Turks, who were hurling huge stones down upon the 
French. The latter, being reinforced, charged up, and 
the fight became a hand-to-hand one. 

According to the ancient custom of the Turks, Djezzar 
Pasha had been sitting in his palace rewarding such as 
brought to him the heads of his enemies ; but when he 
heard that Sir Sidney was on the breach he hastened 
there to persuade him to retire, saying that "if harm 
befell his English friends all would be lost." Hassan's 
troops were now close at hand, and Sir Sidney led up the 



SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 339 

Chifflic regiment, armed and disciplined in the European 
style, and made a determined sally. They were beaten 
back, however, by the desperate fighting of the French, 
with great loss; but in doing so, the latter were obliged 
to expose themselves, and suffered terribly from the 
flanking fire of the English guns. 

Napoleon had entered Syria with about fifteen thousand 
men, and many of his best generals, but by this time his 
losses had been so great that he feared he should be 
unsuccessful in his undertaking of seizing the whole of 
that country, for which undertaking he had made such 
exertions and sacrifices. But he was not the man to 
retire from any enterprise before he had exhausted all 
his resources. 

On the 9th and ioth he continued to batter the 
defences, day and night, in preparation for one final, des- 
perate effort. Every shot brought down large pieces of 
the wall, which was less solid than the tower they had 
been so long battering, and a new breach was effected, to 
the southward of their first lodgment. Bonaparte was 
now distinctly seen by the defenders most energetically 
directing operations from an elevated mound called after 
Richard Cceur de Lion, addressing his generals with great 
energy of gesture, and sending off aides-de-camp in every 
direction. The night before he had himself inspected the 
breach closely, rousing the enthusiasm of his veteran 
troops by the way in which he exposed himself, at the very 
foot of the walls, to the hottest fire. About noon he made 
dispositions for storming. Kleber's grenadiers were to 
lead, their chief, Venoux, saying, " If Saint Jean d'Acre is 
not taken this evening you may be certain that Venoux 
is dead." And he did, indeed, die, that evening, at the 
breach. 

Just before sunset a massive column of the French was 



340 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

seen advancing, and it was suffered by the Turks to mount 
the breach, but, in the Pasha's garden, came upon a 
second and almost impregnable line of defence, erected 
by Philipeaux in view of just such an event. Here the 
Turks rushed upon them in overwhelming numbers, and 
the advance of the French were massacred almost to a 
man. The rest retreated precipitately, leaving General 
Rambeaud dead, and carrying off General Lannes, 
wounded. A reinforcement of English coming up, the 
officers very nearly suffered the fate of the French 
advance, for many of the newly arrived Turkish troops 
did not know the English uniform, and took them for 
French. The fighting consequent upon this assault did 
not terminate until the next day, 

Kleber's division had been ordered to the assault again, 
but were met by a sortie, in which the besieged gained 
the third parallel of the attack, and spiked some of the 
French guns, and Kleber, instead of storming the fortress, 
was occupied in recovering their works, which involved 
great loss on both sides. During the progress of the 
siege, a dreadful accident occurred on board the English 
ship Theseus — seventy large shells exploding on her 
poop — killing and wounding eighty-seven of her officers 
and ship's company. The ship herself was dreadfully 
shattered. 

After the failure of Kleber's attack the French troops 
could not be brought to mount the breach again. The 
plague, which had committed such ravages among them 
at Jaffa, broke out again, probably from the horribly 
putrid stench of the great number of unburied bodies, 
and especially of those built into the epaulements and 
traverses, added to fatigue and shortness of provisions; 
a flag of truce was sent in, to propose a cessation of 
hostilities, to allow them to bury the dead. This Djezzar 




LE TONNANT DISMASTED. 

(Appearance of Her Deck at the Close of the Engagement.) 




PONTIFICAL GALLEY — 155°. 

(With Sails and Oars, and provided with heavy Artillery. 1 



SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 341 

would not permit. The flag had hardly performed its 
duties and withdrawn, when a shower of shot and shell 
from the French batteries announced the commencement 
of another attack, which was made with fury and despera- 
tion. But the garrison was prepared, and the French 
were once more driven back, with great slaughter. In 
the night of the 20th of May the French raised the siege, 
and made a precipitate retreat, leaving twenty-three pieces 
of battering cannon behind them. 

Sir Sidney Smith remained at Acre until the middle of 
June, rendering the Turks all assistance in once more 
placing the fortress in a state of defence. 

This celebrated siege lasted sixty-one days. The 
besiegers had marched to the assault no less than eight 
times, while the besieged made eleven desperate sallies. 
Bonaparte, in his reports to the French Directory, gave 
many flimsy reasons for his want of success. 

Speaking of it afterwards, at St. Helena, he attempted 
to put the whole blame of his non-success upon the French 
naval officers who had failed to engage and drive away 
Sir Sidney Smith and his squadron. He said that if he 
had succeeded in his plans the whole face of the world 
would have been changed. " Acre," he said, " would 
have been taken ; the French army would have gone to 
Damascus and Aleppo ; in the twinkling of an eye they 
would have been on the Euphrates ; the Syrian Christians 
would have joined us; the Druses, the Armenians, would 
have united with us." Some one remarked, "We might 
have been reinforced to the number of one hundred 
thousand men." " Say six hundred thousand," Bonaparte 
replied; "who can calculate the amount? I would have 
reached Constantinople and the Indies ; I would have 
changed the face of the world !" 



342 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXIV. 

FOUDROKANT AND CONSORTS, IN ACTION 
WITH THE GUILLAUME TELL. 1800. 




'URING the early part of the year 1800, a 
British squadron, composed of the eighty- 
gun ship Foudroyant, Captain Sir Edward 
Berry (the same who was captured in the 
Leander, after the battle of the Nile, a$ 
bearer of despatches), and bearing the flag' 
of Rear-Admiral Lord Nelson, the 74-gun 
ship Alexandria, Captain Ball, the 64-gun 
ship Lion, Captain Dixon, and the 36-gun frigate Penel- 
ope, Captain Blackwood, with two or three sloops and 
smaller vessels, was stationed off Malta, then in French 
possession, to prevent succors from being thrown into 
that island, and to watch the movements of the French 
ships which were in that safe port. 

Among the latter, lying in Valetta, was the French 
80-gun ship Guillaume Tell, Rear-Admiral Denis Decres, 
and Captain Saunier. 

The Guillaume Tell was one of the two French line- 
of-battle-ships which had escaped from the battle of the 
Nile, and she had taken refuge at Malta. 

Decres occupied so exalted a position, afterwards, that 

it will be necessary, before beginning the account of a 

very remarkable battle, to give some account of his life. 

This very distinguished French naval officer was born 

in 1762, and died in 1820. He entered the navy early, 



FOUDROYANT AND THE GUILLAUME TELL. 343 

and won his first promotion under Count De Grasse, in 
America, while he afterwards distinguished himself in the 
frigate squadron which France sent to the East Indies 
to annoy the English commerce. In 1793 he was a 
" capitaine de vazsseau," but was deprived of his rank 
by the Revolutionists, because he was a noble. Escaping 
the guillotine, when thousands of others perished, he was 
restored to his rank in the navy in 1795. In 1798 he 
attained the rank of Rear-Admiral, and in that capacity 
was present at the capture of Malta. He then served at 
the battle of the Nile, and came back to Malta with the 
few French vessels that escaped. These were soon 
blockaded by the English in the harbor of Valetta. 
Decres, in conjunction with General Vaubois, conducted 
the defence of Malta, which continued for seventeen 
months 

In March, 1800, provisions fell short, and much sickness 
appeared in the French garrison, and Decres concluded 
to embark about twelve hundred men on board the 
Guillaume Tell, and force the blockade. The English 
frigate Penelope followed him, but was able to offer no 
resistance. The next day Decres fell in with more 
English ships, and the celebrated engagement which we 
shall relate further on ensued. Although conquered at 
last, Decres received a sword of honor from the First 
Consul, Bonaparte, for his conduct, and the English 
" Naval Chronicle" says that this was the warmest re- 
sistance ever made by a foreign man-of-war against a 
superior British force. 

Upon his return from captivity in England, Decres was 
successively appointed Prefet Maritime, Commandant of 
the Western Fleet, and Minister of Marine. He continued 
to act in this capacity as long as the French Empire 
lasted ; and in it he showed great administrative ability. 



344 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

During his administration the great works at Cherbourg 
were materially advanced; as well as those at Nieuwe 
Dieppe and Flushing, while the docks and construction 
yards of Antwerp were wholly created. He managed to 
keep up, and even increase, the strength of the French 
navy, in spite of their great losses ; and he collected the 
great flotilla of Boulogne, which circumstances rendered 
useless, however. 

Napoleon, who made him, in succession, a Count, 
Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor, and finally, a Duke, 
recalled him to his old position during the Hundred 
Days; and when the Emperor finally fell, he was retired 
by the Bourbon government. 

Duke Decres survived many bloody battles, to be at 
last assassinated by his valet. This man, who had been 
robbing him for a long time, placed a quantity of powder, 
with a slow match, under Decres' mattress. Stealing into 
the Duke's bedroom at night, he blew him up. The 
valet, in his perturbation at what he had done, threw 
himself out of the window, and was killed. His master 
died a few days after, aged 58 years. 

And now to return to this celebrated action. 

At eleven o'clock at night, on the 30th of March, 1800, 
the Guillaume Tell, taking advantage of a strong south- 
erly gale, and the darkness that had succeeded the setting 
of the moon, weighed anchor and put to sea. 

About midnight the English frigate Penelope, which 
was on guard off the harbor, discovered the French ship, 
under a press of sail, with the wind on the starboard 
quarter. The Penelope at once made the necessary 
signals to the other blockading ships, and then tacked, 
and stood after the Tell. In half an hour she was close 
up with the chase, and luffed up, and gave the Tell her 



FOUDROYANT AND THE GUILLAUME TELL. 345 

whole broadside; receiving in return, only the Tell's 
chase guns. 

The French ship, aware that if she brought to, she 
would soon have upon her the whole of the English block- 
ading ships, whose lights could be already seen on the 
horizon, wisely kept her course to the northward. 

The Penelope was faster than the Tell, and was 
commanded by an experienced seaman, and she continued 
to follow her, and to occasionally luff, and pour in a 
broadside, so that, just before daybreak, the Guillaume 
Tell's main and mizzen-top-masts, and her main-yard 
came down. She was thus reduced, except her mizzen, 
to her head-sails; and these were greatly damaged by 
the Penelope's shot. She had also lost many men from 
the English frigate's raking shots. 

The Penelope skillfully avoided exposing herself to a 
broadside from so powerful a ship, and had the good 
fortune to escape much damage to her sails and rigging. 
She had lost her master, killed, and a few wounded. 

About five in the morning the Lion, 64, after pressing 
sail, arrived up. Steering between the Penelope and the 
crippled Guillaume Tell, and so near to the latter that the 
yard-arms of the two ships barely passed clear, the Lion 
ranged up on the port side of her opponent, and poured 
in a destructive double- shotted broadside. The Lion then 
luffed up across the bow of the Guillaume Tell, the jib- 
boom of the latter passing between the main and mizzen 
shrouds of the former. Of course, with an inferior 
complement of men, the Lion did not wish to be boarded, 
and, fortunately for her, the Tell's jib-boom soon carried 
away, leaving the Lion inaccessible to boarders, but in 
an excellent position across the Guillaume Tell's bows. 
Here the Lion, aided by the Penelope kept up a heavy 
fire, for about half an hour, when the Tell had so damaged 



346 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the Lion that she was forced to drop astern; still firing, 
however, as did the Penelope, whenever an opportunity 
offered. 

At six o'clock the Foudroyant came up. Lord Nelson 
was not on board, having been left, sick, at Palermo; and 
Captain Dixon, of the Lion, was the senior officer to 
Captain Sir Edward Berry, of the Foudroyant. The 
latter ship, under a crowd of sail, ranged up so close to 
the Guillaume Tell that her spare anchor just cleared the 
Tell's mizzen-chains, and called to her to strike; accom- 
panying the summons by a treble-shotted broadside. The 
only answer of the French ship was a similar broadside, 
which cut away a good deal of the Foudroyant's rigging. 
The latter, having so much sail set, necessarily shot 
ahead, and did not again get alongside the Tell for 
several minutes. Then the two large ships engaged, and 
the Guillaume Tell's second broadside brought down many 
of the English ship's spars, and cut her sails to pieces. 
She then dropped alongside the Tell, still firing occasion- 
ally; as did the Lion, on the Tell's port side, and the 
Penelope, on her port quarter. Under this unremitting 
and galling fire the gallant French ship's main and mizzen 
masts came down; and the Foudroyant, having cleared 
away the wreck of her fallen spars, and to some extent 
refitted her rigging, again closed with the Guillaume Tell, 
and after a few broadsides, was nearly on board her. At 
eight o'clock the foremast of the Tell fell, and she was 
totally dismasted. At a few minutes after eight the 
gallant Frenchman was rolling, an unmanageable hulk, 
with the wreck of her masts disabling her port guns, and 
the violent rolling, in her dismasted state, requiring the 
lower deck ports, on both sides, to be closed. 

The Foudroyant was on one quarter, the Lion on the 



FOUDROYANT AlJD THE GUILLAUME TELL. 347 

other, and the Penelope close ahead. Under these 
circumstances the Guillaume Tell struck her colors. 

Both the Foudroyant, 80, and the Lion, 64, were in too 
disabled a state to be able to take possession of the 
French 80-gun ship. That duty devolved upon the 
Penelope. The other vessels had enough to do to take 
care of themselves. Some English brig sloops and a 
bomb-vessel witnessed this singular engagement, but 
appear to have taken no part in it. 

A more heroic defence than that of the Guillaume 
Tell is not be found in the record of naval actions ; and 
the defeat in this case was more honorable than half the 
single ship victories which have been so loudly praised. 
To the Penelope belongs the special credit, next to the 
Guillaume Tell herself. Next to the frigate, credit is due 
to the Lion. It was, of course, the arrival of the Fou- 
droyant which turned the scale. Had that ship, single 
handed, and so nearly matched, met the Tell, the 
contest would have been between two of the most pow- 
erful ships that had ever so met, and the chances are that 
the Guillaume Tell, so gallantly manned, and so ably 
commanded, would have come off the conqueror. This 
is conceded by all the English accounts. 

All of the vessels engaged, except the Penelope, were 
so damaged that it was with difficulty they reached port; 
the Penelope towing the prize into Syracuse. 

The Guillaume Tell was eventually taken to England, 
and received into the Royal Navy under the name of 
Malta, and she long remained one of the finest ships in 
the English service. 



348 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXV. 

NAVAL OPERATIONS AT ABOUKIR BAY, AND 
CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. AD. 1801. 




^T being determined to effect the expulsion of 
the French from Egypt, a joint expedition 
was agreed upon between England and 
Turkey. On March 2d, 1801, the English 
part of the expedition anchored in the bay 
of Aboukir, which had already been the scene 
of two momentous battles within a very short 
time. The Turkish part of the expedition did 
not make its appearance, having been dispersed by bad 
weather. The English force consisted of seven sail-of-the- 
line, and several frigates and sloops, under the command 
of Admiral Lord Keith, in the Foudroyant, 80. These 
escorted a large number of disarmed men-of-war and 
transports, which conveyed about 1 7,000 English troops, 
under Sir Ralph Abercrombie. The whole day of arrival 
was taken up in anchoring this numerous fleet, and then 
a succession of high northerly gales, with a heavy surf, 
prevented the landing of the troops until the 8th of 
March. This gave the French time to muster all the 
force which they could spare to oppose the landing. 
This is stated in the British account to have been about 
3000, while the French put it down at not more than 
1 200 men. There is every probability, however, that the 
French left out of their estimate the cavalry and artillery, 
which were certainly engaged in disputing the English 



CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. 349 

landing. The French troops were under the command 
of General Friant, who, with great judgment, had stationed 
a part of his men and several pieces of artillery on an 
almost inaccessible hill that commanded the whole place 
of disembarkation, while other parties, with field pieces 
and mortars, occupied excellent positions afforded by the 
neighboring ground. 

In good season, on the morning of the 8th, the boats 
of the fleet formed in line abreast, in the same order in 
which the troops, consisting of the first division of about 
six thousand men, were to form when landed. They then 
pulled rapidly towards the beach, which extends between 
the Castle or Fort of Aboukir and the river Sed. The 
whole of the landing arrangements were in charge of 
Captain Cochrane, of the Ajax; and the boats were 
partially protected, in their landing, by the guns of armed 
cutters, gun-boats, and launches, as well as by three sloops 
and two bomb-vessels. 

As soon as the boats got near the shore a very sharp 
and steady fire of grape and musketry was opened upon 
them from behind the sand hills, while Aboukir fort, on 
the right, kept up a very galling fire of heavy shot and 
shell. But the boats pushed on, without check or con- 
fusion, the beach was gained, and a footing on dry land 
obtained. They then formed and advanced, and soon 
obtained possession of all the points from which the 
French were annoying them. The boats then returned, 
without delay, for the second division; and before night 
the whole army, with sufficient stores for present wants, 
was safely landed. Few except naval men can appreciate 
the difficulties to be encountered in such an- operation as 
this, especially when the landing is upon an open coast, 
and such an undertaking, accomplished quickly and in 



350 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

good order, and without loss, is always considered 
extremely creditable. 

A detachment of iooo seamen, under Captain Sir 
Sidney Smith, formed part of the landing force. Their 
duty was to drag the cannon up the sand hills, a service 
which they performed in a manner which called forth the 
applause of the army, and in which they suffered con- 
siderably. The French, when driven from the hill, left 
behind them seven pieces of artillery and a considerable 
number of horses. 

On the 1 2th the British army moved forward, and came 
in sight of the French position, which was an advanta- 
geous one, along the ridge, their left resting upon the sea 
and their right upon the canal of Alexandria, better 
known to us, in late operations there, as the Mahmoudieh 
canal. 

The French had received reinforcements, under Gen- 
eral Lanusse, and numbered about 7000. The following 
day a battle was fought, in which the seamen, under Sir 
Sidney Smith, and the marines of the fleet, under Colonel 
Smith, bore a full share. At the termination of the action 
the English took up a position within three miles of 
Alexandria. This movement caused the capitulation of 
Aboukir castle. 

On March 21st occurred the decisive battle of the 
campaign. The French made a desperate attack upon 
the English lines, about an hour before daylight, but, after 
a bloody and desperate contest against greatly superior 
numbers, were forced to retire. The British sustained 
a very heavy loss, however, and the Commanding Gen- 
eral, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, was mortally wounded, 
living only a few days. In this battle the seamen again 
participated, and Sir Sidney Smith was among the 
wounded. 



CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. 351 

Alexandria was now completely shut in ; and no very 
important event took place until August 1 6th, when a naval 
force under Sir Sidney Smith made a demonstration of 
attack upon the city, and the French set fire to their 
flotilla, lying in the harbor. A week after this the fortified 
castle of Marabout, which protects the entrance to the 
western harbor of Alexandria, surrendered to a combined 
naval and military attack. This fort is about eight miles 
west of the city, and is one of those about which we heard 
so much in the late bombardment by the British iron-clads. 
On the nearer approach of the combined forces the 
garrison of Alexandria sank several vessels to block up 
the channel, and brought their few remaining ships nearer 
to the town. But these were expiring efforts. On the 
27th of August General Menou sent to Lieu tenant- 
General Hutchinson, who had succeeded Abercrombie, to 
request a three days' armistice. This was granted, and 
on September 2d, Alexandria and its garrison capitulated. 

Recent events have made these operations once more 
interesting. General Hutchinson (afterwards Lord 
Donoughmore) was, like Sir Garnet Wolseley, an Irish- 
man, and their careers are, in many respects, alike. 

Hutchinson entered the English army in 1774, as a 
cornet of dragoons, and in nine years rose to the rank 
of colonel. A Major-General in 1 796, he became second 
in command in Egypt in 1801, as a Lieutenant-General, 
and succeeded to the command on Abercrombie's death. 
He advanced, like Wolseley, as far as Cairo, when a 
capitulation took place, and the war ended. 



352 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

XXVI. 

THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 
JULY, A. D. 1801. 




HE cutting out of vessels from harbors and 
from under the protection of shore bat- 
teries, belongs exclusively to a past condi- 
tion of naval warfare. Even under the 
peculiar conditions of our late civil war 
and blockade, cutting-out expeditions, when 
the object was the capture of an armed 
vessel, were not so numerous as might 
have been supposed, although most remarkable and 
gallant actions were performed in this way by both sides. 
As an example of a "cutting-out expedition," we are 
tempted to give that of the French 20-gun corvette 
Chevrette. Such actions are decisive, on account of the 
discouragement and destruction of morale brought upon 
the defeated side, and by the corresponding confidence 
and elation of the victors. 

In the summer of 1801 the French and Spanish com- 
bined fleet was lying in Brest harbor, with Admiral 
Cornwallis and a British fleet watching them. The more 
effectually to prevent the Franco-Spanish fleet from getting 
to sea without his knowledge, the Admiral had detailed 
a squadron of three frigates, under Captain Brisbane, of 
the Doris, to lie off Point Mathias, in full view of the 
combined fleet. 

During the month of July these frigates observed the 



THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 353 

French corvette Chevrette at anchor in Camaret Bay, 
under some batteries; a position considered by. the 
French almost as secure as Brest harbor, and a capital 
place for a cruiser to lie and watch the chances of the 
blockade to get to sea. In spite of her position under the 
batteries, the British resolved to attempt her capture. 
Accordingly, on the night of the 20th of July, the boats 
of the Beaulieu and Doris frigates, manned entirely by 
volunteers, a^i Ja under the orders of a Lieutenant 
Losack, who had been sent in from the flag-ship, by 
Admiral Cornwallis, to take the command, proceeded on 
the enterprise. The boats soon separated, the crews of 
the faster ones being too zealous and excited to slacken 
their efforts, so that the heavier boats could not keep up 
with them. We can readily imagine, too, that a strange 
officer, sent in by influence, to command such an expedi- 
tion, would not receive as cheerful support as would one 
of their own. Some of the boats got lost, and returned 
to the ships; the rest, after reaching the entrance to the 
bay, where they expected to be joined by their com- 
panions, lay upon their oars until daybreak. They then 
pulled back to their ships. But the mischief was done; 
they had been discovered from the corvette and from the 
shore, and the effect was to put them on their guard, 
and prevent any good being got from a surprise, in case 
of a renewed attempt. 

On the 2 1 st the Chevrette got under way, and aftei 
running about a mile and a half further up the bay 
moored again, under some heavy batteries on the shore 
Here she took on board a number of soldiers, sufficient 
to bring up her number on board to about three hundred 
and forty. 

Her guns were loaded with grape, and every prepara- 
tion made to resist to the last. The shore batteries were 

23 



354 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

also prepared ; and temporary redoubts were thrown up 
at adjacent points, while a gun-boat was moored as a 
guard-boat at the entrance of the bay. All these precau- 
tions taken, the corvette saucily displayed, in defiance, a 
large French ensign above an English one, which could be 
plainly seen from the anchorage of the English frigates. 

The English now had their pride aroused, and that 
very night, about ten o'clock, the boats of the three 
frigates, with the barge and pinnace of the Robust, 74, 
and numbering fifteen in all, and still commanded by 
Lieutenant Losack, proceeded to try the French corvette 
a second time. 

Shortly after starting Lieut. Losack, with his own and 
five other boats, went in pursuit of a lookout boat of the 
French, which it was important to secure. The rest of 
the boats were directed to await the return of the com- 
manding officer. After waiting for a considerable time, 
without his return, the officer next in command, Lieut. 
Keith Maxwell, of the Beaulieu, considering that the 
boats had at least six miles to pull, and that the night 
was already far advanced, resolved to proceed without 
him. 

They did so at once, after he had given orders that, 
while one party was engaged in disarming the enemy's 
crew on deck, the smartest top-men of the Beaulieu 
should fight their way aloft and cut loose the sails ; others 
were detailed to cut the cables, and others to go to the 
wheel. Some other arrangements made, the nine boats, 
under Maxwell, bent to their oars, and steered for the 
enemy. 

At one o'clock in the morning of the 2 2d, the nine 
boats came in sight of the Chevrette, and the latter, after 
hailing, opened a heavy fire of grape and musketry upon 
her assailants, and this was seconded by a fire oi 



THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 3bO 

musketry from the shore. But the boats pulled steadily 
on, and the Beaulieu's boats, under Maxwell himself, 
boarded the vessel on the starboard bow and quarter. 
Those of the Uranie, one of the Robust' s, and one of the 
Doris' boarded on the port bow. These latter had been 
cheered on by the gallant Lieut. Martin Neville, who 
was conspicuous throughout, and who was wounded. The 
attempt to board was most obstinately resisted by the 
French, with fire-arms, sabres, tomahawks and pikes; 
and they, in their turn, boarded the boats. During this 
formidable opposition over the side of the vessel the 
English lost most of their fire-arms; but, by obstinate 
fighting, at last forced their way on board, mostly armed 
with their cutlasses alone. Those who had been ordered 
to go aloft fought their way to the rigging; and, although 
some were killed, and others wounded, the remainder 
gained the corvette's yards. Here they found the foot- 
ropes strapped up, but they soon managed to loose the 
sails, and, in the midst of the fight still going on for the 
possession of the deck, down came the Chevrette's three 
top-sails and courses. The cable having, in the mean- 
time, been cut outside the ship, she began, under a light 
breeze from the land, to drift out of the bay. 

No sooner did the Frenchmen (who had up to that 
time, been fighting most gallantly), see the sails fall, and 
their ship under way, than they lost heart. Some of them 
jumped overboard, and made for the shore; while others 
dropped their arms, and ran below, so that the English 
got possession of the quarter-deck and forecastle; but 
the corvette's crew that had fled below still maintained a 
hot fire from the main deck, and from up the hatchways, 
and it took a considerable time before these were over- 
powered, and compelled to submit. 

It is related in the Naval Chronicle that Mr. Brown, 



356 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Boatswain of the Beaulieu, in boarding, forced his way into 
the Chevrette's quarter gallery, but found the door so 
securely barricaded that he could not force it. Through 
the crevices in the planks he could see men, armed with 
pikes and pistols, who frequently shot at him through the 
panels, as he attempted to burst in. Failing in the 
quarter gallery, he tried the quarter, and after a great 
deal of resistance, gained the vessel's taffrail. The officer 
in command of the party was at this time fighting his way 
up on the quarter, but not yet on board. The boatswain 
stood up for a moment, a mark for the enemy's fire, see- 
ing in which direction he should attack. Second nature 
then directed him to make for the forecastle, where he felt 
most at home; and gathering a few men, and waving his 
cutlass, with "Make a lane there!" dashed in, and fought 
his way the whole length of the ship. Then, with the 
men animated by his example he soon cleared the fore- 
castle, which he held for the rest of the contest, although 
frequently assailed. Here, after the vessel was carried, 
he was seen attending to orders from the quarter-deck, 
and assisting in casting the ship and making sail, with as 
much coolness as if he had been on board the Beaulieu. 

On her way out of the bay, during a short interval of 
calm, the Chevrette became exposed to a heavy fire from 
the batteries on shore; but the fair, light breeze soon 
arose again, and carried her clear of them. Just at this 
time the six boats under Lieut. Losack joined her, and 
Lieut. Maxwell, was, of course, superseded in his com- 
mand, but not until he had accomplished all that there 
was to be done. 

Three two-deckers got under way and came out from 
Brest Roads with the view of recapturing the Chevrette; 
but the near approach of the British in-shore squadron 
compelled them to return to their anchorage, and the 




LA GALEKE REALE. 

(French Galley, First Class, 17th Century.) 




THE VICTORY. 
(Lord Nelson's Flag-ship at Trafalgar. Line-of-Battle Ship, 100 guns. 



THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 357 

captors carried off their prize safely. In this spirited 
engagement the English had eleven killed, fifty-seven 
wounded, and one drowned. The latter was in one of the 
English boats sunk by the French shot. 

The Chevrette lost her captain, two lieutenants, three 
midshipmen, one lieutenant of soldiers, and eighty-five 
seamen and troops killed; and one lieutenant, four mid- 
shipmen, and fifty-seven seamen and troops wounded; 
total, 92 killed and 62 wounded. 



358 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXVII. 

BOAT ATTACK UPON THE FRENCH FLOTILLA, 
AT BOULOGNE. A. D. 1801, 




N OTHER boat attack of the English upon 
the French, in the same year as the cut- 
ting-out of the Chevrette, did not result 
so favorably for the attacking party, even 
if their exertions were directed by no 
less a person than Lord Nelson himself. 
The fall of the year 1801 was the 
season decided upon by Napoleon for 
putting in execution his famous plan for invading Eng- 
land. As this became known it was thought desirable, 
by his vigilant and powerful enemies on the other side 
of the Channel, to attack the flotilla of gun-boats and 
small craft which he had collected at Boulogne, and other 
ports, for the conveyance of his army. Accordingly, on 
July 30th, Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson hoisted his flag on 
board the frigate Medusa, 32, then lying in the Downs, as 
commander-in-chief, not only of the squadron for the 
special service, but of all the defences constructing along 
the south shores of England, from Orfordness to Beachey 
Head. 

On the 3d of August Lord Nelson, having with him- 
about thirty vessels, great and small, stood across to 
Boulogne, the port whence it was supposed the main 
attempt would be made against England, and which the 



ATTACK UPON FRENCH FLOTILLA AT BOULOGNE. 359 

French, fearing attack themselves, had recently been 
fortifying- with considerable care. 

On the morning of the 4th the English bomb- vessels 
threw their shells among the French flotilla, which con- 
sisted of twenty- four brigs, many lugger-rigged flats, and a 
schooner, anchored in line in front of the town. These 
brigs were vessels of about 200 tons, and generally armed 
with from four to eight heavy long guns. The lugger-flats 
drew but about three or four feet of water, had very stout 
bulwarks, and were armed with a 13-inch mortar, a long 
gun, swivels and small arms. They each carried about 
thirty men in crew, and one hundred and fifty soldiers 
besides. Bonaparte had an immense number of these 
lugger-flats constructed, all along the northern coast of 
France, for the conveyance of his army. It is hard to see 
how they were to be successful in accomplishing the 
object, in that spot of swift, uncertain tides, irregular 
currents, and most changeable weather. Nelson's 
bombardment of Boulogne, on the morning of the 4th of 
August, amounted to nothing, and he retired. 

On the night of August 13th, however, Nelson dis- 
patched the armed boats of his squadron, formed into 
four grand divisions, and commanded by four captains, 
and accompanied by a division of mortar-boats, to attempt 
to capture and bring off the French flotilla at Boulogne, 
which had been very much strengthened since the last 
attack. 

The boats put off from Nelson's flag-ship at about half 
past eleven at night, in perfect order ; but the darkness 
of the night cooperating with the tides and currents, soon 
separated the divisions. One of them, indeed, was 
obliged to return, and never reached the scene of action 
at all. Another division was carried by the currents far 
to the eastward, but at length, by dint of great exertion, 



3G0 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

reached the French flotilla just before daylight. Some 
portion of the boats then attacked, and after a short 
contest carried, a brig lying close to the pier head, but 
were prevented from towing her off, in consequence of 
her being secured with chains, and partly because of a 
heavy fire of musketry and grape-shot from the shore, 
and from other vessels moored close to. 

In fact, the English "caught a Tartar," and, abandoning 
their single prize, as the day broke pushed out of the 
range of French fire. They had accomplished nothing, 
and this division, which was commanded by Captain 
Somerville, had eighteen killed and fifty-five wounded. 

Another division, under Captain Parker, had less 
trouble from the current, and got to the scene of action 
half an hour after midnight. They attacked one of the 
largest of the French brigs, most gallantly and impetu- 
ously, but a very strong boarding netting, triced up 
completely to her lower yards, baffled the British in their 
endeavors to board, while a general discharge of her 
great guns and small arms, the latter from about 200 
soldiers on board, dashed the assailants back, bleeding 
and dazed, into their boats. Some other vessels were 
attacked, with a like result, and this division had also to 
retire, with a loss of twenty-one killed, and forty-two 
wounded. 

The third and last division of Nelson's boats which 
succeeded in reaching the enemy attacked with the same 
gallantry, and were repulsed as decidedly. They had five 
killed and twenty-nine wounded. Grand total, 44 killed, 
and 126 wounded. In addition the English had to leave 
behind them not a few of their boats ; and the affair was 
in every respect a triumph for the French, in spite of the 
master mind which conceived it. 



COPENHAGEN. 



361 



XXVIII. 

COPENHAGEN. A.D. 1801. 




N the year 1800 the surrender of Malta to 
the English fleet gave it the mastery in the 
Mediterranean; and General Abercrombie, 
with a British force, landing at Aboukir Bay, 
defeated the French army which Bonaparte 
had left in Egypt, and which soon after 
found itself forced to surrender. 

By the evacuation of Egypt, India was 
secured, and Turkey was prevented from becoming a 
dependency of France. 

England now turned her attention to the Northern 
coalition. 

The treaty of Luneville had left her alone in the 
struggle against France. 

The Northern powers, wishing to secure their com- 
merce from insult and capture by the always increasing 
naval power of England, had formed a coalition, headed 
by the Czar Peter, and revived the claim that a neutral 
flag should cover even contraband of war. 

Denmark, which had been very active in the combina- 
tion, was the first to feel the weight of the anger of the 
British Cabinet. 

The Danish naval force consisted of about ten sail of 
seventy-fours and sixty-fours, in fair order, and of about 
as many more which were unserviceable. The Russians 
had about twenty sail available, and the Swedes eleven sail. 



362 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

In the month of March, 1801, before the fleets of 
Sweden and Russia could join that of Denmark, and thus 
form a combined fleet which could hope to resist English 
encroachments, England dispatched a fleet to the 
Cattegat, under Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, with Lord 
Nelson as second in command. 

This fleet carried a commissioner, with full powers to 
treat, and charged to offer to the Danes peace or war. 
Peace, if they abandoned the Northern confederation, by 
opening the passage of the Sound to England, and by 
forbidding their men-of-war to protect their merchant 
convoys from the arbitrary and insolent visits of English 
men-of-war; war, if Denmark wished to preserve her 
maritime independence. The Danish government indig- 
nantly repelled the insulting ultimatum; and the English 
fleet at once forced the passage of the Sound, in spite of 
the batteries erected to prevent it. The King of Den- 
mark had hastened to prepare his Capital and its 
surroundings for defence; and the Prince Royal took 
command of the whole of the operations, military and 
naval. As regards the operations of the British fleet, we 
shall now follow the English accounts, as they do not 
materially differ from those which come from Danish and 
French sources. The severe action which followed 
redounded to the glory of Nelson (the Commander-in-- 
chief, Sir Hyde Parker, being quite a secondary charac- 
ter), as well as to the conspicuous and stubborn courage 
of the Danes. 

We must remember that the great genius of Nelson 
directed the best efforts of some of the best and hardiest 
men-of-war's men of the time; while the Danes, after a 
long peace, were little accustomed either to stand fire, or 
to naval evolutions. But, nevertheless, they fought with 
devoted bravery; and made a most gallant, though 



COPENHAGEN. 363 

ineffectual resistance ; seldom equaled, and never 
excelled. 

To return to the action. The pilots, who were to take 
the fleet in, through very shallow waters, and channels 
between dangerous sand-bars, and who were not to share 
the honors, found it well to magnify the dangers of the 
shallow Sound ; and their conduct caused some delay. 

During this time, Sir Hyde Parker sent a flag of truce 
to the Governor of Elsinore, to inquire if he meant to 
oppose the passage of the fleet through the Sound. It is 
almost impossible to imagine a greater insult to a weak 
nation, than such an inquiry. Governor Strieker, to his 
honor, replied that the guns of the Castle would 
certainly be fired at any British ships of war which 
approached. At length, on the morning of the 30th of 
March, the British fleet weighed anchor, from a point at 
the entrance of the Sound, and, with the wind about 
northwest, and consequently fair, proceeded into the 
Sound, in line ahead. The English fleet was composed 
of the 98-gun ship London, Sir Hyde Parker's flag-ship, 
and the St. George, 98, with the flag of Vice-Admiral 
Lord Nelson. There were, in addition, eleven 74s, five 
64s, one 54, one 50, one 38, two 2,6s, and one 32. 

Of these, six 74s, three 64s, and all the smaller vessels 
were afterwards placed under Nelson's orders, and bore 
the brunt of the battle. 

As the fleet entered the Sound, the van division was 
commanded by Lord Nelson, in the Elephant, a 74 (into 
which ship, as a lighter and more active one than the St. 
George, he had, on the preceding day, shifted his flag), 
the centre division by the Commander-in-chief, and the 
rear division by Rear-Admiral Graves. At seven the 
batteries at Elsinore commenced firing at the Monarch, 
which was the leading ship, and at the other ships, as they 



364 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

passed in succession. The distance was, however, so 
great, that not a shot struck the ships; and only the van 
ships fired in return, and even those did not fire more 
than three broadsides. A gun burst on one of the 
English ships, and killed seven men, and this comprised 
the whole loss in the passage of the Sound. The English 
bomb-vessels, seven in number, threw shell at the Danes, 
however, and thereby killed and wounded a few in 
Cronenbere and Helsing-en. As the Strait at Elsinore is 
less than three miles across, a mid-channel passage would 
have exposed the ships to a fire from Cronenberg Castle 
on the one side, and from the Swedish town of Helsin- 
borg on the other; but the latter had very inconsiderable 
batteries, and did not make even a show of opposition. 
On observing this, the British inclined to the Swedish 
shore, passing within less than a mile of it, and thus 
avoiding a fire that, coming from nearly one hundred 
pieces of cannon, could not fail to have been destructive. 

About noon the fleet anchored at some distance above 
the Island of Huen, which is about fifteen miles distant 
from Copenhagen. 

Sir Hyde Parker, Vice-Admiral Nelson, and Rear- 
Admiral Graves, then proceeded, in a lugger, to recon- 
noitre the Danish defences; and they soon ascertained 
that they were of considerable strength. In consequence 
of this discovery a council of war was held in the evening, 
with the usual result, a majority urging an abandonment 
of the enterprise, or, at least, a delay in the attack. But 
Nelson prevailed, and offered, if given ten sail-of-the-line, 
and all the small craft, to accomplish the business before 
them. 

Admiral Parker complied, without hesitation; and he, 
moreover, granted Nelson two more ships of-the-line than 
he had asked for. It required light-draft ships for the 




SHIPS PITCHING. 
BARQUE ROLLING. 
SHIPWRECK. 



MANAGEMENT OF VESSELS, No. 1. 



COPENHAGEN. dbO 

work in hand, for the force at Copenhagen was not the 
only obstacle to be overcome. It was approached by an 
intricate channel, but little known. 

To increase the difficulty, the Danes had removed or 
misplaced the buoys. That same night Lord Nelson 
himself, accompanied by Captain Brisbane and some 
others, proceeded to sound and buoy the outer channel, 
a narrow passage lying between the Island of Saltholm 
and the Middle Ground. This was a very difficult and 
fatiguing duty, but was duly accomplished. 

An attack from the eastward was at first contemplated; 
but a second examination of the Danish position, on the 
next day, as well as a favorable change in the wind, 
determined Nelson to commence operations from the 
southward. 

On the morning of the ist of April the British fleet 
weighed anchor, and soon came to again to the northwest 
of the Middle Ground, a shoal that extends along the 
whole sea front of the City of Copenhagen, leaving an 
intervening channel of deep water, called the Konig- 
stiefe, about three-quarters of a mile wide. In this 
channel, close to the town, the Danes had moored their 
block-ships, radeaus, praams (or armed lighters), and 
other gun-vessels. In the course of the forenoon Lord 
Nelson reconnoitred, for the last time, the position he was 
about to attack; and upon his return, about one in the 
afternoon, the signal to weigh appeared at the Elephant's 
mast-head, and the division set sail, with a light and 
favorable wind. Nelson had, in addition to his force 
already given, been joined by one 28, two 24s, and two 
18-gun sloops, making his whole force to consist of 
thirty-two sail, large and small. 

Captain Riou led, in the Amazon, 38, and the ships 
entered the upper channel, and coasted along the edge 



366 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of the Middle Ground, until they reached and partly 
rounded the southern extremity. Here they anchored, 
about eight o'clock in the evening, just as it grew dark; 
and they were then about two miles from the southern- 
most ship of the Danish line of defence. 

The same northwesterly wind that had been fair for 
passing along the outer channel, was now as foul foi 
advancing by the inner one. It was also necessary to 
wait for daylight, in such intricate navigation. The night 
was passed in taking soundings, and the depth was ascer- 
tained, up to the Danish line. 

The additional vessels, consisting of seven bomb-ships, 
two fire-ships, and six gun-brigs were brought in; and 
then there was nothing to do but wait until morning, as 
the few shells thrown by the Danes burst harmlessly. 

We must now look at the Danish force. It consisted 
of eighteen vessels, of different kinds. Some old and 
dismantled two-decked ships, frigates, praams and 
radeaus, mounting, altogether, 628 guns, were moored in 
a line of about a mile in extent. These were flanked at 
the north end, or that nearest the town, by two artificial 
islands, called the Trekroner batteries, one of thirty 24- 
pounders, and the other of thirty-eight 36-pounders, with 
furnaces for heating shot; and both of them commanded 
by two two-decked block-ships. 

The entrance to the docks and harbor, in the heart of 
the city, was protected by a chain, and by batteries; while, 
in addition, the 74-gun ships Dannemark and Trekroner, 
a frigate, and some large gun-vessels (some of them with 
furnaces for hot shot), were moored about the harbor's 
mouth. Several batteries were built along- the shore of 

o 

Amaag Island, to the southward of the floating line of 
defence; while the indignant Danes flocked to man the 



COPENHAGEN. 367 

works, animated by the desire to repel the invaders by 
every possible means. 

Morning dawned, on the second of April, with a south- 
easterly wind, which was favorable to the English. As soon 
as signals could be seen, one was made for all Captains 
to repair on board the flag-ship, when their stations were 
assigned them. The line-of-battle ships were intended to 
anchor by the stern, abreast of the vessels of the enemy's 
line. Most of the frigates and the fire-ships were to 
operate against the vessels at the harbor's mouth. The 
bomb-vessels were to take their stations outside the 
British line, so as to throw their shells over it; while two 
frigates and some gun-vessels and brigs were to take a 
position for raking the southern extremity of the Danish 
line. The 49th English Regiment, which was on board 
some of the vessels, and five hundred seamen, under 
Captain Freemantle, of the Ganges, were intended, at the 
proper time, to storm the principal of the Trekroner 
batteries. Of course this was to be when the ships had 
silenced its fire. 

By nine o'clock everything was ready; a silence reigned 
before the storm began, and "the stoutest held their 
breath for a time." 

But now Nelson was hampered by the hesitation and 
indecision of the pilots. 

At last Mr. Briarly, the Master of the Bellona, under- 
took to lead the fleet in, and for that purpose went on 
board the Edgar; and at half-past nine the ships began 
to weigh, in succession. The Edgar led. The Aga- 
memnon was to follow, but was unable to weather the 
shoal, and was forced to bring to again, in only six 
fathoms of water. Although she tried again, by warping, 
the current was such that Nelson's old and favorite ship 
was utterly unable to get any nearer. 



o6S NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Two more ships succeeded in following the Edgar, but 
the third, the Bellona, 74, got aground, abreast of the 
Danish block-ship Provesteen, and the Russell, 74, follow- 
ing her, had the same mishap. They were within long 
gun-shot. In compliance with the wish of the pilots, each 
ship had been ordered to pass her leader on the star- 
board side, from a supposition that the water shoaled on 
the other shore; in fact, the water kept deepening all the 
way to the Danish line. The Elephant came next, and 
Lord Nelson, perceiving the situation of the ships 
aground, by a happy stroke, ordered his helm to be put 
to starboard, and passed within those ships, as did, in 
safety, all those who came after him. Had it not been 
for this, most of the large vessels would have run ashore, 
and been practically useless. As soon as Lord Nelson's 
squadron weighed, Sir Hyde Parker's eight ships did 
the same, and took up a new position to the north, but 
too far off, on account of shoal water, to effect much by 
their fire. 

At ten o'clock the fire opened, and by half-past eleven, 
as the ships came into their stations, the action became 
general. Owing to the strength of the current, the 
Jamaica, 28, and many of the English gun-boats were 
unable to get into a position to be of much service, while 
the fire of the bomb-vessels was not nearly so destruc- 
tive as had been expected. 

The absence of the Bellona and Russell, 74s, and of 
the Agamemnon, 64, was much felt, as it caused some of 
the British vessels which got in to have more than their 
share of fire. 

And now the two lines were enveloped in powder 
smoke and flame for three long hours. Horrible scenes, 
and dreadful wounds and destruction always follow a 
bombardment by the heavy guns which ships carry, as 



COPENHAGEN. 3G9 

compared with the field artillery of a land battle. During 
all this time the fight was maintained with a courage and 
persistence seldom equalled, and never excelled. 

At the end of three hours' very heavy firing, few, if 
any, of the Danish block-ships, praams, or radeaus had 
ceased firing; nor could the contest be said to have 
taken a decisive turn for either side. To use a vulvar 
but expressive saying, the English had " a hard nut to 
crack" in the Danes. At this time signals of distress 
were flying at the mast-heads of two English line-of-battle 
ships, and a signal of inability on board a third. 

Sir Hyde Parker, from his distance from the scene of 
action, could judge but imperfectly of the condition of 
affairs. Observing the slow progress, and zig-zag courses 
of the Defence and Ramillies, 74s, and the Veteran, 64, 
which he had despatched as a reinforcement to his Vice- 
Admiral, he argued that matters were not progressing 
favorably for the attacking force; and so he threw out 
the signal for discontinuing the engagement. Had this 
been done, the last ships to retire, of the English, as well 
as those on shore, would have been placed in a most 
dangerous predicament. Lord Nelson chose, on this 
occasion, to disobey orders. It is a remarkable fact that, 
with regard to discipline, some of the greatest leaders 
have been the most recusant. No one can deny Lord 
Nelson's genius as a leader of fleets, but all who are 
interested in navies must regret the example he set upon 
this occasion. He, himself, would have had any man 
shot who disobeyed orders, under fire, as he did Sir Hyde 
Parker's. The result obtained by his disobedience justi- 
fies the act, in the civil mind; but the far-reaching effects 
of disobedience of the kind can only be estimated by those 
who have served in fleets or armies. 

The three frigates and two sloops nearest to the 
24 



370 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

London and her division, did, without question, obey the 
signal, and hauled off from the Trekroner batteries. The 
gallant Captain Riou, of the Amazon, was shot in two, 
and that frigate sustained her greatest loss in obeying 
Sir Hyde Parker's order, which required him to present 
his stern to one of the Trekroner batteries. 

When Sir Hyde Parker made the signal to retire, it 
was reported to Nelson by his signal lieutenant. He 
continued to walk the deck, and appeared to take no 
notice of it. The signal officer met him at the next turn, 
and asked him if he should repeat the signal, as is usual 
with those coming from a Commander-in-chief to a second 
in command. 

"No," said Nelson, "acknowledge it." 

Presently, Nelson asked the signal lieutenant if the 
signal for close action was still hoisted; and being- 
answered in the affirmative, said, "Mind you keep it so!" 

"He now paced the deck, moving the stump of his lost 
arm in a manner that, with him, always indicated great 
emotion. 'Do you know,' said he, what is shown on 
board the Commander-in-chief?' 'Number 39!' Mr. 
Fergusson asked him what that meant. 'Why, to leave 
off action.' Then, shrugging up his shoulders, he 
repeated the words 'leave off action? now d — n me if I 
do! You know, Foley,' turning to the captain of his flag- 
ship, 'I have only one eye, I have a right to be blind 
sometimes,' and then, putting the glass to his blind eye, 
in that mood of mind which sports with bitterness, he 
exclaimed, T really do not see the signal.' Presently he 
exclaimed ' D — n the signal ! Keep mine for closer battle 
flying! That's the way I answer such signals. Nail 
mine to the mast' " 

About two o'clock in the afternoon the fire of the Danes 
had begun to slacken ; and soon after it had ceased along 



COPENHAGEN. 371 

nearly their whole line. Some of their light vessels and 
floating- batteries had got adrift, and some had struck 
their colors, but could not be taken possession of for 
the reason that the nature of the action was such that 
the crews were continually reinforced from the shore ; 
and fresh men coming on board did not inquire whether 
the flag had been struck, or, perhaps, did not heed it; 
many, or most of them, never having been engaged in 
war before, and knowing nothing, therefore, of its laws, 
thought only of defending their country to the last 
extremity. The firing on the boats which went to take 
possession of those Danish vessels whose flags were 
not flying greatly irritated Nelson ; who, at one time, 
had thoughts of sending in the fire-ships, to burn such 
vessels. 

During the pause in the action, he sent a letter to the 
Danish Crown Prince, in which he said, according to 
Southey, " Vice-Admiral Nelson has been commanded 
to spare Denmark when she no longer resists. The line 
of defence which covered her shores has struck to the 
British flag; but if the firing is continued on the part of 
Denmark, he mustset on fire all the prizes that he has taken, 
without having the power of saving the men who have so 
nobly defended them. The brave Danes are the brothers, 
and shoi>ld never be the enemies of the English." The 
account goes on to say that a wafer was given him to 
close this letter, but he ordered a candle to be brought 
.rom the surgeon's quarters, and sealed the letter with 
wax, affixing a larger seal than he ordinarily used. " This," 
said he, " is no time to appear hurried or informal." 

Nelson's letter is probably correctly given in Southey, 
but the French say that he asked for Denmark to consent 
at once to leave the Northern Confederation, to permit the 
English to caulk and refit their ships in the Danish dock 



372 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

yard ; and to receive the English wounded in the Copen- 
hagen hospitals. 

Captain Sir Frederick Thesiger, with a flag of truce, 
carried the letter on shore, and found the Crown Prince 
at the sally-port. The fire of a part of the English line 
against the Danish block-ships was still kept up, and 
about this time silenced them. But the great Trekroner 
battery was comparatively uninjured. This battery there- 
fore continued its fire ; and, having had a reinforcement 
thrown in from the shore, was considered too strong to 
be stormed. 

It was now deemed advisable to withdraw the English 
ships from the intricate channel while the wind continued 
fair ; and preparations to that end were making, when 
the Danish Adjutant-General appeared, bearing a flag of 
truce. Upon this, the Trekroner ceased firing, and the 
action, after continuing five hours, during four of which 
it had been very warmly contested, was brought to a 
close. 

The message was to inquire the particular object of 
Lord Nelson's note. The latter replied that he consented 
to stay hostilities from motives of humanity. He wished 
the Danish wounded to be taken on shore ; to take his 
prisoners out of the prizes ; and to burn or carry off the 
latter, as he should think fit. He also expressed a hope 
for reconciliation between the two countries; a bitter 
thing, under the circumstances. 

Sir Frederick Thesiger, who had returned with the 
Danish Adjutant-General, was again sent with this reply, 
and he was referred to the Crown Prince for a final 
adjustment of terms. It is said that the populace were 
so excited that the flag-of-truce officer was in danger of 
his life. The interval was taken advantage of to get the 
leading British ships, all of whom were much crippled in 



COPENHAGEN. 373 

rigging- and sails, out of their very precarious position. 
The Monarch led the way out, but touched on the shoal ; 
but the Ganges, striking her amidships, pushed her over 
it. The Glatton passed clear, but the Elephant and the 
Defiance grounded about a mile from the formidable 
Trekroner battery, and there remained fixed, for many 
hours, in spite of every exertion. The Desiree also 
grounded, close to the Bellona. Soon after the Elephant 
grounded Lord Nelson left her, and followed the Danish 
Adjutant General to the London, Sir Hyde Parker's 
flag-ship. 

Here an important conference was held. It is said 
that Nelson remarked to the Danish officer that "the 
French fight well, but they would not have borne for one 
hour what the Danes have borne for five. I have been 
in many battles, but that of to-day is by far the most 
terrible." 

During the whole of the night of April 2d the British 
were occupied getting out their prizes, and in floating their 
grounded ships. On the morning of the 3d all of the 
latter but the Desiree were got off. 

The negotiations lasted five days, and during that time 
all the prizes, except the 60-gun ship Holstein, were set 
on fire and destroyed. Most of those so destroyed were 
not worth carrying away. 

On the 9th of April an armistice of fourteen weeks was 
agreed upon ; Denmark agreeing, in that time, to suspend 
all proceedings under the treaty of armed neutrality 
which she had entered into with Sweden and Russia. 

The prisoners were sent on shore, to be accounted for 
in case hostilities should be renewed ; and the British 
fleet had permission to purchase fresh provisions and 
supplies at Copenhagen, and along the coast adjoining 

In the action before Copenhagen the loss, in killed and 



374 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

wounded, of the British fleet, was about twelve hundred. 
The Danish loss is put down at between sixteen and 
eighteen hundred, and, with prisoners taken, at about six 
thousand. 

Although the affair, as a mere fight, might be con- 
sidered a drawn battle, the first overture having come 
from the English, the victory clearly remained with the 
latter, for they got almost everything they demanded. 
The Danes were much inferior in number of guns, and 
are entitled to every credit for the splendid resistance 
they made. 

On the 1 2th of April Admiral Parker despatched to 
England the prize ship Holstein, of 60 guns, conveying 
most of his wounded men, and also one or two of his 
own ships which had been much disabled. He then 
transhipped the guns of his heavy ships into chartered 
vessels, and managed to get his fleet into the Baltic in 
this way, instead of going round by the Belts. This feat 
astonished the Swedes, Russians, Danes and Prussians, 
who had not imagined that such ships could be brought 
into the Baltic by that channel. 

Parker's first object was to attack the Russian squadron, 
at Revel, before the breaking up of the ice should enable 
it to join the Swedish fleet at Carlscrona. The move- 
ment resulted in no battle, but in negotiations, by which 
a peaceable solution of the existing difficulties could be 
had. 

A characteristic action of Lord Nelson may here be 
related. The St. George, his flag-ship, had had great 
difficulty in passing the shoals, and was among the last 
to get over, while Sir Hyde Parker had proceeded, with 
most of the fleet. A head wind set in, and the St. 
George was again detained. Hearing that the Swedish 
fleet had come out, Lord Nelson instantly quitted the St. 



COPENHAGEN. 375 

George, accompanied by the master of the Bellona, Mr. 
Briarly, in a six-oared cutter, to join the Admiral, who 
was twenty-four miles off. They had to pull in the teeth 
of a strong wind and current, and Nelson had not stopped 
even to get a boat-cloak, so necessary at that early season 
of the year. He was in this boat nearly six hours, refus- 
ing to put on a great coat offered him. " No," he said, " I 
am not cold ; my anxiety will keep me warm. Do you 
think the fleet has sailed?" "I should suppose not, my 
Lord," said Briarly. "If they have," said Nelson, "I shall 
follow them to Carlscrona in the boat, by G — d ! " Now, 
the distance to Carlscrona was about one hundred and 
fifty miles. 

At midnight Nelson reached the fleet, which had not 
sailed. 

The Emperor Paul had now died, and his successor, 
Alexander ist, was disposed to make overtures looking 
towards peace, so that the succeeding movements of 
Parker and Nelson, in the Baltic, do not come within our 
province. 

COPENHAGEN, 1807. 

In this connection we must refer to another attack 
made by the British upon the luckless city of Copen- 
hagen. 

This is not the place to raise the question as to whether 
governments, as such, should be governed by a different 
code of morality from individuals; or whether "reasons 
of State" (which are generally the will of one man) 
should be substituted with impunity for common human- 
ity, justice, and the rights of man. 

But the impropriety of discussing the question in this 
place should not prevent us from declaring that there 
never was a greater abuse of force than in the second 



376 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

attack of England on the comparatively feeble State of 
Denmark, in 1807. It is only fair to say that a large 
body of English subjects condemned it then, and con- 
demn it now; and it is the English ministry of that day 
which must bear the blame, in the eyes of succeeding 
generations. 

In the treaty of Tilsit (1807), France and Russia were 
put upon a most intimate and friendly footing; and 
Russia undertook to act as mediator between France and 
England, for the conclusion of a peace, at least as 
regarded maritime operations. In accordance with his 
engagements, the Emperor Alexander addressed a note 
to the English government; but his overtures were very 
coldly received. Castlereagh, Canning and Percival, the 
inheritors of Pitt's policy, and of his hatred of the French 
(but not of his great abilities), saw their power and 
influence upon the Continent of Europe decreasing, while 
Napoleon's was growing. 

They, therefore, determined upon an expedition of 
magnitude, which, while it would occupy the minds of the 
people at home, and thereby disconcert the plans of the 
opposition, would renew the terror in which their arms 
had been held abroad. 

The plan was to renew the attack upon Denmark, as 
in 1 80 1, but the operations were to be carried out in an 
even more thorough and ruthless manner. 

Denmark had joined the new coalition against England, 
and Napoleon was at the bottom of it; but no declaration 
of war was made by England against Denmark, and that 
small kingdom, not suspecting any such design at that 
moment, was to see all the horrors of war suddenly let 
loose upon her. Her sole wrong, in the eyes of the 
British Cabinet, was the possession of a navy, still of some 



COPENHAGEN. 377 

strength, which might be used by the coalition against 
England. 

Denmark was, at the time, observing a strict neutrality, 
and, although forced to acquiesce in the condition of things 
consequent upon Napoleon's occupation of northern 
Europe, had not joined in the Continental blockade. 
Mistrusting France even more than England, she had 
sent most of her army into Holstein, with a view to caus- 
ing the French to respect her frontier. The best policy 
of England, under the circumstances, would have been 
to keep on terms with Denmark, and if there was any 
pressure to be exercised to make her take sides in the 
great events then transpiring, to leave the odium of such 
a measure upon Napoleon. But the British Cabinet 
resolved to secure the Danish fleet, at all hazards, and so 
put it out of the power of that nation or of Napoleon 
ever to use it against England. 

To give color to their aggression upon the sovereign 
rights of Denmark, the British Cabinet alleged that they 
had knowledge of a stipulation in the Treaty of Tilsit, 
which brought Denmark fully into the Continental coali- 
tion ; and, as we have said, the expedition was undertaken 
to carry off from Napoleon the Danish naval resources, 
and it was therefore said to be an act of legitimate defence 
on the part of England. 

In the latter part of July, 1807, Admiral Gambier sailed 
from England, with twenty-five sail-of-the-line, forty frig- 
ates, and three hundred and seventy-seven transports, 
carrying 20,000 troops, commanded by General Cathcart. 
The latter was to be joined by seven or eight thousand 
more troops, returning from the siege of Stralsund. At 
this time almost all the Danish troops were in Holstein ; 
and the English plan, a well conceived one, was to seize 
the Belts, with a portion of the fleet, intercept the passages 



378 NAVAL BAT1LES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and prevent the return of the Danish army to the relief 
of Copenhagen. Then a strong land force was to be 
landed near Copenhagen, and that city to be destroyed 
by bombardment, in case she should refuse to surrender. 

The English fleet appeared in the Sound on the 3d of 
August ; arid Admiral Gambier at once despatched Com- 
modore Keats, with a suitable force, to secure the Belts, 
and prevent all passage from the mainland to the Danish 
islands. The fleet then proceeded down the Sound, 
and anchored in Elsinore Road. ' The Admiral sent' 
Commissioner Jackson to the Crown Prince, then acting 
as Regent of Denmark, to propose an alliance, offensive 
and defensive, with England. He was also to demand 
the surrender of Kronberg Castle to the English army, 
and the port of Copenhagen and the Danish fleet 
to the navy, protesting that they were only to be held 
until the return of general peace in Europe, and then 
to be loyally returned. These outrageous proposals 
were too much for the Crown Prince's diplomatic reserve. 
"Never in history," he cried out, "was seen so odious an 
attack as is contemplated against Denmark." " We may 
expect more honorable ideas from the Barbary pirates 
than from the English government. You propose an 
alliance ! We know what alliance with you means. We 
have seen your allies waiting a whole year, in vain, for 
promised assistance ! " 

The Commissioner said that England would pay, cash 
down, for any injuries which Denmark might receive in 
consequence of such an alliance. "And with what," said 
the indignant Prince, " would you pay for our lost honor, 
if we acceded to so humiliating a proposition ? " Upon 
receiving this answer Jackson withdrew, and hostilities at 
once be^an. 

The garrison of Copenhagen consisted of about eight 



COPENHAGEN. 379 

thousand men. There were some regular troops, but the 
most of the defenders were volunteers, students and 
citizens. Entrenchments and batteries were raised,, and 
armed; hulks were moored in the passes, and others sunk, 
to prevent the English ships from coming in. The fleet, 
the main object of the attack, was sheltered in the inner 
basins of the dock- yard. But the Danish preparations 
were only intended to resist assault, and were powerless 
against bombardment. 

The Prince Regent, having taken all precautions which 
circumstances permitted, committed the charge of the city 
and its defences to General Peyman, a brave and worthy 
soldier, with orders to resist to the last; and then hurried 
away into Holstein, to endeavor to find some means of 
bringing the Danish army to the rescue. At the same 
time General Castenskiod was ordered to assemble the 
military of Zealand. But these untrained levies could be 
of very little use against the veteran English troops, and 
the devoted city was left to the defence of General 
Peyman's small force. 

When Jackson returned to the British fleet the word 
was given, and a shocking scene of slaughter and destruc- 
tion ensued. The troops debarked to the north of 
Copenhagen. Most of them were Hessians and other 
Germans in English employ. It was known that the city 
could not be carried by assault without fearful loss to the 
attacking party, so the English troops approached, threw 
up some works, but did not attempt a regular siege. A 
bombardment was the means resorted to ; and by this 
dreadful means the city was to be burned and ruined, 
until the Danes submitted. It was now that Colonel 
Congreve made the first trial, in actual warfare, of the 
destructive rockets which bear his name. 

On the i st of September the English preparations were 



380 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

completed. Cathcart had erected a battery of sixty-eight 
pieces, forty-eight of which were mortars. He then 
summoned the city, demanding the port, arsenal and 
fleet, on pain of burning the place. In his letter he 
prayed General Peyman to yield, and not force him to 
extremity against a place filled with non-combatants, 
women and children. Peyman, true to the trust confided 
in him by the Crown Prince, and sustained by the indig- 
nant citizens, answered the summons in the negative. 

On the 2d of September, in the evening, the bombard- 
ment commenced, and a hail of shell, rockets, and other 
missiles fell upon the city. The best answer possible was 
made, but the English were so sheltered by their 
defences that their loss was nothing. It continued all 
night and part of the next day ; and was then suspended 
to see if Peyman yet thought of surrender. 

Hundreds of Danes had been killed, and many 
destructive fires had occurred. Many of the finest build- 
ings were destroyed, and the whole of the male popula- 
tion who were not in the trenches were exhausted by the 
labor which they had undergone in trying to extinguish 
the flames. Peyman resolved to hold out still, and the 
bombardment was renewed on the evening of the 3d, 
assisted by the bomb-vessels of the English fleet. With 
a short interval it was continued until the morning of the 
5th; a population of 100,000 being all this time exposed 
to a rain of missiles. The destruction was, of course, very 
great. About two thousands persons were killed, many 
of them old people and children, while some of the finest 
buildings and several hundred dwellings were destroyed. 
At last, having made an heroic defence, General Peyman, 
to save the rest of the city, determined to capitulate. 
By the articles agreed upon the English were to remain 
in possession six weeks, the time estimated as necessary 



COPENHAGEN. 381 

to fit out the vessels which were to be taken away. The 
Danes saw this spoliation with helpless rage and anguish, 
and when they turned away, they had the sight of their 
half ruined city before their eyes. 

The English fitted out, and carried off, sixteen ships of 
the line, about twenty frigates and brigs, and all the stores, 
rigging, timber, and ship-building tools from the dock- 
yard. The ships on the stocks, and the condemned hulks 
were burned. It took 20,000 tons of transport shipping 
to carry off the stores which were taken. 

The casualties of both the British army and navy, in this 
expedition, amounted to only fifty-six killed, one hundred 
and seventy-five wounded, and twenty-five missing. 



382 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

XXIX. 

TRAFALGAR. OCTOBER 21ST, A.D. 1805. 




HE year 1805 was a momentous period in 
the history of Europe. Napoleon had long 
meditated the invasion of England, saying 
" Let us be masters of the Channel for six 
hours, and we are masters of the world." 
A skillfully combined plan, by which the 
British fleet would have been divided, while 
the whole French navy was concentrated 
in the Channel, was delayed by the death of the Admiral 
designated to execute it. But an alliance with Spain 
placed the Spanish fleet at Bonaparte's disposal, in 1805, 
and he formed a fresh scheme for its union with that of 
France, the crushing of the fleet under Cornwallis, which 
blocked the Channel ports, before Admiral Nelson could 
come to its support, and a crossing of the vast armament 
so protected to the British shores. The plan was to draw 
Nelson away in pursuit of the French fleet, which was 
then suddenly to return and crush the English Channel 
squadron. 

Nelson, now in command of the Mediterranean and 
Cadiz fleet, had been searching diligently for the French 
Toulon fleet, and was much concerned that he could not 
find it. 

In February, 1 805 he had been down as far as Egypt, but 
found nothing there, and, half distracted with anxiety, 
steered for Malta. Soon after arriving there he received 



TRAFALGAR. 383 

from Naples intelligence of what had, in reality, become 
of the French fleet. 

At that time he wrote to the Admiralty, to say " I have 
consulted no man, therefore the whole blame of ignorance 
in forming my judgment must rest with me. I would 
allow no man to take from me an atom of my glory had I 
fallen in with the French fleet, nor do I desire any man 
to partake of any of the responsibility. All is mine, right 
or wrono-. ****«! consider the character of 
Bonaparte, and that the orders given by him on the banks 
of the Seine would not take into consideration wind or 
weather." 

In a letter to Captain Ball, at Malta, of April 19, 1805, 
when the fleet, going to the westward, was buffeting with 
head winds, he says, " My good fortune, my dear Ball, 
seems flown away. I cannot get a fair wind, or even a 
side wind — dead foul ! dead foul ! but my mind is fully 
made up what to do when I leave the Straits, supposing 
there is no certain information of the enemy's destination. 
I believe this ill luck will go near to kill me ; but, as these 
are times for exertion, I must not be cast down, whatever 
I feel." 

At this very time Nelson had before him a letter 
from the Physician of the fleet, enforcing his return to 
England before the hot months, such was his bad state of 
health. 

"Therefore," he writes, in spite of this, "notwithstand- 
ing, I shall pursue the enemy to the West or East Indies, 
if I know that to have been their destination ; yet, if the 
Mediterranean fleet joins the Channel, I shall request, 
with that order (from the Physician), permission to go 

on shore." 

On April 8th, 1805, the French fleet passed the Straits 
of Gibraltar, and the same afternoon entered Cadiz, 



384 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

driving off the small British squadron then there, under 
Sir John Orde. 

Here a number of Spanish men-of-war joined the 
French Admiral ; and on the 9th the combined fleet — 
five Spanish and twelve French ships-of-the-line, seven 
frigates, a corvette and three brigs, stood to the west- 
ward, to rendezvous in the West Indies, at Martinique, 
at which island they arrived on May 1 2th. 

On the 4th of May, Nelson was watering and provision- 
ing his fleet at Mazari Bay, on the Barbary coast, and, 
the wind coming east, was enabled to proceed to the 
westward ; but he did not get through the Straits of 
Gibraltar till the night of the 7th, when his enemy was 
almost at Martinique. He had supposed that the Allied 
fleet was bound to the Irish coast ; but received certain 
information, at this time, from a Scotch officer, named 
Campbell, in the Portuguese service, that they had gone 
to the West Indies. Campbell was afterwards complained 
against by the French Ambassador, for giving this infor- 
mation, and his career ruined. 

Nelson determined to follow the enemy, without orders, 
and at the risk of professional censure, for to do so he 
must abandon his station without leave. He went into 
Lagos Bay, and having received five months' provisions, 
sailed, on May nth, and, at Cape St. Vincent, detached 
a line-of-battle ship to escort some transports and 5000 
troops through the Straits. With ten sail-of-the-line 
and three frigates, Nelson then crowded sail to the west- 
ward, in pursuit of his enemy's fleet, which he knew 
consisted of eighteen sail-of-the-line, at the least, besides 
nine frigates. 

Nelson was now Vice- Admiral of the White, in the 100- 
gun ship Victory, Captain Hardy. He had one 80, the 
Canopus, Rear-Admiral Louis, and Captain Austen, and 



TRAFALGAR. 385 

eight 74's, with three frigates. Lord Nelson has been 
accused of rashness in seeking to engage a force nearly 
double his own, but he expected to be joined by six sail- 
of-the-line at Barbadoes. 

On the passage to the West Indies, Nelson prepared 
an elaborate plan of battle, the most striking feature in 
which was, "The business of an English Commander-in- 
chief being first to bring an enemy's fleet to battle, on 
the most advantageous terms to himself (I mean, that of 
laying his ships close on board those of the enemy as 
expeditiously as possible, and, secondly, to continue them 
there until the business is decided), etc., etc. 

On May 15th Nelson's fleet reached Madeira, and a 
frigate was sent on to Barbadoes, to have Admiral Coch- 
rane's vessels ready for a junction. He, himself, with the 
main fleet, did not arrive at Barbadoes until June 4th. All 
this time he had many qualms about his course in leaving 
his station, and, upon his- arrival, was met by many 
conflicting reports. 

But he soon learned that the French had gone north 
again. (At this time he was thought by Napoleon and 
the French authorities to be still in European waters.) 
Nelson's swift movements had quite outstripped the 
Emperor's calculations. 

Nelson left the West Indies again, with eleven sail-of- 
the line, and cautiously pursued the large fleet in advance 
of him, in hopes that better tactics would enable him to 
reach the shores of Europe before them ; and, at any 
rate, by his presence there he had stopped the career of 
victory of the French, in the West Indies. He said to his 
Captains, " My object is partly gained. * * * * 
We won't part without a battle. I think they will be 
glad to let me alone, if I will let them alone ; which I will 

25 



386 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

do, either till we approach the shores of Europe, or they 
give mean advantage too tempting to be resisted." 

The French Admiral Villeneuve's orde.s as to his 
proceedings in the West Indies are interesting, as well as 
the events which followed his arrival there, but he was 
ordered to return soon, and to carry out a project, as the 
ultimate object of the assembling of his allied fleet, which 
was, in the eyes of Napoleon, infinitely more important than 
the capture and pillage of the English West India Islands. 
In returning to Europe Villeneuve was only obeying the 
Emperor's orders, although the latter blamed Villeneuve 
for not carrying out his orders in full, attributing his 
hasty leaving the islands, to fright. 

Afterwards, at St. Helena, he acknowledged that Ville- 
neuve was a brave man. 

On the way to Europe the French fleet made one or 
two important captures and re-captures, and came off 
Cape Finisterre about the latter part of July. 

And now let us follow Lord Nelson for a time. 

He quitted Antigua on June 13th, having received 
information that the enemy's fleet was seen steering 
north, but he had no very definite information, and had 
to rely on his own intuition. On July 17th he sighted 
Cape St. Vincent, having sailed about 3500 miles on this 
one passage. 

There seems to be no doubt that Napoleon intended 
to attack Ireland, or at least effect a landing there, and 
the best military and naval minds considered that Ville- 
neuve's voyage to the West Indies was principally 
intended to draw off the British naval force from the 
Channel, to admit of an attack upon Ireland, a preliminary 
step in Napoleon's plan. 

On July 19th, 1805, the English fleet anchored in 
Gibraltar, and on the 20th Lord Nelson says, in his 



TRAFALGAR. 387 

diary, " I went on shore for the first time since June 1 6th, 
1803, and, from having my foot out of the Victory, two 
years, wanting ten days." 

He remained only three days on shore at Gibraltar, 
and then received information that the allied fleet had 
been seen, five weeks before, steering N. N. west, in 
latitude 33 , longitude 58 west. This was stale news, 
but the earliest, of a positive nature, which he had 
received. He, therefore, passed the Straits of Gibraltar, 
and at first went to the westward, but afterwards he went 
off Cape St. Vincent, to be ready to steer in any direction 
that circumstances might direct. On the third day of 
August the English fleet was in 39 north, and 16 west 
longitude. 

Here Lord Nelson got some information from an 
American merchant ship, which had taken the log of a 
vessel which had been set on fire and abandoned, but 
not destroyed, and, from a scrap of paper containing a 
reckoning, he derived the fact that the vessel had been 
taken by the French fleet. 

Nelson then proceeded north, but rinding no news, 
either from Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant, or the 
Channel fleet, proceeded, with the Victory, and another 
ship, to Portsmouth, leaving the rest of his fleet as a re- 
inforcement to the Channel fleet. 

In the meantime the combined fleet had had a most 
important action, on July 2 2d, with Sir Robert Calder's 
squadron, between Ferrol and Finisterre, not necessary to 
be here gone into. It was a sort of drawn battle, with 
numbers in favor of the French. Sir Robert Calder was 
much blamed for the result. 

Napoleon was terribly vexed that Villeneuve had not 
rendered a better account of Sir Robert Calder's fleet, to 
which he was superior. 



388 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Bonaparte said that " Villeneuve was one of those met > 
who require more spur than bridle," and asked if it 
" would not be possible to find, in the navy, an enterpris- 
ing man, with cool views, as one ought to see, either in 
battle, or in the manoeuvres of a fleet." 

Villeneuve was ordered to go to Brest ; but, in spite 
of that, went to Cadiz, the details of the reasons and 
movements being too long to be recounted here. The 
Emperor was furious, and charged him with dereliction 
in duty, disobedience of orders, refusing to fight the 
enemy, etc. 

Part of Bonaparte's vexation with Villeneuve no doubt 
arose from the loud complaints of the Spaniards, at 
having lost two ships in Calder's action ; and this was 
aggravated by the apparent unwillingness of the French 
Admiral, even with a powerful fleet under his command, 
to sail out, in the face of eleven English sail-of-the-line, 
cruising off Cadiz ; and so enable the Spanish squadron 
at Carthagena to form a junction with Admiral Gravina, 
who commanded the Spanish portion of the allied fleet. 

The fact is, to quote a French authority, "Villeneuve, 
like others, was impressed by the inferiority of the French 
marine, in comparison with the English. The French 
seamen, brave enough, but inexperienced at sea, looked 
with a sort of terror upon the necessity of meeting the 
redoubtable victor of Aboukir, knowing well his genius 
and audacity, commanding, as he did, a well prepared fleet 
and thoroughly drilled and sea-hardened crews. Ville- 
neuve's personal courage is above suspicion, but he lacked 
energy, decision, and power of organization. Exasperated 
by the reply of the Emperor, who accused him of cowardice, 
in consequence of his perpetual hesitations, Villeneuve 
replied to the Minister of Marine, in these bitter words, 
"If all the French Navy lacks is audacity, as is pretended, 



TRAFALGAR. d89 

the Emperor will soon be satisfied ; and he may count 
upon brilliant successes." 

On September 17th, 1805, Napoleon directed his 
Minister of Marine to order Villeneuve to sea, on a new 
expedition. He was to proceed off Naples, and disem- 
bark, at some point on the coast, a number of troops, in 
order that they might join the army of General St. Cyr. 
He was then to proceed to Naples, and capture the 
English ship Excellent, and a Russian ship-of-the-line, 
lying there ; to do all possible injury to English trade ; 
to intercept an expedition bound to Malta ; and then to 
come to Toulon, where everything was to be ready to 
re-victual and repair his ships. 

Napoleon seemed to have feared the failure of Ville- 
neuve to carry out these orders ; and had actually ordered 
Vice-Admiral Rosily to supercede him. But the fact 
remains that Villeneuve's written orders had always been 
to avoid an engagement, and at last to bring his fleet, 
fresh and entire, into the British Channel. In his move- 
ments he was, moreover, retarded by the supineness of 
the Spaniards, who, when their long voyage to the West 
Indies was over, felt inclined to remain snugly in port. 

In the meantime, Vice-Admiral Collingwood, off Cadiz, 
was joined by four sail-of-the-line, under Rear-Admiral 
Sir Richard Bickerton ; and soon after by seventeen 
more, under Sir Robert Calder, in the Prince of Wales. 

Some of these ships were occasionally detached to 
Gibraltar, for water and provisions ; and with the rest 
Collingwood continued to cruise before Cadiz. On the 
28th of September, Lord Nelson arrived, to take com- 
mand of the English fleet ; having left Portsmouth in the 
Victory, on the fifteenth. The Ajax and Thunderer, line- 
of-battle ships, had come with him. 

The Euryalus frigate had preceded him, to inform 



390 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Collingwood that, on his assuming - command again, no 
salute should be fired, or flags displayed, in order that 
the Allies should not be apprised of the arrival of a 
reinforcement. 

The force under Lord Nelson now consisted of twenty- 
seven sail-of-the-line, twenty-two of which cruised about 
fifteen miles off Cadiz ; and the remaining five, under 
Rear- Admiral Louis, in the Canopus, were stationed close 
off the harbor, watching the motions of the combined fleet. 
Lord Nelson considered that if he kept the main body 
of his fleet out of sight of land, the French Admiral, being 
ignorant of the exact British force, might perhaps put to 
sea, so that he kept the bulk of his fleet at a long distance 
west of Cadiz. 

The force close in with the city was then relieved by 
two frigates, the only ships left there. Beyond these, 
further out, and at a convenient distance for signalling, 
were three or four ships-of-the-line, the westernmost of 
which could communicate directly with the easternmost 
ship of the main body. 

The new station of the English fleet had a great 
advantage in case of westerly gales, usual at that season, 
as they would not be forced into the Mediterranean; in 
which event the combined fleet, on the first change of 
wind, mighl easily put to sea, unmolested. 

On October ist, the Euryalus frigate reconnoitred the 
port of Cadiz, and plainly discovered, at anchor in the 
outer harbor, and apparently ready for sea, eighteen 
French, and sixteen Spanish ships-of-the-line, frigates and 
two brigs. 

The next day Lord Nelson sent Rear-Admiral Louis 
with five sail-of-the-line, to Gibraltar, for provisions and 
water; and on the same day, a Swedish ship, from Cadiz, 
bound to Alicante, informed the Euryalus that the com- 



TRAFALGAR. 391 

bined fleet had reembarked the troops a day or two 
before, and intended to put to sea the first easterly wind. 

Rear-Admiral Louis got this intelligence on the 3d of 
October, and at once returned to the main fleet with his 
squadron ; but Lord Nelson, conceiving the news to be 
a stratagem to draw him nearer to Cadiz, so as to obtain 
a knowledge of his force, ordered Louis to proceed in the 
execution of his orders. 

On the 4th the weather was very calm, and some 
Spanish gunboats pulled out from Cadiz and attacked 
the two English frigates which were on duty close in ; 
but they soon retired again. By the 8th of October two 
more line-of-battle-ships had joined the English fleet, and 
the same day the Euryalus again counted thirty-four sail- 
of-the-line in Cadiz harbor. 

The possibility that the Cadiz, Carthagena and Roche- 
fort ships might effect a junction, and thereby present a 
force of forty-six sail-of-the-line, induced Lord Nelson to 
draw up and transmit to his second in command a plan 
of attack in which he supposed that, by the junction of a 
squadron under Sir Richard Strachan, and other ships, 
from Gibraltar and elsewhere, he might be able to 
assemble a force of forty sail-of-the-line. 

His plan was regarded by naval men as a master-piece 
of naval strategy, and agreed in principle *vith that pur- 
sued in the great battle then impending. Condensed, 
it was as follows : Taking it for granted that it was next 
to impossible to form a fleet of forty sail-of-the-line in 
line of battle, with varying winds, thick weather, and 
other difficulties which might arise, without so much 
delay that the opportunity would probably be lost of 
bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to 
render it decisive, Lord Nelson resolved to keep the fleet 
in such a position that, with the exception of the first and 



392 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND vIODERN. 

second in command, the order of sailing would be the 
order of battle. The fleet was to be placed in two lines, 
of sixteen ships each, with an advanced squadron of 
eight of the fastest sailing, two-decked ships, which latter 
would always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail, 
on any line the Commander-in-chief might direct. 

The second in command would, after this latter inten- 
tion was made known to him, have the entire direction of 
his line, and was to make the attack, and to follow up the 
blow, until the enemy's ships were captured or destroyed. 

Should the enemy's fleet — supposed to consist of forty- 
six sail-of-the-line, be seen to windward, in line of battle, 
and the two British lines and the advanced squadron be 
able to fetch it, the ships of the former would probably be 
so extended that their van could not succor their rear. 

The English second in command would then probably 
be signalled to lead through, at about the twelfth ship 
from the enemy's rear, or wherever he could fetch, if not 
able to advance so far. 

The Commander-in-chief's line would lead through at 
the centre, and the advanced squadron cut through at 
about three or four ships ahead of the centre, so as to 
ensure getting at the enemy's Commander-in-chief, whom 
every effort should be used to capture. 

The whole impression of the British fleet was to be 
made to overpower from two to three ships ahead of 
the enemy's Commander-in-chief (supposed to be in the 
centre) to the rear of his fleet. 

Admitting twenty sail of the enemy's line to be 
untouched, it would be some time before they could per- 
form a manoeuvre, so as to bring their force compact, to 
attack any part of the British fleet engaged, or to succor 
their companions; and this they could not do without 
muuAg with the ships engaged. 



TRAFALGAR. 6V6 

If it happened that the two fleets were of less force than 
here contemplated, a proportionate number only of the 
enemy's fleet were to be cut off, and the British were to 
be one-fourth superior to the enemy so cut off. 

Lord Nelson, making due allowance for what chance 
might effect, looked with confidence to a victory, before 
the van of the enemy could succor his rear ; and then he 
expected that the British ships would most of them be 
ready to receive the enemy's other twenty sail, or to 
pursue them, should they endeavor to make off? 

If the van of the enemy tacked, the captured ships 
were to run to leeward of the British fleet ; if the enemy 
wore, the British were to place themselves between the 
enemy and the captured, as well as their own disabled 
ships ; and should the enemy close, his Lordship made 
no doubt of the result. 

The second in command was to direct the movements 
of his line and to keep the ships as compact as circum- 
stances permitted. Captains were to look to their own 
line as their rallying point ; but, in case signals could 
neither be seen nor perfectly understood, no captain could 
do wrong who placed his ship close alongside that of an 
enemy. 

So far with regard to the attack from to leeward. Next 
followed the plan of attack from to windward. 

Supposing the enemy formed in line-of-battle to receive 
the British fleet, the three divisions of the latter were to 
be brought nearly within gun-shot of the enemy's centre, 
when the signal would most likely be made for the lee 
line to bear up together, under all sail, in order to reach 
the enemy's line as quickly as possible, and then to cut 
through ; beginning at the twelfth ship from the enemy's 
rear. 

Some ships might not get through at their exact place, 



394 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

but they would always be at hand, to assist their friends; 
and if any British ships were thrown round the rear of 
the enemy, they would, it was considered, effectually 
complete the business of twelve of the enemy's ships. 

Should the enemy wear together, or bear up, and sail 
large, still the twelve ships of the enemy's rear were to 
be the object of attack of the British lee line, unless 
otherwise directed by the Commander-in-chief, an inter- 
ference not contemplated in the plan, as the entire 
management of the lee line, after the Commander-in-chief 
had signalized his intentions, was to be left to the judg- 
ment of the Admiral commanding that line. 

The remainder of the English fleet were to be left to 
the management of the Commander-in-chief; who, as he 
rather modestly expressed himself, would endeavor to 
take care that the movements of the second in command 
were as little as possible interrupted. 

This plan and instructions have been given rather at 
length, because they have always been looked upon as 
models, and have been copied into foreign historical 
works, and adopted upon several other occasions. 

Cadiz became much straightened for provisions, in 
consequence of having so large a fleet to victual. To 
remedy this evil, especially in regard to his own fleet, 
Napoleon had ordered shipments to be made to Nantes, 
Bordeaux, and other ports in the Bay of Biscay. The 
carriers were vessels under the Danish flag, that landed 
their cargoes at small ports in the south of Spain, whence 
they were easily conveyed to Cadiz. As some check to 
this, a vigorous blockade had been adopted by Colling- 
wood, and maintained by his successor who considered 
it a more likely way of driving the combined fleets to sea 
than a bombardment of Congreve rockets, as had at one 
time been contemplated. The arrival of a number of 



TRAFALGAR. 395 

frigates enabled Nelson to prosecute this blockade of the 
coasting trade more successfully. On the ioth of 
October two line-of-battle ships, and on the 13th two 
more, joined Nelson ; and he had now twenty-nine sail- 
of-the-line off Cadiz, and five at Gibraltar. This was the 
highest number his fleet reached. 

On the ioth the allied fleet had moved out to the 
entrance of the harbor, and evinced a disposition to put 
to sea at the first opportunity. 

Four days after, Lord Nelson was obliged, owing to 
orders from England, to send there Sir Robert Calder, in 
the Prince of Wales; and on the 17th was obliged to 
send the Donegal to Gibraltar, for water. This done, he 
had twenty-seven sail-of-the-line (not all in very good 
order, or well manned), four frigates, a schooner, and a 
cutter. There were in his fleet three 100-gun ships; the 
Victory, his own flag-ship ; the Royal Sovereign, Vice- 
Admiral Collingwood; and the Britannia, Rear-Admiral 
the Earl of Northesk. Then came four 98-gun ships ; one 
80, sixteen 74s, and three 64s, which formed the line-of- 
battle. 

On the very day on which Lord Nelson took command 
of the fleet a courier had arrived at Cadiz, with the order 
of the French Emperor for Villeneuve to put to sea. 
These orders had been issued about the middle of 
September, and required that the French ships should 
pass the Straits of Gibraltar, land the troops on the 
Neapolitan coast, sweep the Mediterranean of all British 
commerce and cruisers, and then enter Toulon, to re-fit 
and re-victual. 

Although Villeneuve's instructions contained no men- 
tion of the Spanish fleet, it is natural to suppose that they 
would be glad to avail themselves of the exit of a formid- 
able French fleet to effect a junction with seven sail-of- 



396 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the-line of theirs, which were blockaded in the port of 
Carthagena. Every exertion was, therefore, made to fill 
the complements of the fleet, which had otherwise been 
ready for some time. Of the vessels which had been in 
Sir Robert Calder's action, one, the Argonauta, had been 
repaired and refitted, but the damage to the other, the 
Terrible, proved of so serious a nature that she was 
disarmed, and her crew divided among the short-manned 
ships. 

All these details may seem tedious, but are necessary 
to a correct understanding of this, the most important 
naval battle of the century. 

To return a little. On the ioth of October, the French 
troops having re-embarked, the combined fleet moved 
to the entrance of Cadiz harbor, to be ready for a start 
at a moment's warning. Hard westerly gales continued 
until the i 7th. At midnight of that date the wind shifted 
to the eastward, and on the 18th of October Admiral 
Villeneuve informed the Spanish Admiral Gravina of his 
intention to put to sea on the following day ; and had a 
strong line of gunboats drawn up across the mouth of the 
harbor. 

On October 19th the Allied fleets, by signal from the 
Commander-in-chief, began getting under way, at seven 
o'clock in the morning. There was a fair breeze, but 
light, and the British reconnoitring frigates at once saw 
and reported the movement. Owing to the light wind, 
only twelve ships got out, and these lay becalmed until 
afternoon, when a breeze sprang up from the west-north- 
west, and the twelve stood to the northward, accompanied 
closely by the two English frigates on guard. At day- 
light the next morning the rest of the combined fleet left 
Cadiz, making, with the twelve already outside, thirty- 
three sail-of-the-line, five frigates, and two brigs. They 



TRAFALGAR. 397 

had a light southeast wind, while the ships in the offing, 
as is frequently the case on this coast, had the wind south- 
southwest 

The French had four 8o-gun ships, and fourteen 74s, 
with the frigates and brigs. The Spanish had one 130- 
gun ship; two of 112 guns; one 100; two 80s; eight 
74s, and one 64. 

Villeneuve's flag-ship was the Bucentaure, 80, and 
Gravina's the Principe de Asturias, 112. 

Scarcely had the fleet cleared the harbor when a south- 
west wind and thick weather began to delay their 
progress. Meantime the two English frigates carefully 
watched their every manoeuvre. 

The first effect of the thick weather was that the 
English ship Agamemnon, with a merchant brig in tow, 
was unconsciously running into the midst of the enemy's 
ships, but was, after some difficulty, warned off by the 
frio-ates. Then one of the English frigates was in danger 
of capture by her stopping too long to examine an Ameri- 
can ship ; she was chased and fired upon. 

In the afternoon the weather cleared, and the wind 
shifted to north-northwest; whereupon Admiral Ville- 
neuve ordered his fleet to form in five columns, in 
accordance with a plan previously communicated to his 
Admirals and Captains. 

The Allied fleet then divided itself into two parts. The 
first part was of twenty-one sail, and was denominated 
the line-of-battle, and this was again subdivided into three 
squadrons, of seven ships each ; of which the centre was 
commanded by Villeneuve himself; the van by Vice- 
Admiral Alava ; and the rear by Rear-Admiral Duma- 
noir. 

The second part of the Allied fleet, the reserve, was 
divided into two squadrons, of six ships each, the first 



398 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

under Admiral Gravina, and the second under Rear- 
Admiral Magon. 

Villeneuve's instructions to these officers were as 
follows : in case of being to windward, the line to bear 
down together, and each ship to engage her opponent in 
the English line ; to engage closely, and to board, if 
possible. 

If, on the contrary, the English fleet was to windward, 
the allied fleet was to await attack in close order of 
battle. 

The French Admiral said, " the enemy will not confine 
himself to forming a line-of-battle parallel to ours, and 
engage us with his cannon, when success often attends 
the most skillful, and always the most fortunate ; he will 
endeavor to turn our rear, to pass through our line, and 
will endeavor to surround such of our ships as he 
succeeds in cutting off, and reduce them with numbers 
of his own." 

Villeneuve adds " there is nothing to alarm us in the 
sight of the English fleet; their 74-gun ships have not 
five hundred men on board ; their seamen are harassed 
by a two years' cruise; they are not more brave than we; 
and have infinitely less motives to fight well, and have 
less love of country. They are skillful at manoeuvring. 
In a month we shall be as much so as they are. In fine, 
everything unites to inspire us with hopes of the most 
glorious success, and of a new era for the Imperial 
marine." 

The most remarkable feature of the French Admiral's 
plan was, that it persisted in ordering the movements of 
his fleet to be conducted in close line-of-battle, even while 
he admits that his enemy will adopt a different mode' of 
attack, that of cutting off the rear of the line, and making 
it an easy conquest. Such, however, was the ancient 



TRAFALGAR. 399 

rule of sea-tactics, and France had not yet had a Rodney 
to break through them. 

Shortly after the combined fleet had formed in five 
columns, one of their advanced frigates made the signal 
for eighteen sail of British ships in sight. On this the 
fleet, still on the port tack, cleared for action, and at 
about five p. m. tacked, and stood for the mouth of the 
Straits of Gibraltar. They had continued so long on the 
other tack that Lord Nelson thought it was Villeneuve's 
intention to proceed to the westward. 

About this time the four British frigates came down to 
reconnoitre, and were chased by some of the Allied fleet, 
which latter, however, rejoined the main body at night- 
fall. 

Just before dark the French ship Aigle made signal 
for eighteen British ships in line-of-battle, to the south- 
ward; and shortly after the combined fleet wore and 
stood to the northwest. 

On the 2 1 st, a little before daylight, the French 
Admiral, abandoning his plan of forming line-of-battle of 
twenty-one ships (as the enemy were now to windward, 
and of nearly equal force to himself), ordered the three 
columns, composed of the twenty-one ships, without 
regard to priority of rank among them, to form in close 
line-of-battle, on the starboard tack, upon the leeward- 
most division of twelve ships, and then to steer south- 
east. The manoeuvre executed, daylight found the two 
fleets fairly in sight of each other, for the first time. The 
centre of the Franco-Spanish fleet bearing about east by 
south of the centre of the British, and distant about ten 
miles. 

The wind was then light, from west-northwest, and a 
heavy swell setting in from the westward. 

Let us now look at the movements of the British fleet 



400 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND .MODERN. 

during the period just before the momentous battle now 
impending. 

About half-past nine a. m., on the 19th, while the 
British fleet was lying to, fifty miles west-southwest from 
Cadiz, the line-of-battle ships which formed the cordon 
of communication between the fleet and the reconnoitring 
frigates, inshore, repeated the signal that the enemy was 
coming out of port. 

Lord Nelson immediately made sail to the southeast, 
with light breezes, mostly from south-southwest. At 
three p. m. the signal was repeated, that the enemy was 
at sea. 

That afternoon Lord Nelson directed that the fleet 
should observe the motions of his flag-ship, the Victory, 
during the night, and that the best sailing ships should 
stand ahead, and steer for the mouth of the Straits. 

On the 20th of October, at daylight, the English found 
themselves near the entrance of the Straits, but saw 
nothing of their enemy. 

Thereupon the fleet wore, and made sail to the north- 
west, with a fresh breeze at south-southwest. 

At seven a. m., one of the frigates signalled the Allied 
fleet, bearing north; and by noon the Victory and the 
English fleet were within twenty-five miles of Cadiz, 
standing to the west-northwest, on the port tack. 

Early in the afternoon they were taken aback, by a 
breeze from the west-northwest, and at 4 p. m. wore, and 
again came to, on the port tack, steering north. 

It was now telegraphed that the Allied fleet seemed 
determined to go to the westward, and Lord Nelson 
replied that he relied on the frigates keeping them in 
sight during the night The frigates then signalled 
"thirty-one sail of the enemy, bearing north-northeast." 

When night fell the British fleet wore, and stood to the 



TRAFALGAR. 401 

southwest, and at 4 a. m. of the 21st wore again, and 
steered north by east, under easy sail. 

To the general reader these details of manoeuvres, 
(which precede any great battle, whether on sea or land), 
may appear tedious, but it is absolutely necessary to a 
description of this great event, and could not be omitted 
by any one who tried to give an account of the battle. 

At six in the morning the flag-ship Victory had a' view 
of the combined fleet, bearing about east by south, 
distant, as has been said in the account of the manoeuvres 
of the Franco-Spanish fleet, about ten or twelve miles. 

At this time Nelson was about twenty miles from Cape 
Trafalgar, which bore east by south. 

Soon after this the English fleet, by signal, formed in 
two columns, in the order of sailing, and bore up to the 
eastward, under all sail. 

This was according to Nelson's previous orders ; to 
avoid delay and inconvenience of forming line-of-battle 
in the usual manner. 

THE BATTLE. 

The near approach of the British fleet rendering an 
action unavoidable, the French Admiral, at 8.30 in the 
morning, made signal for his ships to wear together, and 
form line, in close order, on the port tack. 

This brought the port of Cadiz on his lee bow. 

It was fully ten in the morning before this manoeuvre, 
involving so many great ships, and such a long line, was 
completed; and even then, from the light and flawy wind, 
the line was not very regularly formed. 

Acounts differ as to how the ships were disposed in the 
Allied line. 

Lord Collingwood said that the French ships had an 
unusual arrangement. They formed a crescent, convex- 
26 



402 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ing to leeward, "so that, in leading down their centre, I 
had both their van and rear abaft the beam. Before the 
fire opened, every alternate ship was about arable's 
length to windward of her second ahead and astern, 
forming a kind of double line, and appeared, when on 
their beam, to leave very little interval between them, and 
this without crowding their ships." 

The French and English accounts and plans of the 
battle are all rather incompatible with the facts of the 
action, as developed ; and were all, most probably, 
drawn from memory and influenced by impressions. 

Lord Collingwood's is, probably, the only simple and 
straightforward one. 

Owing to the lightness of the wind, the English fleet, after 
bearing up, made very slow progress toward their enemy. 
These great two and three-deckers were ponderous 
affairs, and required a strong breeze to move them. 

At the joint suggestion of Captains Hardy and Black- 
wood, Nelson reluctantly consented that the Temeraire 
and Leviathan should precede the Victory in going into 
action; and he himself gave orders to that effect to the 
first-named ship, which was then just abreast of the 
Victory, but, it was thought, at too great a distance to 
understand perfectly the purport of Lord Nelson's hail. 

Captain Hardy, Nelson's flag-Captain, therefore, went, 
in his boat, on board the Temeraire, and gave Captain 
Harvey the Commander-in-chief's orders. But then the 
utmost endeavor of the Temeraire to pass ahead of the 
Victory was frustrated by the latter's carrying all the sail 
she could set. 

No one ventured to suo-p-est shortening sail to Nelson, 
when going into battle ; and he was just then finding 
fault with the officer of the Victory's forecastle, for not 
setting the lee studding-sail in a smarter manner. 



TRAFALGAR. 403 

Subsequently, when it became necessary to keep in 
line, for mutual support, the Victory signalled the Teme- 
raire to resume her station astern of the flag-ship. Thus 
the Victory led the Temeraire into the enemy's line, 
after all. 

The manner in which the combined fleet now lay, 
with a home port only twenty-five miles off, on their lee 
bow, induced Nelson, about eleven in the morning, to 
telegraph, 'T intend to pass through the end of the enemy's 
line, to prevent them from getting into Cadiz." 

The reversed order of that line had, with the wind 
prevailing, produced an effect to be guarded against. It 
had brought the shoals of San Pedro and Trafalgar under 
the lee of both fleets. Accordingly, at half-past eleven, 
the Victory made signal to the British fleet to prepare to 
anchor at the close of the day. 

At that time the cables were of hemp, and required a 
long time to range, and prepare for letting go. They 
were, in such ships, of immense size. We shall see how 
Nelson's sailor instinct taught him what was to save his 
fleet after the battle, although he was not to see it. 

This signal having been made, no other seemed 
necessary, and all they had to do was to wait for the 
battle to open. - 

But, a little before noon, Nelson telegraphed again. 
This time it was his celebrated message, "England 
expects that every man will do his duty." He had dicta- 
ted "confides," but the word not being in the signal book, 
the signal lieutenant suggested "expects," and Nelson 
adopted it. 

This signal was greeted with three cheers from all the 
ships, as they were slowly bearing down upon their 
enemy, and aroused the utmost enthusiasm. 

They by degrees got so close that, at noon, the French 



404 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ship Fougueux opened fire upon the Royal Sovereign 
(Collingwood's flag-ship), then upon her port bow 
and well within shot. Immediately upon the first 
gun-shot, the three British Admirals hoisted their respect- 
ive flags, and the rest of the ships the white, or St. 
George's ensign, a measure adopted to prevent any con- 
fusion, in the heat of action, from a variety of national 
flags. 

Each British ship also carried a union-jack at her 
main-top-mast stay, and another at her fore-top-gallant 
stay. The combined fleet hoisted their ensigns then, and 
their Admirals their flags. 

Soon after the Fougueux and the ships next ahead and 
astern of her had opened fire the Royal Sovereign 
returned it, but Nelson made signal to engage more 
closely, and Collingwood ceased firing. 

Soon after midday Collingwood had reached a position 
close astern of the Santa Anna, 112, and fired into her, 
with double-shotted guns, and with such precision that, 
by the subsequent admission of Spanish officers, she 
killed or wounded nearly four hundred of her crew. 
With the starboard 'broadside similarly shotted, the 
Royal Sovereign raked the Fougueux, but, owing to 
distance, with less effect. In a short time the British ship 
Belleisle followed through the combined line, which, 
owing to some of the ships astern of the Fougueux press- 
ing forward to support the centre, while others kept their 
sails aback, or shivering, was fast losing the tolerably 
regular form it had had 

It was about this time that Nelson said, "See that 
noble fellow, Collingwood, how he carries his ship into 
action!" while Collingwood was remarking to his flag- 
Captain, "what Nelson would give to be here!" 

The British lee column approached its enemy in such 



TRAFALGAR. 405 

a slanting direction that it enabled most of them to 
discharge their starboard guns at the enemy's rear, and 
an interchange of animated firing took place, the smoke 
from which, for lack of a strong breeze to carry it ofi^ 
spread over the combatants, and increased the confusion 
into which the rear of the combined line had already 
been thrown, by the crashing charge upon its centre. 

Twenty minutes after the Fougueux had opened fire 
upon the Royal Sovereign, and shortly after the latter had 
passed under the stern of the Santa Anna, the Bucentaure 
(Villeneuve's flag-ship) fired a shot at the Victory, which 
latter had studding-sails set on both sides, and was going 
through the water very slowly. The shot fell short. 
Another fell alongside, after an interval, and then a 
third passed through the Victory's main-top gallant sail. 
Things were getting warm, but the Victory did not im- 
mediately reply ; and a minute or two of awful silence 
followed, the ships creeping together, and then, almost as 
if by signal, the whole Allied van opened fire upon the 
Victory, conspicuous from bearing Nelson's flag. Such 
a fire has seldom been directed at a single ship. Almost 
immediately a round shot killed Nelson's Secretary, Mr. 
Scott, while he was conversing with Captain Hardy. 
Shortly after a double-headed shot killed eight marines 
on the poop of the Victory, on which the Admiral 
ordered Captain Adair, the Marine Officer, to disperse his 
men around the ship, so that they should not suffer from 
being drawn up together. Presently a shot came through 
a thickness of four hammocks, carried away a part of the 
launch, as she lay on the booms, struck the fore-brace 
bitts on the quarter-deck, and then passed between Lord 
Nelson and Hardy. A splinter from the bitts tore the 
buckle from one of Nelson's shoes. Dr. Beatty, the Sur- 
geon of the Victory, says "they both instantly stopped, 



406 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and were observed by the officers on deck to survey each 
other with inquiring looks, each supposing the other to 
be wounded. His Lordship smiled, and said 'This is too 
warm work, Hardy, to last long!' and he soon after 
declared to Captain Hardy that, in all his battles, he had 
never seen cooler courage displayed than that by the 
Victory's men, on this occasion." To be sure, they were 
fighting under Nelson's own eye, and well-drilled men 
can stand almost any fire when well commanded. 

The Allied ships directly ahead of the British weather 
column, seeing, by her movements, that the Victory was 
about to follow the example of the Royal Sovereign, 
closed up around her. The Bucentaure came up near 
the huge Santissima Trinidada, 1 30, but still left a small 
opening between herself and the latter. In hopes of 
passing through this interval in the line, Lord Nelson 
himself ordered the man at the wheel to steer east by 
south. 

The Victory, by the change thus made in her course, 
having brought her port guns to bear upon the combined 
van, commenced firing from that side. She had already, 
from the concentrated fire she had encountered, lost 
twenty officers and men killed, and thirty wounded. 
This loss would have been greater had not the enemy 
endeavored to disable her by aiming rather at her spars 
and rigging. In consequence of this every studding-sail 
boom, on both sides, had been shot away, and every sail 
riddled. 

This shows that if the centre and rear of the Allies 
had opened fire earlier upon the Royal Sovereign, as she 
went in, they would, probably, have entirely disabled her. 

The Victory, as she moved slowly along, in a slanting 
direction, kept her port broadside playing upon the 
Santissima Trinidada and the Bucentaure, and was ably 



TRAFALGAR. 407 

seconded by the Temeraire, Captain Harvey, which ship 
still kept close astern of her. In a few minutes the Vic- 
tory's mizzen-top-mast was shot away; and soon after 
her wheel was destroyed, and the ship had to be steered, 
during the rest of the action, in the gun-room, the First- 
Lieutenant and Master relieving each other at that duty. 
All this happened in about a quarter of an hour after 
she had opened fire, and she now found herself close 
abreast of the narrow opening between the Spanish four- 
decker and the French Commander-in-chief, the precise 
spot where Nelson wished to cut the combined line. Just 
as the Victory was slowly passing astern of the great 
Spanish ship, with the intention of hauling up under her 
lee, the Bucentaure ranged ahead, and placed herself 
upon the four-decker's starboard quarter. Captain Har- 
dy now pointed out to Nelson the impossibility of passing 
through the line without running on board one of the 
enemy's ships. Lord Nelson replied, "I can't help it; it 
does not signify which we run on board of. Go on board 
which you please; take your choice." The Victory, with 
helm hard a-port, steered for the Redoutable, which had 
gallantly come to fill a gap caused by the falling to 
leeward of the French Neptune. (There was a Neptune 
in each fleet.) Righting her helm — she had just steerage 
way — the Victory poured a raking fire into the Bucen- 
taure and the Santissima Trinidada, and received a 
raking fire from the French Neptune, which then set her 
jib to keep clear. 

On coming slowly to the wind the Victory drifted on 
board the Redoutable, but not until she had given her 
a broadside, and received some shot in return. The 
Redoutable then shut her lower deck ports, apparently 
to prevent the English from boarding through them, and 
did not again fire a gun from her port side. 



408 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The ships came together very gently, and were in the 
act of rebounding, when the Victory's starboard fore- 
yard-arm caught the leech of the Redoutable's fore-top- 
sail. This kept them together for a time, and, with the 
muzzles of their guns almost touching, the two ships fell 
off before the wind. 

Having accompanied Lord Nelson so far, let us now 
take a general view of the battle. 

Soon after the first four ships of the British lee divi- 
sion had cut the centre and rear of the combined line, 
the remainder, as they came up in succession, pierced the 
mass of the Allied ships (for they were no longer in line), 
and then found opponents as they could. 

Meantime the weather division had cut through a little 
ahead of the centre of the combined line. The action, 
which had begun at noon, was at its height at about half- 
past one. At three the fire had begun to slacken ; and 
at five had entirely ceased. 

Of the eleven van ships of the Allies, including the 
huge Sta. Trinidada, only one was captured in her proper 
place; the remaining ten were out of line. Of the 
latter, three were captured and seven escaped; four by 
hauling to windward, and then by running for Cadiz. 
Of their ten centre ships, five were taken in their line of 
battle, and five escaped into Cadiz ; and of the twelve 
rear ships, nine, including one burnt, were taken, and 
three escaped into Cadiz. This made, as the result of 
the day's proceedings, nine French ships of the line 
captured or burnt, and nine Spanish ships of the line 
captured ; total eighteen. The French and Spanish ships 
which escaped were many of them much shattered. 

It is impossible to give details of the separate action 
of so many ships, or of the losses they sustained, without 
being tedious. But it may be interesting to give some 



TRAFALGAR. 409 

idea of the French view of the battle — previous to speak- 
ing of the death of Nelson. 

We now quote from a French source. After enum- 
erating the combined fleet, and its mode of formation, 
the account goes on to say, that "the vessels" (of the 
Allies) were most of them rather antiquated, especially 
the Spanish vessels, and unfitted for the new tactics 
introduced by Nelson. Soon after going out the two 
fleets sighted each other off Cape Trafalgar — that low 
point formerly called by the ancients the promontory 
of Juno. 

"The English Admiral had but twenty-seven sail-of-the- 
line, but his guns were superior in calibre to those of the 
Allies. They had, moreover, much greater nautical 
experience, and a great leader, conditions of success 
which the Allies could not claim." "Villeneuve formed a 
single line of battle. Nelson formed in two columns, to 
cut this line, and then expected to conquer the separate 
parts in detail." ****** 

"October 21st, at eleven a. m., the two fleets came 
together, and one of the most destructive naval battles 
ever fought ensued. * * * The English were full of 
confidence and enthusiasm. * * * Nelson himself set 
the example. Outsailing his division, he dashed the Vic- 
tory against the Allied line, in spite of the concentrated 
broadsides poured upon him. * * * He attempted to 
take the Bucentaure, the flag-ship of Villeneuve, and for 
that purpose tried to get in between her and another 
French ship, the Redoutable, commanded by the brave 
Captain Lucas. Lucas divined his intentions, and has- 
tened to bar the Victory's way. But Nelson was not the 
man to be deterred by odds, and immediately laid his ship 
alongside the Redoutable, and boarded her. Lashed 
alongside, the two ships fell out of line, fighting." It is 



410 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

not very often that accounts from opposite sides agree so 
closely as the foregoing account. 

"The ship's company of the Redoutable bravely 
accepted the unequal combat. From the tops, as well as 
from the batteries, they answered the fire of the English, 
and, in this singular fight, one rather of musketry than of 
great guns, the French had rather the advantage." "The 
decks of the Victory were burdened with the dead. In 
the midst of the noise and confusion, and smoke of 
combat, Nelson and Captain Hardy walked the poop. 
Not far from them a few men were exchanging- a brisk 
musketry fire with those in the tops of the French ship. 
Suddenly the Admiral staggered and fell, with his face 
to the deck. A ball fired from the mizzen-top of the 
Redoutable had struck his left shoulder, passing through 
the epaulette, then through the chest, and lodging in the 
dorsal vertebrae." Admiral Jurien de la Graviere says, 
"They picked him up at once, the decks being covered 
with his blood. Hardy, who had not seen him fall, 
turned, and, paler than Nelson himself, cried, T hope, 
my Lord, that you are not dangerously wounded!' 
'They have done for me,' he answered; 'they have 
succeeded at last; the spine of my back is broken."' 

Thiers, in his history, gives a rather different account, 
only interesting as showing the way in which this import- 
ant event was reported by the French. "Nelson, dressed 
in a coat which he always wore on days of battle, and 
having at his side his flag-captain, Hardy, seemed to 
delight in exposing himself. His Secretary had already 
been killed just beside him. Captain Hardy had had one 
of his shoe buckles shot away, and a bar shot had killed 
eight men at once on the poop. The great seaman, just 
object of both hatred and admiration to us, impassable 
upon his poop, was looking calmly on at the horrible 



TRAFALGAR. 411 

scene, when a bullet from one of the tops of the Redout- 
able struck him on the left shoulder, and passing on, 
lodged in his loins. Sinking to his knees he fell forward, 
endeavoring to sustain himself by his hands. In falling 
he said, 'Hardy, the Frenchmen have finished me.' 
'Not yet, I hope,' said Hardy. 'Yes! I am dying,' said 
Nelson. They carried him to the cockpit, but he had 
already almost lost consciousness, and it was evident he 
had but a short time to live. Recovering his conscious- 
ness at intervals, he asked how the battle went; and 
repeated the directions which afterwards proved his fore- 
sight: 'Anchor! anchor the fleet before evening.'' He 
soon died, but he had the consolation of knowing, before 
he did so, that his triumph was certain. To continue the 
French account: "This bloody episode naturally created 
disorder on board the Victory, and Captain Lucas, of the 
Redoutable, without knowing the cause, wished to profit 
by it to board the English ship. The boarders were 
already called away, when a broadside of grape from the 
Temeraire laid low two hundred of them, either killed or 
wounded. At the same time another English ship, the 
Neptune, fired into the Redoutable's poop, and reduced 
her to a deplorable condition. Two of her masts fell 
upon the deck, her guns were in great part dismounted, 
and one of her sides almost beaten in, by which the water 
entered in torrents. All her staff was wounded, ten out 
of eleven midshipmen mortally wounded, while 522 men 
out of 640 were either killed or wounded, and, being 
unable to resist longer, they were obliged to strike." 

To continue the French account: "The other French 
ships, in equal straits, were menaced with the same fate, 
although their crews, as well as those of the Spanish fleet, 
showed no lack of courage. The English guns, ably and 



412 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

perfectly served, made havoc with their enemy, whose 
ships, as has been said, were deficient in condition. 

" The Bucentaure, attacked by several ships at once, 
all of whom looked upon her as their special prize, had 
fouled and caught her bowsprit in the gallery of the 
Spanish ship Santissima Trinidada, and was incapable of 
getting clear. In this position she soon had her decks 
swept, and lay at the mercy of the enemy, with great gaps 
in her starboard side, her poop demolished, her masts 
gone by the board, her officers and crew decimated. 
' My business on board the Bucentaure is finished,' cried 
the unfortunate Villeneuve; 'I will try to bring back good 
fortune on board of another vessel.' But not a boat was 
able to swim, and it was impossible ibr him to leave the 
Bucentaure." 

M. Thiers says that the French Admiral thus found 
himself upon a sinking ship, incapable of taking either 
the offensive or defensive, unable to transmit orders or to 
do anything to save the fleet which had been entrusted 
to him, and unable to answer even a shot to those he was 
still receiving. In this desperate condition, which could 
not be worse, he resigned himself to the sad necessity of 
striking his flag. This took place about four in the after- 
noon. 

"An English boat came and took him on board the 
Mars, where he was received with all the distinction due 
to his rank and his courage." "The seven vessels of the 
centre, which Villenueve commanded, were either cap- 
tured or disabled. Those at the head of the Allied line 
had taken little part in the action, owing to light winds. 
Rear Admiral Dumanoir, who commanded them, feared 
to be compromised uselessly if he went to the assistance 
of either Villeneuve or of the rear division, and he 
decided not to allow his division to become involved in 



TRAFALGAR. 413 

the disaster which he deemed irremediable. So he drew 
off, and his conduct has been made the subject of more 
or less hostile criticism, according as people judged his 
motives." 

" The vessels of the rear division" (we are still follow- 
ing the French account), "commanded by Admiral Grav- 
ina and Rear- Admiral Magon, carried on the battle with 
devoted courage. The Algesiras (flag-ship of the French 
Rear-Admiral) made as terribly desperate a defence 
{always defence) as the Redou table. Magon had for 
opponent the Tonnant, a ship taken from the French, of 
80 guns. He was about to board her when the same 
misfortune happened which occurred to the Redoutable. 
Another English ship raked the Algesiras, sweeping off 
a large number of her crew by broadsides of grape. She 
endeavored to reply to this new enemy, when a third 
came and joined them. In this Homeric struggle the 
Algesiras for a time fought all three. The Captain of the 
Tonnant tried three times to board the Aleesiras. Mao-on 
himself, at the head of his crew, boardine-axe in hand, 
set an example to his men, and his decks were stained 
with blood in this hand-to-hand conflict. Conspicuous 
for his brilliant uniform, which he refused to lay aside, he 
was soon wounded by a musket ball, but remained on 
deck. A second ball hit him in the thigh, and feeling 
faint he allowed himself to be taken below to have the 
wound dressed, expecting to return. Unfortunately his 
ship's sides were so battered that grape could readily 
enter below, and Magon was hardly below when he was 
killed by a grape-shot through the chest. 

" The sailors of the Algesiras seemed rendered desper- 
ate by the news of his death, but all their courage did 
not avail. Out of 641 men on board of her, 150 were 
killed and 180 wounded. Her masts were gone, her 



414 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

battery dismounted, and when the English boarded they 
overran the ship, and her flag was struck. Admiral Gra- 
vina, on board the Principe d' Asturias, and surrounded by 
English vessels, fought with the fury of despair. Holding 
out well against odds, he gave time to the Neptune and 
Pluto to come down to his assistance. Unfortunately, 
just as this aid arrived he was mortally wounded." 

"Another episode in this battle of giants marked its 
termination. The Achille caught fire, and her crew, 
instead of attending to that, would not leave her guns, 
and she blew up, with tremendous violence." 

"At five in the afternoon the French fleet was either 
destroyed or fugitive. Seventeen French and Spanish 
ships had been taken, and one blew up. The combined 
fleet lost six or seven thousand men in killed, wounded, 
drowned and prisoners. A more horrible sight has 
seldom been seen in a naval battle. 

"The English had suffered much. Many of them had 
lost masts ; some were entirely disabled. They lost 
about three thousand men, a great many officers, and 
Nelson. And this had the effect of moderating the 
enthusiasm in England over this great victory. During 
the following night a heavy gale arose, as Nelson had 
foreseen. The English, having great trouble to take 
care of themselves, were forced to abandon the prizes 
they had in tow, or in company. Many of the prizes 
were seized by the prisoners, and, after great effort, 
succeeded in getting into Cadiz. The English retained 
but four of their prizes and Admiral Villeneuve, whose 
troubles were not yet ended. The French marine was 
almost destroyed, physically and morally ; and they have 
hardly recovered from it at this day. 

" Napoleon heard of it when in Germany, in the midst 
of triumphs, and 'he never forgave Villeneuve.' The 



TRAFALGAR. 415 

Admiral was placed at liberty by the English, and came 
home in April, 1806, hoping to justify his conduct. He 
forwarded a letter to Paris, and soon followed it in 
person. But while still on the journey, he received a 
reply, the contents of which caused him to give himself 
six fatal stabs with a knife, in the region of the heart, 
causing almost immediate death." 

Having seen how fairly and truthfully, upon the whole, 
the French have described some of the incidents of this 
great battle, let us now return to some of the details and 
the result. 

It will be remembered that Nelson was urging the 
Victory into action ; and that vessel being fast-sailing 
for a line-of-battle ship, would probably have been, like the 
Royal Sovereign, far ahead of the ships in her wake, but 
that the Temeraire, having on board very little provisions 
or water, was what the sailors call "flying light." This 
ship was called the "fighting Temeraire." She had been 
taken from the French, and was commanded in this 
action by the gallant Captain Eliab Harvey, a name 
worthy of a down-east Yankee. She is well known from 
the celebrated picture, by Turner, of "The fighting 
Temeraire towed to her last berth." 

The great difficulty on the part of the Temeraire was 
to keep astern of her leader ; and to do this she was 
obliged frequently to yaw, or to make a traverse. Hence 
the Temeraire shared with the Victory — although not to 
quite so great an extent — the damage and loss of life 
sustained by the head of the weather English column, 
from the Allies' heavy and incessant raking fire. 

Shortly after the Victory opened her port guns the 
Temeraire opened hers ; and when the former put her 
helm aport, to steer towards the Redoutable, the Teme- 
raire, to keep clear of her leader, was compelled to do 



416 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the same, receiving a fire as she passed the Santissima 
Trinidada, that did her much damage. 

At last, when the Victory passed through, the Teme- 
raire succeeded. Meanwhile the Victory had got foul of 
the Redoutable, and the two ships payed off to the 
eastward. The Temeraire had scarcely begun to haul 
up, to avoid being raked by the French Neptune, which 
was in a position to do so with impunity, when the 
Temeraire discovered, through the smoke, the Redout- 
able drivinof down on board her. The wind was too li^ht 
to work clear of her — and the French Neptune opened 
on the English ship, in a raking position, and soon 
shot away most of her spars. Rendered unmanageable, 
the Temeraire could only continue her cannonade of the 
Redoutable from -her port battery. This she did until 
the French ship shut in her lower-deck ports, as we have 
seen she had already done on the opposite side ; and 
then she fell on board the Temeraire — the French ship's 
bowsprit passing over the British ship's gangway, just 
before the mizzen-rigging, where, in order to have the 
benefit of a raking fire, the Temeraire's men lashed it. 
Then they poured in round after round, with most 
destructive effect. This fire of the Temeraire is said to 
have cost the French ship two hundred in killed and 
wounded. This happened just after the Victory and 
the Temeraire had got clear of each other — and just 
after Nelson had received his death wound. 

The three ships now lying nearly parallel, the two 
larger English ships had the French two-decker lying 
between them and riddled by their shot. The English 
had to use a diminished charge of powder to prevent their 
shot from passing through, to injure their friends, and 
their guns contained three shot each, and were much 
depressed. Fire was now the common enemy of the 



TRAFALGAR. 417 

three ships, grappled together in this dogged fight. The 
seamen of the English ships were actually obliged to 
throw buckets of water into the holes made by their shot 
in the Redoutable's sides. All this time the Victory's 
guns, on the other side, had continued to play upon 
the Spanish four-decker, until the English Neptune 
came up and took charge of her. " The Redoutable, 
although she did not make use of her great guns, 
kept up a heavy fire of musketry, both from her decks 
and from her tops. In each of the latter were one or 
two brass cohorn mortars, which she repeatedly dis- 
charged, with great effect, upon the decks of her antago- 
nists. From the diagonal position of the Redoutable, 
at the time the Temeraire lashed her to her gangway, 
the quarter-deck and the poop of the Victory became 
greatly exposed to the top fire of the French ship, whose 
mizzen-top was just abaft and rather below the Victory's 
main-yard." About half- past one a musket ball from this 
top struck Lord Nelson in the left shoulder, as, having 
walked along the middle of the quarter-deck, from abaft, 
he was in the act of turning round to the right, near the 
main hatchway, to walk back, on the left hand of Captain 
Hardy, then a step or two in advance, giving some 
necessary orders. Dr. Beatty says, "Lord Nelson fell 
upon his face, in exactly the same spot where his Secre- 
tary had been killed early in the action ; and Scott's 
blood not having been removed, soiled Lord Nelson's 
clothes. He was raised at once by three of the crew, 
and Captain Hardy, on turning round, became aware of 
what had happened. Hardy eagerly said that he hoped 
he was not severely wounded, and Nelson replied, 'They 
have done for me at last, Hardy!' 'I hope not,' said 
Hardy. 'Yes,' replied the Admiral, 'my backbone is 
shot through.' The men, by Captain Hardy's direction, 
27 



4J8 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

bore the Admiral to the cockpit," where we shall leave 
him for the present. 

Although sure to suffer most from the effects of fire, 
the Redoutable continued to throw hand grenades from 
her tops and yard-arms, some of which, rebounding, set 
fire to her fore and main chains and shrouds. This fire 
communicated to the Temeraire, but was soon extin- 
guished by her people. 

The Victory's crew, after putting out a fire on the 
booms of that vessel, actually assisted in putting out the 
flames on board the Redoutable, throwing buckets of 
water from their ship. 

For a quarter of an hour after Nelson had received 
his wound the Victory maintained a steady cannonade at 
the hull of the Redoutable, receiving in return a fire of 
musketry which continued to kill or wound many officers 
and men. It was a little after two when the main and 
mizzen masts of the French ship fell. This stopped her 
formidable musketry, and the two English ships prepared 
to take possession of her. The Victory, however, tum- 
bled home so much that, the Frenchman's ports being 
shut, her men could not board. The Temeraire, being 
French built, did not tumble in much, and she had, 
besides, the fallen mizzen-mast as a bridge — and down 
the latter the crew of the Temeraire scrambled, and 
boarded and took possession of the most gallantly fought 
French ship. 

Then another complication took place. The French 
ship Fougueux, 74, after engaging the Royal Sovereign, 
Belleisle, and Mars, stood slowly across for the starboard 
beam of the Temeraire — the latter lying with her head 
about east. The object of the Fougueux was probably 
to pass to windward of the Temeraire, and rake her ; or 
perhaps to board her — as the Temeraire's appearance 



TRAFALGAR. 419 

indicated that she was much disabled — her colors being 
then down, from having - her gaff carried away. But the 
English ship had her starboard broadside in perfect 
readiness, and delayed firing until the Fougueux got quite 
close. Then she fired, and there was a fearful crash on 
board the French ship. Crippled and confused the 
latter fell on board the Temeraire, and there she was im- 
mediately lashed. Boarders from the Temeraire leaped 
on board of her at once — finding her Captain mortally 
wounded, and some of the other officers endeavoring- to 
rally the crew to repel boarders. In ten minutes she was 
a prize to the Temeraire. Four ships were thus locked 
together at once, but the Victory soon disengaged her- 
self, and lying with her head to the northward, ceased 
firing, temporarily. She had been terribly cut up, and had 
lost fifty-seven killed, and one hundred and two wounded. 
The Redoutable, which had occupied the exposed posi- 
tion, out of a crew "of six hundred and forty-three, had 
lost three hundred killed, and two hundred and twenty- 
two wounded — including nearly all her officers. The 
Temeraire was much damaged, and her loss was forty- 
seven killed and seventy-six wounded. The Fougueux 
had not suffered nearly so much as the others. 

The Leviathan was the last English ship engaged with 
the French Commander-in-chief, which latter, upon hauling 
down her colors, was boarded by the Leviathan's Cap- 
tain of Marines and five men. 

On reaching the Bucentaure's quarter-deck, M. Ville- 
neuve and the first and second Captains presented their 
swords, but the Marine Officer declined to receive them, 
and referred them to Captain Pellew, of the Leviathan. 
Securing the magazine, and putting the key in his pocket, 
and placing sentries at the cabin doors, the Marine Officer 
pulled off, with the French Admiral and his two Captains. 



420 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

His own ship had proceeded in chase and left him, so he 
took the French officers on board the Mars — and here 
they remained prisoners. 

And now in regard to the huge four-decker, the Span- 
ish Santissima Trinidada. At half-past two she had been 
so sharply handled by different English ships, that she 
was dismasted, and lay an unmanageable wreck. The 
Neptune being called off by an attack from some of the 
ships of the Allied van, the Africa, 64, bore down ahead 
of the Sta. Trinidada. Meeting no return to her fire, 
and seeinp- no colors hoisted, the Africa concluded that 
the four-decker had surrendered, and sent a boat to take 
possession. 

On the Lieutenant's reaching the quarter-deck and 
asking if she had surrendered, a Spanish officer answered 
"No," at the same time pointing to one Spanish and four 
French sail-of-the-line then passing to windward. As, 
owing to being dismasted, the four-decker was fast drift- 
ing away from the two fleets, the English Lieutenant, who 
had only a boat's crew with him, quitted the ship — being, 
singularly enough, permitted to do so — and returned to 
the Africa. 

The Santissima Trinidada then remained without a 
prize crew until about half-past five, when the Prince, 98, 
took her in tow, in obedience to signal. The great ship's 
loss in killed and wounded was very severe, having sus- 
tained, in succession, the raking fire of four different 
ships, and her hull, especially her stern and quarters, 
was dreadfully shattered. 

It is impossible to follow the fortunes of the other 
ships, interesting as they are, and remarkable for gallant 
actions on both sides. 

We must, however, mention the collision of the Allied 
van with some of the English ships. 



TRAFALGAR. 421 

At about half-past two the whole of the Allied van, 
except the Sta. Trinidada, began to put about, in obedi- 
ence to a signal from their Commander-in-chief to come 
quickly into close action. They did not comply very 
readily with the signal ; indeed, owing to the light wind, 
they could not do so. 

When ten ships got round on the starboard tack, five 
of them (four French and one Spanish), under Rear 
Admiral Dumanoir, hauled their wind, and the other five 
kept away, as if to join Admiral Gravina, then to lee- 
ward of the rear, in the act of making off. In the 
height of this confusion in the combined van, the Britan- 
nia, Agamemnon, Orion, and Ajax got intermingled 
among the French and Spanish ships that had put about 
and were edging away. Quite a spirited fight now took 
place between these, and Admiral Dumanoir, with his five 
ships, interchanged shots with many of the English. 

It was just at this moment that Captain Hardy dis- 
patched a Lieutenant to Vice-Admiral Collingwood, to 
inform him that Lord Nelson was wounded. 

The hauling to windward of Dumanoir gave the two 
rear ships of the English weather squadron, the Mino- 
taur and Spartiate, an opportunity of exchanging broad- 
sides with the French ships Formidable, Duguay- 
Trouin, Mont Blanc and Scipion, while they succeeded in 
cutting off the rear ship, the Spanish Neptune, 80, and 
she was captured, about five p. m. This was not done 
without a warm resistance from the Spaniard, which was 
the last ship which struck on that eventful day. 

The British fleet, in all this five hours' fighting, had 
only had 449 killed and 1241 wounded. 

While this fleet was securing their disabled and bat- 
tered prizes, and getting the latter, as well as themselves, 
in a state to keep the sea, and while the more fortunate 



422 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of the French and Spanish ships were profiting by the 
occasion to effect their escape from the scene of disaster, 
let us look at the cockpit of the Victory, where lay, dying, 
the chief hero of the day. 

The manner of receiving his wound has been already 
described. Dr. Beatty, who had the ball in his posses- 
sion, says it was not fired from a rifled piece, although it 
was stated, in Southey's life of Nelson, that Tyrolean 
riflemen were posted in the tops of the French ship. 

Dr. Beatty says, "While the men were carrying Lord 
Nelson down the ladder, from the middle deck, his Lord- 
ship observed that the tiller ropes were not yet replaced, 
and sent a midshipman to remind Captain Hardy of the 
circumstance, and requested that new ones should be 
immediately rove. Having given this order, he took his 
handkerchief from his pocket and covered his face, that 
he might not, at this crisis, be recognized by the crew." 
These are most thoughtful and touching precautions. 

When he was dying Captain Hardy came down, with 
tidings of the victory being certain. Dr. Beatty says, 
"Lord Nelson and Captain Hardy shook hands, and the 
Captain congratulated him, even in the arms of death, 
upon the brilliant victory, which he said was complete, 
although he did not know how many ships were cap- 
tured ; certainly fourteen or fifteen. Nelson said, 'That 
is well, but I bargained for twenty,' and then emphati- 
cally exclaimed, 'Anchor, Hardy, anchor ! ' 'I suppose, 
my Lord, Admiral Collingwood will now take upon him- 
self the direction of affairs.' ' Not while I live, I hope, 
Hardy ! ' cried Nelson ; ' No, do you anchor, Hardy.' 
Captain Hardy then said, ' Shall we make the signal, 
sir?' 'Yes,' answered Nelson, 'for if I live, I'll 
anchor.'" 

In about fifteen minutes Lord Nelson became speechless, 



THE U. S. SAILING FRIGATE, CONSTITUTION. 

(" Old Ironsides.") 



TRAFALGAR. 423 

and died at half-past four. His best and truest friends 
only regretted that he had not died instantly, on the 
quarter-deck, when he was wounded. 

All nations have done justice to Nelson's character, 
and a celebrated French writer says, he "ought to be 
held up as a model to Admirals, both for the extraordi- 
nary pains he took to know his Admirals and Captains, 
and by the spirit of the attacks which he resolved to 
undertake. He unfolded to them his general plan of 
operations, and the modifications with which the weather 
or the manoeuvres of the enemy might force him to 
qualify his original determination. 

When once he had explained his system to the superior 
officers of his fleet, he confided to them the charge of 
acting according to circumstances, so as to lead, in the 
most favorable manner, to the consummation of the 
enterprise so planned. And Nelson, who was allowed to 
choose the companions of his glory, possessed the talent 
and the happiness to find men worthy of his instruction 
and confidence. They learned, in action, to supply what 
had escaped his forethought, and in success to surpass 
even his hopes." 

The immediate result of the Battle of Trafalgar was 
seventeen French and Spanish ships-of-the-line captured, 
and one French ship burnt. Four French ships effected 
their escape to the southward ; and Admiral Gravina, 
with eleven French and Spanish ships-of-the-line, and the 
smaller vessels, anchored under Rota, in the course of the 
succeeding night. 

At six p. m. Vice-Admiral Collingwood, now Com- 
mander-in-Chief, shifted his flag to the Euryalus frigate, 
and the latter, taking the Royal Sovereign in tow, stood 
off shore with her. 

Most of the British ships were so damaged, either in 



424 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

spars or hull, that they were not in a condition to carry 
sail. 

Of seventeen prizes, eight were wholly dismasted, the 
remainder partly so. Some were nearly in a sinking 
condition. 

To add to their perilous condition, they were then in 
thirteen fathoms of water, with the shoals of Trafalgar 
only a few miles to leeward. Fortunately the wind, 
which was west-south-west, and dead on shore, was 
moderate; but there was a high swell, which was bad for 
wounded masts. At nine p. M. the Vice-Admiral made 
the signal to anchor, but few could do so, as many cables 
were cut by shot. At midnight the wind veered to south- 
south-west, and freshened, and signals were made to 
to those under way to wear, with heads to the westward. 
Four of the dismasted prizes anchored off Cape Tra- 
falgar, and ' the rest wore t and drifted seaward. Next 
morning Collingwood issued a general order of thanks 
to the fleet. 

There was then a fresh southerly wind ; but thirteen 
of the prizes, which had remained under way, were got 
hold of, and towed to the westward. But at five o'clock 
that afternoon it was found that the Redoutable was 
sinking, which she did, with many French prisoners and 
her prize crew on board. Some were saved on a raft, 
but many were lost. Other fearful casualties occurred 
during the rough weather of the succeeding night. The 
Fougueux was lost, with all on board but twenty-five ; 
and the Algesiras was given up to the prisoners, who 
carried her into Cadiz. The Bucentaure was wrecked, 
but her crew was saved. 

A heavy gale continued, and on the 23d the French 
Captain, Cosmao-Kerjulien, with five ships and five 
frigates, recaptured two of the prizes, which were drifting 



TRAFALGAR. 425 

about. But in doing so one of his own ships, the Indompt- 
able, a fine eighty-gun vessel, was wrecked, with all on 
board lost ; and the Spanish ship St. Francis d' Assis was 
lost, with most of her crew. Other casualties occurred. 

Altogether, of the ships captured by the British, at the 
end of the operations only four — one French and three 
Spanish 74's — remained as trophies in the hands of the 
conquerors. Nor was one of them worth the pains and 
risk taken to preserve her. The Victory, towed by the 
Neptune, arrived at Gibraltar on the 28th of October, 
and on the 3d of November, having been partially 
refitted, she sailed for England — having Nelson's body, 
preserved in spirits, on board. At Chatham the Admi- 
ralty yacht received the coffin, which was made of the 
main-mast of the French flag-ship Orient, which was 
burnt at the battle of the Nile — and which had been 
presented to Nelson by Captain Hallowell. This was 
placed in a leaden coffin ; and his flag, which had been 
kept at half-mast on board the Victory, was struck for 
the last time. 

His body, thus encofiined, lay in state at Green- 
wich Hospital; and on the 9th of January, 1806, was 
buried, with great pomp, in St. Paul's Cathedral. 

Lord Nelson was engaged in action with an enemy 
over one hundred and twenty times, and besides being 
severely wounded elsewhere, lost his right eye and his 
right arm. 

He had not long passed his forty-seventh birthday 
when he was killed. 

His brother William was made an Earl, with ^6000 per 
annum and ,£100,000 for the purchase of an estate; 
while ^10,000 pounds were given to each of his sisters. 

It was also decided that two ships should be built ; 
one of one hundred and twenty guns, to be called the 



426 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Nelson ; and one of ninety-eight guns, to be called the 
Trafalgar. Collingwood was made a Baron, and voted 
^2000 per annum ; and, of course, there were a very 
large number of minor promotions. 



WASP AND FROLIC. 



427 



XXX. 

WASP AND FROLIC. A.D.1812. 




N November 13th, 181 2, the American 18- 
gun ship-sloop Wasp, Captain Jacob Jones, 
with a crew of 137 men, sailed from the 
Delaware, and ran off southeast, to get 
into the track of the West India traders. 
On the next day she encountered a heavy 
gale, and lost her jib-boom and two men 
who were upon it. On the 17th, the 
weather having moderated somewhat, she discovered 
several sail, which were part of a convoy of merchant- 
men from Honduras, bound for England, under convoy 
of the British 18-gun brig-sloop Frolic, of 19 guns and 
1 10 men, commanded by Captain Whinyates. They had 
been dispersed by the gale of the 16th, in which the 
Frolic had lost her main-yard. The Frolic had spent 
the next day in repairing damages, and by dark, six of 
her missing convoy had rejoined her. On Sunday, the 
1 8th, which was a fine day, the convoy was discovered 
ahead and to leeward of the American ship, Captain 
Jones not choosing to close during the night, as he was 
ignorant of the force opposed to him. 

The Wasp now sent down top-gallant yards, close 
reefed her top-sails, and bore down under short fighting 
canvas. The Frolic lashed her damaged yard on deck, 
and hauled by the wind, under her boom main-sail and 
close reefed fore-top-sail, hoisting Spanish colors to decoy 



428 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the stranger down, and permit her convoy to escape. By 
half-past eleven the ships were close together, and run- 
ning on the starboard tack, parallel, and not more than 
sixty yards apart. They then commenced firing, the Wasp 
her port, and the Frolic her starboard battery. The 
latter fired very rapidly, delivering three broadsides to 
the Wasp's two, both crews cheering loudly as the ships 
wallowed through the water, abreast of each other. 
There was a very heavy sea running, left by the gale, 
which caused the vessels to roll and pitch heavily. The 
Americans fired as the engaged side of their ship was 
going down, aiming at the Frolic's hull, while the English 
fired while on the crest of the seas, their shot going high. 

The water flew in clouds of spray over both vessels, 
which rolled so that the muzzles of the guns went under; 
but in spite of this the firing was spirited and well 
directed. In five minutes the Wasp's main-top-mast 
was shot away, and fell across the port fore and fore-top- 
sail braces, rendering her head yards unmanageable. 
Ten minutes after her gaff and mizzen-top-gallant mast 
came down, and by eleven o'clock every brace and most 
of her rigging was shot away, so that it was impossible 
to brace her yards. 

But in the meantime the Frolic had suffered dreadfully 
in her hull and lower masts, and her gaff and head braces 
were also shot away. The slaughter among her crew was 
also very great; but the survivors kept at their work with 
the dogged courage of their race. At first the two vessels 
ran side by side, but the American gradually forged 
ahead, throwing in her fire from a position in which she 
herself received little injury. By degrees they drew so 
close together that the Americans struck the Frolic's side 
with their rammers, in loading, and beean to rake the 
British vessel with dreadful effect. 



WASr AND FROLIC. 429 

The Frolic then fell on board her antagonist, her jib- 
boom coming in between the main and mizzen-rigging 
of the Wasp, and passing over the heads of Captain 
Jones and Lieutenant Biddle, who were standing by the 
capstan, on the quarter-deck. 

This forced the Wasp up into the wind, and she again 
raked the Frolic, Captain Jones trying to restrain his 
crew, who were anxious to board, until he could put in 
another broadside. But they could not be held back, and 
Jack Lang, a seaman from New Jersey, leaped on the 
Frolic's bowsprit. Lieutenant Biddle then mounted the 
hammock-cloth, to board, but got his feet entangled in 
some rigging, and one of the midshipmen seizing his 
coat-tails, to help himself up, the Lieutenant tumbled back 
on the deck. As the ship rose to the next swell he suc- 
ceeded in getting on the bowsprit, on which were one or 
two seamen of his ship. ' But there was no one to 
oppose them. The man at the wheel stood grim and 
undaunted, and there were two or three more about the 
deck, among them Captain Whinyates and his First 
Lieutenant, both so severely wounded that they could 
not stand without support. There could be no more 
resistance, and Lieutenant Biddle hauled down the flag 
himself, at a quarter-past twelve — just forty-three minutes 
after the action commenced. Almost immediately both 
the Frolic's masts went by the board. 

Of her crew not twenty men escaped unhurt. Every 
officer was wounded and two were killed. Her total loss 
was thus over ninety, about thirty of whom were killed 
outright or died of wounds. 

The Wasp suffered severely in her rigging and aloft 
generally, but only two or three shots struck her hull. 
Five of her men were killed — two in her mizzen-top, and 



430 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

one in her main-top-mast rigging, and five were wounded, 
chiefly aloft. 

The two vessels were practically of equal force. The 
loss of the Frolic's main-yard had converted her into a 
brigantine, and as the roughness of the sea made it 
necessary to fight under very short canvas, her inferiority 
in men was fully compensated for by her superiority in 
metal. She had been desperately defended ; no men 
could have fought more bravely than Captain Whinyates 
and his crew. On the other hand, the Americans had 
done their work with a coolness and skill that could not 
be surpassed. The contest had been mainly one of 
gunnery, and had been decided by the greatly superior 
judgment and accuracy with which they fired. Both 
officers and crew had behaved well. 

The French Vice-Admiral Jurien de la Graviere, 
commenting on this action, says: "The American fire 
showed itself to be as accurate as it was rapid. On 
occasions, when the roughness of the seas would seem to 
render all aim excessively uncertain, the effects of their 
artillery were not less murderous than under more advan- 
tageous conditions. The corvette Wasp fought the brig 
Frolic in an enormous sea, under very short canvas, and 
yet, forty minutes after the beginning of the action, the 
Americans who leaped on board the brig found on the 
deck, covered with dead and dying, but one brave man, 
who had not left the wheel, and three officers, all 
wounded, etc., etc." 

The characteristics of the action are the practical 
equality of the contestants in point of force, and the 
enormous disparity in the damage each suffered. Numer- 
ically the Wasp was superior by five per cent, and 
inflicted a ninefold greater loss. 

Captain Jones was not destined to bring his prize into 



WASP AND FROLIC. 431 

port, for a few hours afterward the Poictiers, a British 74, 
hove in sight. Now appeared the value of the Frolic's 
desperate defence ; if she could not prevent herself from 
being captured, she had at least ensured her own recap- 
ture, and also the capture of her foe. When the Wasp 
made sail they were found to be cut into ribbons, and she 
could not make off with sufficient speed. The Poictiers 
soon overtook her, and carried both vessels into Ber- 
muda. Captain Jones and his officers and men were 
soon exchanged, and Congress voted them prize money 
for their capture ; while the Captain and Lieutenant 
Biddle were both deservedly promoted. 



432 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AUD MODERN. 

XXXI. 

CONSTITUTION. A. D. 1812. 




FTER the declaration of war with Eng- 
land, on the 1 8th of June, 181 2, Vice- 
Admiral Sawyer, of the British Navy, 
prepared a squadron at Halifax, and 
dispatched it, on July 5th, to cruise 
against the United States. This squad- 
ron was commanded by Captain Broke, 
of the Shannon, 38, an officer of great 
merit and experience, who had under him the Belvidera, 
2,6, Captain Byron, another excellent officer, the Africa, 
64, and the ^Eolus, 32. 

On the 9th of July, off Nantucket, they were joined 
by the ■ Guerriere, 38, Captain Dacres. This squadron, 
on the 1 6th, fell in with and captured the United States 
brig Nautilus, 14, which, like all the brigs of that day, 
was overloaded with men and guns ; she threw her guns 
overboard, and made use of every expedient to escape, 
but with no avail. 

At 3 p. m. on the following day, when the British squad- 
ron was off Barnegat, and about twelve miles from the 
shore, a strange sail was seen in the southeast, or 
windward quarter, standing to the northeast. This ves- 
sel was the United States frigate Constitution, 44, Cap- 
tain Isaac Hull. When the war broke out he was in 
the Chesapeake, engaged in getting a new crew. Hav- 
ing on board about four hundred and fifty souls, he sailed 



CONSTITUTION. 433 

on the 1 2th of July. His crew was entirely new, drafts 
of men coming on board up to the last moment. Hull 
wrote, j-ist before sailing, that "the crew are as yet 
unacquainted with a ship-of-war, as many have but lately 
joined and have never been on an armed ship before. 
We are doing all that we can to make them acquainted 
with their duty, and in a few days we shall have nothing 
to fear from any single-decked ship." On the 17th, at 2 
p. m., Hull discovered four sail to the northward, heading 
to the westward. An hour after, the wind being very 
light, the Constitution made more sail, and tacked ship, 
being in eighteen and a-half fathoms. At four p. m. the 
Constitution discovered a fifth sail, which was the 
Guerriere. At about six o'clock the wind shifted and 
blew lightly from the south, bringing the American ship 
to windward, and she immediately wore, with her head 
to the eastward, set studding-sails and stay-sails, and at 
half-past seven beat to quarters, intending to speak the 
nearest vessel, the Guerriere. The two frigates neared 
each other gradually, and the Constitution, at ten p. m., 
began making signals. These were not answered, and 
the two frigates gradually drew near each other; the 
Guerriere discovered, on her lee beam, the other British 
vessels, and signalled to them. 

They did not answer the signals, thinking she must 
know who they were — a circumstance which afterwards 
gave rise to sharp recriminations. Dacres, concluding 
them to be Commodore Rodgers' American squadron, 
tacked, and stood away from the Constitution for some 
time before discovering his mistake. 

The next morning, soon after daylight, Hull had just 

enough steerage-way to keep the Constitution's head to 

the east, on the starboard tack. On his lee quarter, 

bearing northeast by north, were the Belvidera and 

28 



434 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Guerriere, and astern the Shannon, ^F.olus, and Africa. 
At half-past five in the morning it fell dead calm, and 
Hull called away his boats, to tow the ship to the south- 
ward. At the same time he got two long guns aft, and 
cut away the tanrail, to give them more room to work; 
while he ran out of the cabin windows two of the long 
main-deck 24's. 

By this time the British had followed his example, and 
had their boats out to tow. Soon, however, a light breeze 
sprang up, and the Constitution set all studding-sails and 
stay-sails. At this time the Shannon opened upon her 
with her bow-guns, but ceased when she found she did 
not reach the American ship. By half-past six in the 
morning the light breeze had died away again, and the 
Shannon began to gain on the Constitution, in conse- 
quence of most of the boats of the British squadron 
being set to tow her. Just then the Constitution sounded 
in twenty-six fathoms, and Lieut. Charles Morris sug- 
gested to Captain Hull to try hedging. This was 
adopted, and all the spare rope bent on to the hedges, 
paid out into the cutters, and then one kedge run out 
half a mile ahead and let go. The crew then clapped on 
and walked the ship up to the kedge — over-running and 
tripping it as she came to the end of the line. Mean- 
while, the other kedge and lines were carried out ; and 
the ship thus glided away from her pursuers. 

At half-past seven a. m. a little breeze sprang up, and 
the Constitution then set her ensign and fired a shot at 
the Shannon — the first shot of this remarkable chase. 
It soon fell calm again, and the Shannon began to near. 
This was a critical time, for, if the Shannon got close 
enough to disable in the slightest degree the spars of the 
American frigate, she must inevitably be captured. But 
about nine" o'clock an air from the southward struck the 



CONSTITUTION. 435 

Constitution, bringing her to windward. The breeze was 
seen, freshening the glassy surface of the sea, her sails 
were trimmed, and as soon as possible she was brought 
close upon the port tack. The boats which -were 
engaged in kedging dropped alongside ; those which 
belonged to the davits were run up, and the others lifted 
clear of the water by purchases from the chains and spare 
spars, so that they could be used again at a moment's 
notice. The Guerriere, on her lee beam, now opened 
fire, but, as it fell short, Hull paid no attention to it. 
Again, to Hull's vexation, it fell calm — it was, indeed, 
just such a summer's day as is often seen off the Jersey 
coast, when it seems as if the wind had died out forever — 
and he started two thousand gallons of water, and once 
more lowered his boats to tow ; having to use great 
exertion to keep the Shannon, which had most of the 
boats of the squadron, from gaining on her. Again a 
breath of air ruffled the water, and this time the Belvidera 
gained on the other British ships, and their boats were 
all put on to tow her. (Cooper says that this ship was 
the Shannon still, but Roosevelt, a very careful writer, 
says it was the Belvidera.) Captain Byron, of this ship, 
observing how the Constitution crept away from them by 
warping, did the same thing ; and he even improved 
upon the operation by working two kedge anchors at the 
same time — paying the warp out of one hawse hole as it 
was run in through the other. Having men from the 
other English ships on board, and a lighter ship to work, 
he gradually gained upon the Constitution. Hull fully 
expected to be overtaken, but he made all his arrange- 
ments to endeavor to disable the first frigate before her 
consorts could come up. The English frigates, on the 
other hand, were deterred from coming very close, for 



436 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

fear of having their boats sunk by the American frigate's 
stern-chasers. 

The Constitution's crew worked splendidly. Officers 
and men regularly relieved each other in the exhausting 
labor, the officers lying down on deck for a short rest, 
and the men sleeping at their guns. The Constitution 
rather gained, but the situation continued critical. The 
British ships continued towing and kedging, barely out of 
gun-shot, all the afternoon, the few light puffs of air being 
carefully watched, and made the most of by both sides. 
At seven in the evening, it being dead calm again, the 
towing and kedging was renewed, the men being much 
worn by their continued exertions. But partial breezes 
during the night gave them some rest, and at daylight 
the Belvidera was off the Constitution's lee beam, with 
a light breeze from the southeast. The yEolus was also 
well up, but the wind now freshened, and the Constitu- 
tion and the English frigates were soon running off on 
the starboard tack, with every stitch of sail set. The 
Africa was so far to leeward as to be out of the race. At 
nine in the morning an American merchant ship hove in 
sight, and came down toward the English squadron. The 
Belvidera hoisted the American colors, as a decoy, but 
the Constitution immediately hoisted the British flag, and 
the merchant vessel hauled off. At noon Hull found he 
had dropped all the British ships. The Belvidera was the 
nearest, being in his wake, and at least two miles and 
a-half off. The Shannon was to leeward, and much 
further off; and the others were five miles off, on the lee 
quarter. The breeze freshened, and the Constitution's 
sails being watched and trimmed with consummate skill, 
she continued to draw away from her pursuers, so that 
at daylight the next morning the nearest was four miles 
astern. Soon after there were indications of a heavy 



CONSTITUTION. 437 

thunder squall, and the indefatigable Hull again had an 
opportunity to show that he excelled in seamanship even 
the able English captains who were pitted against him. 
The crew of the Constitution went to their stations for 
working ship, and everything was kept fast until the last 
moment. Just before the squall struck the ship sail was 
handsomely reduced ; but as soon as Hull got the weight 
of the wind he sheeted home, set his fore and main top- 
gallant-sails, and was off on an easy bowline, at the rate 
of eleven knots an hour. The British vessels, seeing- 
him reduce sail, began to let go, clew up and haul down, 
without waiting for the wind, and were steering on 
different tacks when the first gust struck them. 

When the squall passed over the Belvidera had fallen 
much astern, and to leeward, while the other ships were 
nearly hull down. The wind now fell light and baffling, 
but Hull had the sails continually wet down, and contin- 
ued to draw away from his pertinacious pursuers, so that 
on the morning of the 20th, being almost out of sight 
astern, they abandoned the chase. On July 26th the 
Constitution reached Boston. 

" In this chase Hull was matched against five British 
captains, two of whom, Broke and Byron, were fully 
equal to any in their navy; and while they showed great 
perseverance, good seamanship, and ready imitation, there 
can be no doubt that the palm in every way belongs to 
the cool old Yankee. Every daring expedient known to 
the most perfect seamanship was tried, and tried with 
success ; and no victorious fight could reflect more credit 
on the conqueror than this three days' chase did on Hull. 
Later, on two occasions, the Constitution proved herself 
far superior in gunnery to the average British frigate ; 
this time her officers and men showed that they could 
handle the sails as well as they could the guns. Hull 



438 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

out-manoeuvred Broke and Byron as cleverly as, a month 
later, he out-fought Dacres. His successful escape and 
victorious fight were both performed in a way that place 
him above any single-ship captain of the war." 

Hull left Boston, in the Constitution, on August 2d, 
and stood off to the eastward. Falling in with nothing, 
she took a turn to the Bay of Fundy, the coast of Nova 
Scotia, and Newfoundland, and finally, took up a station 
of! Cape Race, where she took two brigs. As they were 
of small value, Hull burned them. On the 15th of 
August she re-captured an American brig from the 
British ship-sloop Avenger. The latter escaped, but 
Hull manned his prize, and sent her in. Soon after this 
he spoke a Salem privateer, which gave him information 
of a British frigate cruising to the southward. He made 
sail in that direction, and at 2 p. m. of August 19th, in 
latitude 4i°3o' north, and 55 west, he made out a large 
sail to the east-southeast, and to leeward, which proved 
to be his old acquaintance, the frigate Guerriere, Captain 
Dacres. 

It was a cloudy day, and the wind was blowing fresh 
from the northwest. The Guerriere was by the wind, on 
the starboard tack, under easy canvas. She hauled up 
her courses, took in her top-gallant-sails, and at half-past 
four backed her main-top-sail, to wait for her enemy. 
Hull then began to shorten sail, taking in top-gallant- 
sails, stay-sails, and flying jib, sending down his royal- 
yards, and placing a reef in his top-sails. The English 
ship then hoisted three ensigns, upon which Hull set his 
colors, one at each masthead, and one at the mizzen- 
peak. 

The Constitution was running down with the wind 
nearly aft. The Guerriere was on the starboard tack, 
and at five o'clock opened with her weather guns, but 



CONSTITUTION. 439 

the shot fell short. She then wore round, and fired her 
port broadside, of which two shot struck the Constitution, 
the rest passing over and through her rigging. As the 
British frigate again wore, to open with her starboard 
battery, the Constitution yawed a little, and fired two or 
three of her bow guns. The Guerriere repeated her 
manoeuvre three or four times, wearing and firing alter- 
nate broadsides, but with little or no effect, while the 
Constitution each time yawed, to prevent being raked, 
and occasionally she fired one of her bow guns. This 
continued for nearly an hour, as the ships were very far 
apart when the action commenced, and hardly any loss 
or damage was as yet inflicted by either party. At six the 
Guerriere bore up, and ran off, under her top-sails and 
jib, with the wind astern, or a little on the port quarter ; 
when the Constitution set her main-top-gallant-sail and 
foresail, and in a few minutes closed within less than pistol 
shot, on her adversary's port beam. A furious cannonade 
now ensued, each ship firing as her guns bore. At 
twenty minutes past six the ships were fairly abreast, and 
the Constitution shot away the Guerriere's mizzen-mast, 
which fell over her starboard quarter, knocking a large 
hole in her counter, and bringing the ship round against 
her helm. Hitherto the English vessel had suffered very 
greatly, and the Constitution scarcely at all. The latter, 
finding that she was ranging ahead, put her helm aport, 
and luffed short round her enemy's bows, delivering a 
heavy raking fire with her starboard guns, and shooting 
away the Guerriere's main-yard. Then she wore, and 
again passed her enemy's bows, raking the Guerriere 
with her port battery. The Guerriere's mizzen-mast, 
dragging in the water, had by this time pulled her bow 
round till the wind came on her starboard quarter ; and 
so near were the two ships that the Englishman's bow- 



440 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

sprit passed diagonally over the Constitution's quarter- 
deck, and as the latter ship fell off, it got foul of her 
mizzen rigging, so that the ships lay with the Guerriere's 
starboard bow against the Constitution's port, or lee 
quarter-gallery. 

The bow guns of the English frigate now made great 
havoc in Captain Hull's cabin, which was set on fire by 
the close discharges, but the flames were soon extin- 
guished. Both sides now called away boarders, and the 
British crew ran forward on their forecastle, but Captain 
Dacres gave up the idea of boarding when he saw the 
crowds of men on the American's decks. The Constitu- 
tion's boarders and marines had gathered aft, but such a 
heavy sea was running that they could not gain the Guer- 
riere's forecastle. A close musketry fire was now kept 
up, and almost the entire loss of the Constitution 
occurred at this time. Lieutenant Bush, of that ship's 
marines, sprang on the taffrail, to board, and was shot 
dead. Mr. Morris, the First Lieutenant, and the Master, 
Mr. Alwyn, both of whom had leaped upon the taffrail, 
to head the boarders, were wounded at this time, by 
musketry. The Guerriere suffered still more; most of 
the men on her forecastle being killed or wounded. 
Captain Dacres himself was wounded, by a musket ball 
from the Constitution's mizzen-top, while he was stand- 
ing on the hammocks, cheering on his crew. Two of his 
Lieutenants and his Master were also shot down. Lying 
thus, the ships gradually worked round till the wind was 
once more on the port quarter, when they separated, and 
the Guerriere's fore and main-masts both went over the 
side at once, falling on the starboard side, leaving her a 
sheer hulk, rolling her main-deck guns into the water. 
It was now half-past six, and the Constitution boarded 
her tacks, ran off a little way to the eastward, and lay to. 



CONSTITUTION. 441 

A few minutes were now occupied in splicing - and reev- 
ing new running rigging, which had been much cut. 

Captain Hull then stood down under his adversary's 
lee, and the latter immediately struck. It was then just 
seven p. m., and exactly two hours from the time the first 
shot was fired. On the part of the Constitution, how- 
ever, the actual fighting, exclusive of the six or eight 
guns fired during the first hour, while closing, occupied 
less than thirty minutes. 

This account of the action is taken from Roosevelt, and 
we shall proceed to make some extracts from his ju- 
dicious remarks upon the battle. 

The Constitution had on board four hundred and fifty- 
six men, while of the Guerriere's crew, two hundred and 
sixty-seven prisoners were received on board the Con- 
stitution. Deducting ten Americans who would not fight, 
and adding fifteen killed outright, we get two hundred 
and seventy-two. Twenty-eight of her crew were absent 
in prizes. 

The loss of the Constitution was seven killed and 
seven wounded, and almost all this loss occurred from 
musketry, while the ships were foul. 

The Guerriere lost twenty-three killed and fifty-six 
wounded. Roosevelt thus sums up: Constitution, 1576 
tons; comparative force one hundred; comparative loss 
inflicted one hundred. Guerriere, 1338 tons; compara- 
tive force seventy; comparative loss inflicted eighteen. 

The Third Lieutenant of the Constitution was sent on 
board the prize, and the American frigate lay by her 
during the night. At daylight she was found to be in 
danger of sinking, and Captain Hull at once began 
removing the prisoners; and at three o'clock in the after- 
noon set the Guerriere on fire, when she very shortly 
blew up. 



442 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

He then made sail for Boston, where he arrived on the 
30th of August. 

" Captain Hull and his officers," writes Captain Dacres, 
in his official letter, "have treated us like brave and 
generous enemies; the greatest care has been taken 
that we should not lose the smallest trifle." 

The British journals and naval historians laid very great 
stress on the rotten and decayed condition of the Guer- 
riere ; mentioning particularly that the main-mast fell 
solely because of the weight of the falling fore-mast. 
But until the action took place she was considered a very 
fine ship. Dacres declared, some time before, that she 
could take a ship in half the time the Shannon could. 
The fall of her main-mast occurred when the fight was 
practically over; it had no influence whatever on the 
conflict. "It was also asserted that the Guerriere's powder 
was bad; but on no authority. Her first broadside fell 
short; * * * * but none of these causes account 
for the fact that her shot did not hit. Her opponent was 
of such superior force — nearly in the proportion of three 
to two — that success would have been very difficult in 
any event, and no one can doubt the gallantry and pluck 
with which the British ship was fought; but the execution 
was very greatly disproportioned to the force. 

The gunnery of the Guerriere was very poor, and that 
of the Constitution excellent. During the few minutes 
the ships were yard-arm and yard-arm, the latter was not 
hulled once, while no less than thirty of her shot took 
effect on the Guerriere's engaged side, underneath the 
water line. The Guerriere, moreover, was out-manceu- 
vred. Lord Howard Douglass says, "in wearing several 
times and exchanging broadsides in such rapid and con- 
tinual changes of position, her fire was much more harm- 
less than it would have been if she had kept more steady." 



CONSTITUTION. 443 

The Constitution was faultlessly handled. Captain Hull 
displayed the coolness and skill of a veteran, in the way 
in which he managed, first to avoid being raked, and 
then to improve the advantage which the precision and 
rapidity of his fire had gained. 

Cooper says, "After making every allowance claimed 
by the enemy, the character of this victory is not essentially 
altered. Its peculiarities were a fine display of seaman- 
ship in the approach, extraordinary efficiency in the 
attack, and great readiness in repairing damages; all of 
which denote cool and capable officers, with an expert 
and trained crew; in a word, a disciplined man-of-war." 
The disparity of force, 10 to 7, is not enough to account 
for the disparity of execution, 10 to 2. Of course, some- 
thing must be allowed for the decayed state of the 
Englishman's masts, although it probably had not any real 
influence upon the battle, for he was beaten when the 
main-mast fell. It must be remembered, on the other 
hand, that the American crew were absolutely new, and 
unaccustomed to a fighting ship, while the Guerriere was 
manned by old hands. So that, while admitting and 
admiring the gallantry, and, on the whole, the seaman- 
ship, of Captain Dacres and his crew, and acknowledging 
that he fought at a disadvantage, especially in being 
short-handed, yet it must be acknowledged that the 
combat showed a marked superiority, particularly in 
gunnery, on the part of the Americans. Had the ships 
not come foul, Captain Hull would probably not have 
lost more than three or four men; as it was, he suffered 
but slightly. That the Guerriere was not so weak as she 
was represented to be, can be gathered from the fact that 
she mounted two more main-deck guns than the rest of 
her class; thus carrying on her main-deck 30 long 18- 
pounders in battery, to oppose to the 30 long 24' s, or 



444 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

rather (allowing- for the short weight of shot), long 22's 
of the Constitution. 

"Characteristically enough, James, though he carefully 
reckons in the long bow-chasers in the bridle-ports of 
the Argus and Enterprise, yet refuses to count the two 
long eighteens mounted through the bridle-ports on the 
Guerriere's main-deck. Now, as it turned out, these two 
bow-guns were used very effectively when the ships got 
foul, and caused more damage and loss than all of the 
other main deck guns put together." 

Captain Dacres, very much to his credit, allowed the 
ten Americans he had on board to go below, so as not to 
fight against their flag, and, upon his court-martial, 
stated that "he was very much weakened by permitting 
the Americans on board to quit their quarters." "Coup- 
ling this with the assertion made by James, and most 
other British writers, that the Constitution was largely 
manned by Englishmen, we reach the somewhat remark- 
able conclusion, that the British ship was defeated because 
the Americans on board would not fi^ht against their 
country, and that the American was victorious because 
the British on board would." 




LAKE ERIE. 



445 



XXXII. 

LAKE ERIE. 10TH SEPTEMBER, 1813. 



" September the tenth, full well I ween, 
In eighteen hundred and thirteen ; 
The weather mild, the sky serene ; 
Commanded by bold Perry, 
Our saucy fleet at anchor lay 
In safety, moored at Put-in-Bay. 
'Twixt sunrise and the break of day 
The British fleet 
We chanced to meet ; 

Our Admiral thought he would them greet 
With a welcome on Lake Erie " 



Bold Barclay one day to Proctor did say, 

I'm tired of Jamaica and sherry ; 
So let us go down to that new floating town, 
And get some American Perry ; 
Oh ! cheap American Perry ! 
Most pleasant American Perry ! 
We need only bear down, knock, and call, 
And we'll have the American Perry." 




RECENT and judicious writer, Theodore 
Roosevelt, in his "Naval War of 181 2," 
says, "The victory of Lake Erie was 
most important, both in its material 
results and in its moral effect. It eave 

o 

us complete command of all the upper 
lakes, prevented any fear of invasion 
from that quarter, increased our prestige 
with the foe, and our confidence in ourselves, and ensured 



446 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the conquest of upper Canada; in all these respects its 
importance has not been overrated. But the 'glory' 
acquired by it most certainly has been estimated at more 
than its worth. Most Americans, even the well educated, 
if asked which was the most glorious victory of the war, 
would point to this battle. Captain Perry's name is more 
widely known than that of any other commander in the 
war. Every school-boy reads about him ; * * * * 
yet he certainly stands on a lower grade than either 
McDonough or Hull, and not a bit higher than a dozen 
others. * * * * The courage with which the 
Lawrence was defended has hardly ever been surpassed, 
and may fairly be called heroic; but equal praise belongs 
to the men on board the Detroit, who had to discharge 
the great guns by flashing pistols at the touch-holes, and 
yet made such a terribly effective defence. 

" Courage is only one of the many elements which go 
to make up the character of a first-class commander ; 
something more than bravery is needed before a leader 
can really be called great." 

''Captain Barclay handled his ships like a first-rate 
seaman. It was impossible to arrange them so as to be 
superior to his antagonist, for the latter's force was of 
such a nature that in smooth water his gunboats gave 
him a great advantage. In short, our victory was due to 
our heavy metal." 

"Captain Perry showed indomitable pluck, and readi- 
ness to adapt himself to circumstances; but his claim to 
fame rests much less on his actual victory than on the 
way in which he prepared the fleet that was to win it. 
Here his energy and activity deserve all praise, not only 
for the success in collecting sailors and vessels, and in 
building the two brigs, but, above all, for the manner in 
which he succeeded in getting them out on the lake. 



LAKE ERIE. 447 

On that occasion he certainly out-generaled Barclay ; 
indeed, the latter committed an error that the skill and 
address he subsequently showed could not retrieve. 

" But it will always be a source of surprise that the 
American public should have so glorified Perry's victory 
over an inferior force, and have paid comparatively little 
attention to McDonough's victory, which really was won 
against decided odds in ships, men, and metal. There 
are always those who consider it unpatriotic to tell the 
truth, if the truth is not very flattering." 

"Lake Erie teaches us the advantage of having the 
odds on our side; Lake Champlain, that, even if they are 
not, skill can soon counteract them." 

Oliver Hazard Perry, who derives his fame from this 
action, was born in Rhode Island, and entered the navy 
in 1799; seeing a good deal of varied service. About 
the time that war with England became imminent he was 
promoted to the rank of Master Commandant, and was 
in command of a flotilla of gunboats in Newport and in 
Long Island Sound. The employment was not congenial 
to Perry, as he longed for a chance to distinguish him- 
self by some great action; and he saw others promoted, 
while he remained stationary. Failing to get command 
of a cruising ship, he applied for service upon the lakes. 
At last, in February, 1813, Commodore Chauncey 
obtained for him a command on Lake Erie'; where he 
was to build two heavy brigs of war, to meet the force 
preparing by the enemy. These vessels were of 500 
tons each, to carry each twenty guns ; such was the 
emergency, that the planks of which they were built were 
often cut and put in the vessel on the same day. Ship- 
wrights and blockmakers, with their tools ; canvas, and 
ordnance, were sent five hundred miles, through a half 
settled country, to finish and fit out these brigs. 



448 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

While they were building Perry went over from Erie, 
by small boat and on horseback, and participated in the 
attack upon Fort George. 

The British soon evacuated the whole Niagara frontier, 
and some American vessels which they had detained at 
Black Rock were then towed up, by oxen and soldiers, 
against the strong current of the Niagara, into Lake 
Erie. There were five of them, and they safely reached 
Erie, where the squadron was fitting out. 

The enemy, having some years before begun the 
creation of a naval-force on Lake Erie, had then complete 
control of that sheet of water, and a vastly superior force 
to that which Perry was taking to Erie. Great address 
and vigilance were required to get the little squadron 
there safely, and, although narrowly watched, with head 
winds, and himself ill, he got safely into Erie just as the 
British squadron hove in sight. Many of Perry's best 
men were ill at this time, principally from malarial causes, 
but the work was pushed on incessantly. 

When completed, the different vessels of his squadron 
were very unequally manned ; and the great want of 
seamen led to a great deal of correspondence and 
trouble, not necessary to be gone into at this late day. 
Of all the vessels, the Niagara is said to have had the 
best crew. 

Perry at last got his squadron out into the lake, after 
lifting the heavy vessels over the bar at Erie with 
" camels " — a very difficult operation. 

The weather and the drinking water had seriously 
affected a large number of his not too numerous force, 
but he went on, as if convinced of success. 

On the 31st of August, at Put-in Bay, Perry received 
from General Harrison a reinforcement of one hundred 
men, which, after deducting deaths and disabilities, carried 




PERRY'S VICTORY ON RAKE ERIE. 



LAKE ERIE. 449 

the total of his muster-roll to four hundred and ninety 
officers and men. Some of the men received from 
Harrison were boatmen, but the major part were to 
serve as marines. They came from the Kentucky 
militia, and from the 28th Regular regiment, and were 
all volunteers for this duty. 

At this time the enemy did not seem disposed to accept 
battle in the open lake. 

On September 4th Perry sent the Ohio to Erie, for 
provisions and stores, with orders to hasten back ; and 
the next day — the squadron being then in Sandusky 
Bay — three citizens arrived from Maiden, and informed 
Perry that the British army under General Proctor 
being short of provisions, it had been determined that 
the English squadron should sail, and engage our's, and 
endeavor to open communication with Long Point, so as 
to draw the necessary supplies from that place. Perry 
at this time also received more accurate information as 
to the enemy's force. 

This consisted of the Detroit, a new and strongly 
built ship of 500 tons and 1 7 guns — all long, except two 
24-pound carronades; the ship Queen Charlotte, of 400 
tons and 1 7 guns — three of them long. These two ships 
had each a long gun on a pivot. Then came the 
schooner Lady Prevost, of 13 guns — three of them 
long; the brig Hunter, of 10 guns; the sloop Little 
Belt, of two long 12s and one 18-pounder; and the 
schooner Chippewa, with one long 18. 

This made sixty-three guns; twenty-five of which were 
long. 

This squadron was commanded by Captain Robert 

Heriot Barclay, of the Royal Navy, a veteran officer, who 

had served with distinction in several engagements which 

had raised the flag of England to the first place on the 

29 , 



450 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ocean; who had been at Trafalgar, with Nelson, and 
dangerously wounded in that battle. More recently, as 
First Lieutenant of a frigate, he had lost an arm in 
action with the French. He was a man not only of 
approved courage, but a skillful seaman. The second 
in command was Captain Finnis, also a brave and expe- 
rienced officer — with others of excellent standing. 

Barclay had recently received a draft of men from the 
English ships at Quebec, and had one hundred and fifty 
men of the Royal Navy, eighty Canadian lake sailors, 
and two hundred and forty soldiers from the 41st 
regiment-of-the-line, and the Newfoundland Rangers; 
making, by their own account, four hundred and seventy 
seamen and soldiers, to which must be added thirty-two 
officers, making five hundred and two souls. 

The American vessels were the Lawrence, Captain 
Perry; the Niagara, Captain Elliott, each of twenty guns; 
the Caledonia, 3, Purser McGrath; the Ariel, 4, Lieuten- 
ant Packett; the Trippe, 1, Lieutenant Smith; the Tigress, 
1, Lieutenant Conklin ; the Somers, 2, Mr. Almy; the 
Scorpion, 2, Mr. Champlin ; the Ohio, 1, Mr. Dobbins; 
and the Porcupine, 1, Mr. Senatt. 

Of the American vessels, mounting altogether fifty-five 
guns, only the brigs Lawrence and Niagara could be 
considered men-of-war. The others were exceedingly 
frail, and had no bulwarks, and the carronades of 
the Americans, although heavy, rendered close action 
necessary. 

On the receipt of the intelligence of Barclay's move- 
ments, Perry sailed from Sandusky, and, on September 
6th, reconnoitred the enemy off Maiden, and seeing him 
still at his moorings, returned to Put-in Bay, which place 
afforded every facility for observing his movements. 
Here the last preparations for battle were made, and the 



LAKE ERIE. 451 

last instructions given ; the officers being summoned on 
board the Lawrence for that purpose. 

Perry had had a battle flag prepared, a blue field, 
bearing, in large white letters, " Don't give up the ship," 
the dying words of the hero whose name the flag-ship 
bore. The hoisting of this at the main-truck was to be 
the signal for battle. 

The young Commander had made every preparation 
he could, and his men had become thoroughly familiar 
with the guns; but a large sick-list was a great drawback. 
On the morning of the battle there were one hundred 
and sixteen sick ; but many of these' went to their 
quarters. All the medical officers were ill except Assist- 
ant Surgeon Usher Parsons, who had to attend to all the 
vessels. 

At sunrise, on September ioth, the British squadron 
was discovered from the mast-head, bearing northwest, 
and standing for Put-in Bay. 

Barclay had a clear passage to Long Point, and he 
could have avoided Perry, but he came out to fight, and 
bore down to engage, with a long day before him in 
which to fight a battle ; coming, indeed, more than half- 
way to meet his enemy on his own coast. This sets at 
rest any pretence that the English really felt themselves 
inferior in force — as has been alleged by British and 
other writers. The gallant Barclay made no such state- 
ment in his Court, after his return to England. 

As soon as the British squadron was reported, the 
Americans got under way, and beat out of the harbor, 
against a light breeze from southwest; sometimes towing 
with the boats. Some islands of the Bass group inter- 
posed between our squadron and that of the enemy, and 
some hours passed in this work — the wind being light 
and baffling. About 10 a. m. Perrv determined to wear 



452 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND ■ MODERN. 

ship, and run to leeward of the islands. His Sailing 
Master remarked that this would force them to enorao-e 

o o 

the enemy from to leeward. Perry exclaimed, "' I don't 
care ! To windward or to leeward, they shall fight to-day ! " 

The wind shifted suddenly, just then, to southeast, and 
enabled Perry to clear the islands, and retain the weather- 
gage. If he had surrendered this he would have enabled 
the enemy to choose his distance for his long guns, and 
rendered his own carronades less effective. But the 
lee-gage had some advantages also ; and Perry was a 
seaman, understood the situation, and was determined to 
fia-ht. At 10 a. m. the Lawrence cleared for action. The 
shot racks were filled, as were the rope grummets ; the 
men buckled on their cutlasses and pistols; matches were 
lit ; preventer braces rove ; the decks were wet and 
sanded, to prevent explosion of scattered powder, and to 
afford secure footing when the planks should become 
slippery with blood. 

The enemy hove to, in line of battle, on the port tack, 
with their vessels' heads to the southward and westward. 

The Americans approached at the rate of not more 
than three miles an hour, with fine weather and smooth 
water. There had been an early shower, after which it 
was a beautiful day. 

The British vessels were all fresh painted, and their 
rigging tarred down ; and being hove to in close order, 
with the morning sun shining upon their broadsides, and 
the red ensigns floating above them, they had a warlike 
and imposing appearance. 

Our squadron bore down to engage, with the wind 
upon the port quarter, and it was seen that the Chippewa 
was in the enemy's van ; then the Detroit ; the Hunter 
third ; Queen Charlotte fourth ; Lady Prevost fifth ; and 
Little Belt in the rear. 



LAKE ERIE. 453 

Upon discovering this arrangement of the enemy's 
vessels, Perry re-modelled his line-of-battle, so as to bring 
his heaviest vessels opposite their designated antagonists. 
When the line was reformed he bore up again, the 
interval between the squadrons being then about six 
miles. 

He now produced his battle flag, and, mounting a 
gun-slide, asked, " My brave lads ! This flag contains 
the last words of Captain Lawrence! Shall I hoist it?" 
"Ay, ay, Sir!" — and it was at once sent aloft. 

The other vessels welcomed its appearance with three 
cheers ; and at this time many of the sick came up and 
volunteered for duty, stimulated, by their patriotic feelings, 
to temporary ability. As the ordinary dinner-time 
(always held as sacred to the men of the navy as pos- 
sible) wOuld find them engaged, the noon-day grog and 
bread was now served out, and after that was disposed 
of, every one went quietly to his quarters. Perry 
carefully inspected each gun, and spoke to the gun's 
crew. Seeing some of the Constitution's old crew, he 
said, "Well, boys, are you ready?" The veterans simply 
touched their hats, and replied, "All ready, your honor!" 
This was at that time the customary mode of address to 
a commanding officer. Many of the men (as was the 
fashion then, in their " hammer and tongs " kind of 
fighting) stripped to the belt, retaining only their 
trowsers, and tying handkerchiefs round their heads. 
Perry smiled, and said, " I need not say anything to you. 
You know how to beat these fellows." And then he 
spoke a few words to his "Newport boys," who had come 
with him from his own home — the sons of neighbors. 
The words were quiet, few, and earnest. 

Now ensued a weary waiting, and silence, for a long 
hour and a half, as the squadron slowly approached the 



4.54 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

British line, under a light air ; the silence being- only 
broken by an order, now and then, in a subdued voice, or 
the ripple of the waters, as the ship divided them. This 
inactivity before the crash of battle is always trying, 
and especially so on board ship ; and messages are 
then given to friends, and last instructions of many 
kinds. Perry wrapped his public papers in lead, to be 
thrown overboard in case of capture. He destroyed his 
private papers. 

The long suspense was at last broken by the blast of 
a bugle, on board the Detroit, and three cheers from the 
British line ; and at a quarter-before twelve the British 
flag-ship fired the first gun. It was aimed at the Law- 
rence, and fell short. The Lawrence was in advance, for 
some of the American vessels were dull sailers, and by 
this time much out of line. The second shot from 
the Detroit's long gun was fired five minutes later, and 
took effect upon the Lawrence, as she slowly bore 
down, in the lead. The English fire now began to be 
felt, and at this time the distribution of our guns in 
small vessels gave advantage to the heavy, concentrated 
broadsides of the enemy. 

Owing to the English superiority in long guns (the 
entire armament of the Detroit, with two exceptions, 
being of this description), their fire soon became very 
destructive to the Lawrence, and there were no other 
American vessels near enough to draw a part of it. 

To hasten the moment when his carronades would 
take effect, and enable him to return successfully the 
enemy's fire, Perry made all sail again, and passed the 
word, by trumpet, from vessel to vessel, along his line, to 
close up and take station. They did not all do so at 
once, however, and there was much trouble and recrimi- 
nation afterwards, in regard to the conduct of the Com- 



LAKE ERIE. 45j 

mander of one of them. Meanwhile the Lawrence was 
suffering terribly, as she approached the enemy slowly. 
At noon Perry luffed up, and fired his starboard guns ; 
but finding they would not reach, bore away again, and 
continued to draw nearer, very slowly, until a quarter-past 
twelve, when he opened again with his whole starboard 
broadside, continuing to approach until within about three 
hundred and fifty yards, when he hauled up on a course 
parallel to that of the enemy, and opened a most rapid 
and destructive fire upon the Detroit. So steady had 
been the approach of the Lawrence, in bearing down, 
and so unwavering the purpose of her Commander, that 
Barclay had apprehended an intention to board. Perry's 
object was only to get within effective reach of his 
carronades. It required great coolness and determina- 
tion to effect this, under the fire of the English long guns, 
as Perry was obliged to see his men killed, and his vessel 
cut up, without being able to answer until within distance 
for close action. Half an hour's exposure of the Law- 
rence to the fire of twenty long guns had caused great 
carnage and destruction on board of her. Nevertheless, 
she now commenced to fire with spirit and effect ; and, 
notwithstanding great odds, from want of support — having 
thirty-four guns almost entirely directed against her — she 
continued to reply, with steady and unwavering effort. 
In this unequal contest she was soon nobly sustained by 
the Scorpion and Ariel, which were on her weather bow. 
These vessels, being small, and but slightly noticed by 
the enemy, or injured by his shot, were enabled to direct 
their fire with sure aim, and almost without interruption. 
The Commander of the Caledonia, with the same 
sense of duty and gallant spirit which animated Perry, 
followed the Lawrence into close action as soon as 
possible, and closed with her designated antagonist, the 



4^Q NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Hunter; but for some reason, which afterwards caused 
serious imputations against her Commander, the Niagara, 
which, when the action commenced had been within hail 
of the Lawrence, did not follow her down towards the 
enemy's line, so as to engage her proper antagonist, the 
Queen Charlotte. This was a great interference with 
the order of battle laid down by Perry, as the Captain 
of the Niagara failed to engage, at short distance, the 
adversary his orders required him to meet. The Queen 
Charlotte was thus enabled to contribute to a concentrated 
fire upon the Lawrence ; and the latter was forced to 
struggle against unexpected odds. 

Her first division of starboard guns was directed 
against the Detroit, and the second against the Queen 
Charlotte — with an occasional shot from her after gun at 
the Hunter, which lay on her quarter, and with which 
the Caledonia continued to sustain a hot but unequal 
engagement. 

The Scorpion and Ariel, from their station on the 
weather bow of the Lawrence, were making every effort 
that their small force permitted. 

The Niagara was by this time in a position which 
prevented her from firing, except with her long gun, and 
at the sternmost English vessel. The rest of the 
American vessels, all small, were then too far off for 
their fire to have much effect. 

With a force of thirty-four guns against her ten in 
battery, the Lawrence kept up the battle — with the aid 
of the Scorpion, Ariel, and Caledonia — for two hours. 
She fired with great spirit, and showed the good training 
of the men at the guns, until, one by one, these guns 
were disabled, and their crews killed or wounded. Her 
surgeon, in speaking of the action, says they fired all 
this time as deliberately as if at their ordinary exercise. 



LAKE ERIE. 457 

By this time the Lawrence's rigging was almost com- 
pletely shot away, sails torn to pieces, spars wounded 
and falling, and the braces and bowlines cut, so as to 
render it impossible to trim the yards, and keep the 
vessel under control. If the destruction was great aloft, 
on deck it was terrible. Some of the best trained veteran 
English seamen had been firing at the Lawrence for two 
hours, at close quarters, until only one gun remained on 
board of her that could be fired. Her bulwarks were 
beaten in until round and grape-shot passed through 
unopposed. The slaughter was almost unexampled 
in naval battles. Of one hundred well men who had 
gone into action, twenty-two were killed, and sixty-two 
wounded. 

The killed were hastily removed out of the way of the 
guns, and the wounded crowded together upon the 
berth-deck. It was impossible for Dr. Parsons, the only 
medical officer fit for duty, to attend to such a press of 
wounded. Bleeding arteries were hastily secured; 
shattered limbs supported by splints, and those which 
were nearly severed by cannon balls hastily removed. 

Owing to the shallowness of the vessels necessary for 
lake navigation, the wounded were all above the water 
line, and liable to be struck again by balls passing 
through the vessel's sides. 

Midshipman Laub, while leaving the Surgeon, after 
having a tourniquet put upon his arm, was struck by a 
cannon ball, which passed through his chest. 

A Narragansett Indian, named Charles Poughigh, was 
killed in like manner, after his leg had been taken off. 

Perry had a favorite dog on board, a spaniel, which 
had been put into a state-room, below, to be out of the 
way. The confinement, the noise, and the groans of the 
wounded, terrified the animal, and at each broadside he 



458 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

howled fearfully. During the action a shot made a large 
hole in the bulkhead of the room, and the dog thrust his 
head out, yelping for release, in such a ludicrous manner 
that the wounded lying about burst out laughing, in the 
midst of their suffering. 

Perry kept up the fire from his single remaining 
carronade, although he had to send down to the Surgeon 
for the men employed in moving the wounded, to enable 
him to man this single gun. 

At last the Captain himself, Purser Hambleton, and the 
Chaplain, Mr. Breese, helped to serve that gun, until it 
too was disabled. 

" Perry never seemed to lose heart, and kept up the 
courage and enthusiasm of those about him by his 
undaunted bearing. Calm and cool, his orders were 
issued with precision, and obeyed with steady alacrity, in 
the midst of the surrounding carnage. Sometimes a 
single ball, or a round of grape or canister, would kill or 
disable a whole gun's crew; but the survivors would 
exchange a glance with Perry, and then coolly step into 
their shipmate's stations. As long as he was spared 
they seemed to think that triumph was secure ; and they 
died cheerfully in that belief." 

In the heat of the fight Yarnall, the First Lieutenant, 
came to Perry, and told him that all the officers of the 
first division were either killed or wounded. Yarnall 
was himself wounded in the forehead and in the neck, 
and covered with blood, while his nose was dreadfully 
swollen by a blow from a splinter. Perry good-humoredly 
expressed some astonishment at his appearance, and sent 
him the desired aid. Soon Yarnall returned, with the 
same story, and Perry then told him, " You must make 
out by yourself; I have no more to furnish you." Perry, 
even at this critical time, could not help smiling at 



LAKE ERIE. 459 

Yarnall's appearance, for, in addition to his disfigured 
nose, he was covered with down of " cat-tails," from the 
hammock mattresses which had been struck, and which 
had adhered to the blood upon his face. Dr. Parsons 
describes him as looking like a huge owl. 

When he went below, after the action, even the 
wounded men laughed at his hideous appearance, and 
one of them exclaimed, " The Devil has come for his 
own." 

Another incident is characteristic of the calm cheerful- 
ness of Perry and his officers. Dulany Forrest, the 
Second Lieutenant (who died a Commodore), was 
standing immediately beside Perry, fighting his division, 
when a grape-shot struck him in the breast, and he fell. 
Perry raised him, and seeing no wound, for it was a spent 
shot, told him to rally, for he could not be hurt. 

The Lieutenant, who was only stunned, soon recovered 
consciousness, and pulling out the shot, which had lodged 
in his waistcoat, said, "No, Sir! I'm not hurt, but this is 
my shot." 

More than one man was shot down while actually 
speaking to Perry. One of these was the Captain of a 
gun, whose tackle had been shot away. Perry advanced 
to see what was the matter. The sailor, an " old 
Constitution," said, " I can fire, Sir," and was in the act 
of doing so, when a twenty-four pound shot passed 
through his body, and he fell at Perry's feet. 

Another incident illustrates the carnage on board the 
Lawrence. An excellent young officer, Lieutenant John 
Brooks, commanded the marines. He was remarkable 
for his good looks and amiable disposition. While 
speaking to Perry, he was struck on the thigh by a 
cannon ball, and carried some distance. He shrieked 
with pain, and implored Perry to shoot him — so great 



460 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

were his sufferings. Perry ordered him to be taken 
below, and as this was beino- done, his servant, a mulatto 
boy, rolled upon the deck, crying- out that his master was 
killed, but at an order returned to his duty as powder 
boy, the tears running down his face all the time, at the 
thoupht of his master's sufferine. 

Perry's brother, a mere youth, had several shots 
through his clothes and hat, and was knocked down by a 
hammock torn from the nettings by a ball, but escaped 
unscratched. 

At 2.30 p. m. the last gun of the Lawrence had been 
disabled, and only eighteen persons of those on board 
remained unwounded, beside Perry himself and his young 
brother. 

It now became necessary for him to go on board some 
other vessel. The Niagara, as we have said, had kept 
well to windward, and had remained out of reach of her 
proper opponent, the Queen Charlotte, while the Cale- 
donia had borne down to the relief of the Lawrence, 
and had suffered much. The Lawrence's men had 
bitterly commented upon the manner in which the 
Niagara had kept aloof, when they were suffering so 
severely. As the last gun of the Lawrence became 
disabled, and the vessel, now an unmanageable wreck, 
was dropping astern, the Niagara was seen to be upon 
her port beam, while the Caledonia was passing the 
Lawrence's starboard beam, between that disabled ship 
and the enemy. 

Perry at once ordered his boat, saying that he would 
bring the Niagara up ; and adding that she did not seem 
much injured, and that the American flag should not be 
hauled down that day, over his head. He left the 
command of the Lawrence to Mr. Yarnall, and stepped 



LAKE ERIE. 461 

down into the boat, calling to Yarnall, as he shoved off, 
" If a victory is to be gained, I'll gain it." 

When he left the Lawrence the Niagara was passing 
her weather, or port beam, " at a distance of nearly half 
a mile." The breeze had freshened, her main-top-sail 
filled, and she was passing the British squadron rapidly. 
Standing erect in his boat, Perry pulled for the Niagara, 
anxious to get a fresh battery in action ; being conscious 
that he had already much damaged the enemy, 

The latter, seeing his movements, soon penetrated his 
design ; and, apprehending the consequences of Perry's 
getting on board a fresh vessel — after the proof he had 
given them of his tenacity and fighting powers — imme- 
diately opened on the boat a fire of great guns and 
musketry, trying to destroy the boat and crew. Several 
oars were splintered, the boat traversed by musket balls, 
and the crew wet through with the spray thrown up by 
round shot and grape, that tore up the water on every 
side. 

Perry, unmindful of danger, continued to stand erect, 
although his boat's crew besought him to sit down. At 
last he did so, and the crew pulled with a will ; but the 
breeze was now quite fresh, and it took him fifteen 
minutes to reach the Niagara. 

His passage was, of course, watched with breathless 
interest by both sides, as so much depended upon it. As 
they saw him cross the gangway of the Niagara, the little 
group of unwounded men left on board the Lawrence 
gave three hearty cheers. These survivors now took 
heart, and felt that they had not sustained the long and 
bloody contest in vain. 

As the Lawrence's colors were still flying, she remained 
a mark for the enemy's shot, although unable to reply. 
To save further loss of life, Lieutenant Yarnall, after 



462 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

consultation with others, determined to surrender, and 
the colors were hauled down, amid cheers from the 
British vessels, which manned their bulwarks, while the 
men waved a triumphant defiance. But their triumph 
was short-lived. The first act of the play was over, 
with partial success remaining to the British ; the second 
was now to begin, and to terminate less favorably for 
them. 

On the berth-deck of the Lawrence the scene was at 
this time deplorable. Great despondency prevailed 
among the wounded, who shouted to those on deck to 
sink the ship rather than she should become a prize. 
Brooks was dying. Purser Hambleton lay with a shat- 
tered shoulder, received in working the last gun with his 
Commander. The single medical officer was hard at 
work, among the cries and groans of the wounded. 

But there was the reaction of hope and joy when the 
word was passed that Perry had safely reached the 
Niagara ; and he soon gave the enemy something else 
to do besides taking possession of the Lawrence. 

Elliott, the Captain of the Niagara, met Perry with ah 
inquiry as to how the day was going. Perry said, 
"badly." He had lost all his men, and his ship was a 
wreck. He then asked Elliott what the gun-boats were 
doing so far astern. Elliott offered to bring them up, 
and at once left in a boat to do so, with Perry's consent. 
Perry afterwards stated that he found the Niagara un- 
injured in crew and hull ; and that from the moment he 
boarded her he felt confident of victory. 

His first order, on boarding the Niagara, was to back 
the main-top-sail, as she was running out of action. His 
next was to brail up the main-try-sail, put the helm up, 
and bear down before the wind, with squared yards, 
straight for the enemy ; or, in other words, at a right 



LAKE ERIE. 463 

angle with the course he found her upon. At the same 
time he set top-gallant-sails, and made signal for close 
action. The answering signals were promptly displayed 
along the line, and greeted with hearty cheers ; as the 
bold manoeuvre of the Niagara renewed the hopes of the 
squadron. 

At this time the Trippe, which had been the sternmost 
of the line, had closed up to the assistance of the 
Caledonia; and the other vessels, under the freshening 
breeze, now approached rapidly, to take a more active 
part in the battle — the second stage of which had now 
begun. 

It was then about forty-five minutes past two. 

Seven or eight minutes, with the freshened breeze, 
brought the Niagara down upon the enemy. They 
raked her once or twice, but she reserved her fire; and 
the Detroit, of the British squadron, made an effort to 
wear ship, to present her starboard broadside to the 
Niagara, seven of the English vessel's port guns having 
been disabled already by the Lawrence's fire. 

In this manoeuvre the Detroit fouled the Queen Char- 
lotte; and the Niagara, having shortened sail, passed slowly 
under the bows of the Detroit, at pistol-shot distance, and 
poured into both English vessels, as they lay entangled, 
a deadly and destructive fire of grape and canister. 

The Niagara's port guns at the same time were 
directed, with equally fatal effect, into the sterns of the 
Lady Prevost and the Little Belt ; and her marines 
cleared the decks of their adversaries by their musketry. 
Passing under the lee of the two English ships, which 
by this time had got clear of each other, Perry brought 
by the wind, on the starboard tack, with his head to 
the northward and eastward, and backed the Niagara's 
main-top-sail, to deaden her headway. In this position 



404 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

he continued to pour his starboard broadside into the 
Queen Charlotte and the Hunter, which was astern 
of the Queen Charlotte. Some of his shot passed through 
the Charlotte's ports into the Detroit. 

At this time the small American vessels succeeded in 
coming up to windward into close action, and poured in 
a destructive fire of grape and canister. Unfortunately 
their shot, when they missed the English ships, took 
effect upon the Niagara. 

All resistance on the part of the British now ceased, 
and an officer appeared on the taffrail of the Queen 
Charlotte, to signify that she had struck, and her example 
was at once followed by the Detroit. Both vessels 
surrendered in about seven minutes after the Niagara 
opened her fire, and in about fifteen minutes after Perry 
had assumed the command of her. 

The Hunter struck at the same time ; as did the Lady 
Prevost, which lay to leeward, under the guns of the 
Niagara. 

The battle had begun, on the part of the enemy, at 
about a quarter before noon ; and at three p. m. the 
Queen Charlotte and Detroit had surrendered, and all 
resistance had ceased. 

As the smoke blew away, the two squadrons were 
found to be completely mingled. The shattered Lawrence, 
which had borne the brunt of the hard fighting, lay to 
windward, a helpless wreck; but with her flag once more 
hoisted over her. The Niagara, with the signal for close 
action still flying, lay close under the lee of the Queen 
Charlotte, Detroit, and Hunter. 

The Caledonia, Scorpion, and Trippe, which had 
gallantly followed the Niagara through the enemy's line, 
had taken a position to leeward, favorable for preventing 
the enemy's escape. 



LAKE ERIE. 465 

The smoke cloud still passing away to leeward, the 
English vessels Chippewa and Little Belt were discovered 
bearing up towards Maiden, under a press of sail. The 
Scorpion and Trippe were at once sent in pursuit, and, 
after a few shots, compelled them to surrender. 

And now began the taking possession of the enemy's 
ships, a proud, and yet a melancholy duty, for some of 
them were in a pitiable condition ; though not worse than 
that of the Lawrence when Perry left her. 

The Detroit was a perfect wreck. Her gaff and 
mizzen-top-mast hung over her quarter; all the other 
masts and yards were badly wounded ; all her braces 
were shot away; not a single stay was standing, forward; 
and her heavy oak bulwarks were much shattered. 
Many 32-pound shot were sticking in her port side, 
which had been fired from Perry's carronades before the 
Lawrence got to close quarters. On the deck of the 
Detroit the carnage had been terrible. Many of her 
guns were dismounted, and the deck was strewn with 
killed and wounded, and slippery with blood, in spite of 
the " sanding down " preliminary to naval battles of the 
period. The deck was found nearly deserted, and in 
charge of the Second Lieutenant, the First Lieutenant 
having been killed about the middle of the action, and 
Commodore Barclay having been most dangerously 
wounded, somewhat earlier, by a grape-shot in the thigh. 
After being carried below, and placed in the hands of the 
Surgeon, and his wound temporarily dressed, he insisted 
upon being again carried on deck. When the Niagara 
bore down and delivered her raking fire, Barclay received 
a second grape-shot in the right shoulder, which, entering 
just below the joint, broke the shoulder blade to pieces, 
and made a large and dreadful wound. It will be 
remembered that he had already lost an arm, in action 

30 



4(36 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

with the French. It is said that when, about the close 
of the action, a messenger was sent down to tell this 
unfortunate and heroic officer that the day was lost,, he 
had himself carried once more on deck, to convince 
himself that further resistance would be unavailing. 

The other British vessels were also much cut up, 
especially the Queen Charlotte, which ship had lost, 
early in the action, her Commander, Captain Finnis, 
R. N., a brave and accomplished seaman. Her First 
Lieutenant was soon after mortally wounded; and the 
loss of life among her crew was very severe. Her hull 
and spars were also very much damaged. 

The other British vessels suffered in like proportion. 
The Lady Prevost had both her Commander and her 
First Lieutenant wounded ; and, beside other injury, had 
become unmanageable, from the loss of her rudder. The 
Commanders of the Hunter and the Chippewa were both 
wounded ; and this left only the Commander of the Little 
Belt fit for duty at the close of the action. 

In his official report, Commodore Barclay states that 
every Commander and every officer second in command 
was disabled. He reports his total of killed and wounded 
as, for the first, forty-one, including three officers, and 
ninety-four wounded, nine of whom were officers. These 
returns were probably not very complete, from the in- 
ability of the reporting officer to obtain information ; and 
the British loss was supposed to be much greater ; 
especially as the bodies of the British killed (with the 
exception of those of the officers) were thrown over- 
board as they fell. 

The shattered condition of the English squadron, 
which three hours before had presented a proud and 
warlike array, and had begun the battle with cheers, as 
if certain of victory — hurling death and defiance at those 



LAKE ERIE. 467 

who had dared to brave the flag of England — was a 
most impressive contrast. When the Americans stood 
as victors on those blood-stained decks, human feelino-s 
at once took the place of the angry passions raised 
by the war, and by the immediate conflict. The prison- 
ers were promptly and humanely cared for. 

Our own vessels had suffered severely, as well as those 
of the enemy. The Lawrence's loss has been already 
given, and it showed an aggregate much higher than 
any previously known in modern naval combat, unless in 
cases where the conquered vessel has sunk, with her 
whole crew. The Niagara lost two killed and twenty- 
three wounded ; all but two of the latter having been 
wounded after Perry took command. This is stated by 
the Surgeon who received them. The Caledonia had 
three wounded ; and the Somers two wounded. On 
board the Ariel one was killed, and three wounded ; 
while two were killed on board the Scorpion, and two 
wounded on board the Trippe. Aggregate, twenty-seven 
killed, and ninety-six wounded ; being more than one in 
every four. 

Two of the schooners, the Tigress and Porcupine, had 
no casualties whatever; and this, taken with the small 
loss of the Trippe and Somers, shows that, notwithstand- 
ing their efforts to close, they were unable to take any 
important part in the action until just before the enemy 
struck. The Trippe, although originally the last in the 
line, from her superior sailing, and the great exertions of 
her Commander, Lieutenant Holdup Stevens, was the 
first of the four sternmost small vessels to get into close 
action. 

From the fact that the enemy awaited the attack in 
close line of battle, his vessels were all equally available 



468 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

from the first, and only a part of our squadron fought the 
concentrated British fire. 

The victory was a splendid one, and was pre- 
eminently due to the exertions of one person — a young 
man of twenty-seven, who had never before borne a 
part in a naval engagement. 

He dashed into action in the Lawrence, with youthful 
ardor, trusting that his rear would get up in time. The 
want of support of the Niagara caused the fearful loss 
sustained by the Lawrence, more than the tardiness of 
the smaller vessels. We have seen that there was no 
thought of submission, even at the darkest moment, and 
Perry's act in passing, at great risk, to the Niagara, 
cannot be sufficiently extolled. It was a combination of 
genius and hardihood, which snatched victory from the 
grasp of an enemy whose exultant cheers had already 
claimed it. 

Labor does not end with victory. After the enemy's 
colors had been hauled down, and the prizes officered 
and manned, the prisoners were confined, wounded 
masts secured, and shot-holes stopped, when all the 
vessels were hauled by the wind, on the starboard tack. 

Perry then retired to his cabin, to communicate to 
General Harrison the intelligence of the event which 
was to admit of the immediate advance of his army, and 
the rescue of our territory from the savage warfare 
which the surrender of Hull's army and subsequent 
disasters had entailed upon it. 

As far as the immediate seat of war was concerned, 
the British naval power was utterly destroyed, and a 
great and threatening danger removed. 

Perry's letter was short, but covered the whole ground. 
It was as follows : — 



lake erie. 469 

"Dear General, 

We have met the enemy, and they are ours. 
Two ships; two brigs; one schooner; and ore sloop. 

Yours with very great respect and esteem, 

O. H. Perry." 

He also wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, by the 
same express: — 

"U. S. Brig Niagara, 

off The Westernmost Sister, 

Head of Lake Erie, 

Sept. 10, 1 813 — 4 p. m. 
Sir: — 

It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms 
of the United States a signal victory over their enemy 
on this lake. 

The British squadron, consisting of two ships, two 
brigs, one schooner and one sloop, have this moment 
surrendered to the force under my command, after a 
sharp conflict. 

I have the honor to be, &c, &c, 

O. H. Perry." 

This letter, written without deliberation, in the moment 
of victory, is modest in describing his battle as a "sharp 
conflict;" and his allusion to the Almighty power was 
sincere, for Perry was a religious man. 

After sending off his despatches, he made signal to 
anchor, to enable him to provide for the comfort of the 
wounded, the better security of his prisoners, and the 
reorganization of his squadron. 

Seventy prisoners were placed on board the Somers, 
under Mr. Brownell. Forty were confined below ; and 
the rest seated upon deck, the crew remaining under 



470 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

arms all night, in spite of the fatigues of the day. After 
distributing the remaining prisoners, Perry returned to 
the Lawrence, to do what he could for his brave shipmates. 
It was also proper that he should receive on board his 
own ship the surrender of the English officers, and that 
the men who had done most to gain the victory should 
see the last act of it. 

Dr. Parsons writes, " He had returned, and was safe ; 
but to a deck slippery with blood and brains, and strewn 
with the bodies of officers and men, some of whom had sat 
at table with us at our last meal; and the ship resounded 
with the groans f $\q wounded. Those who could walk 
received Perry as he came over the side; but the meeting 
was a silent and mournful one. 

"At the request of his officers he had, during the 
action, worn a uniform round-jacket, and he now resumed 
his uniform, and standing aft, received the officers of the 
different captured vessels, as they came to surrender. 
At the head of them was an officer of the 41st British 
Regiment, who acted as Marine Officer on board the 
Detroit, and who appeared in full dress, charged by 
the wounded Commodore Barclay with the delivery of 
his sword. 

" When they approached, picking their way among the 
wreck and dead bodies on deck, they held their swords 
with the hilts towards Perry, and tendered them for his 
acceptance. 

" With a dignified and solemn air, and in a low voice, 
lie requested them to retain their side arms, and inquired 
with deep interest for Commodore Barclay and the other 
wounded officers, offering them any comforts his squadron 
afforded." 

As it was impossible to reserve all the killed of the 
Lawrence for burial on shore, the seamen were buried 



LAKE ERIE. 471 

alongside, at nightfall ; the few survivors attending the 
ceremony, and the burial service being read by the 
Chaplain. 

It was a melancholy night on board the Lawrence, 
sleep being prevented by the groans of the wounded. 
Perry said he believed his wife's prayers had saved him, 
for he escaped untouched, as did his young brother, 
only twelve years of age, although the latter had several 
bullets through his clothing. 

On the day after the battle Perry removed to the 
Ariel, and sent the Lawrence to Erie, as a hospital ship ; 
but not before he had once more returned to her, to 
inquire after the wounded, and to encourage them under 
the operations which Dr. Parsons had to perform. 
Beside the wounded, there were many ill with fever and 
diarrhoea. 

In the course of the day Perry visited Barclay, on 
board the Detroit ; and a warm and enduring friendship 
sprang up, at once, between them. Perry placed every 
comfort he could command at Barclay's disposal; and 
became responsible for a considerable sum of money 
required by the British officers. He also, at Barclay's 
request, advanced money to the army officers serving in 
the British squadron. 

At the very time he was doing this, cruelties were 
being exercised towards our countrymen who were 
prisoners to the English, so great as to lead to formal 
remonstrances and threats of retaliation. Just now it is 
the fashion to admire the English, and these things are 
forgotten, or ignored. 

To relieve Barclay's mind while suffering from his 
severe wounds, and with the hope that restoration to his 
friends and country would restore him, Perry pledged 
himself that he should be paroled ; and he made such 



472 NAVAJ, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

urgent representations to the Commissioner of Prisoners, 
and to the Secretary of the Navy (making the favor 
personal to himself, and the only one he had to ask), that 
he eventually succeeded. 

While Perry was on board the Detroit, on his visit to 
Barclay, two strange beings were brought before him, 
who had been found in that vessel's hold, where they had 
been, without food, since the action. They proved to be 
Indian chiefs, ludicrously clad in sailors' clothes. With 
others, they had been taken on board to act as sharp- 
shooters, in the tops. 

Although probably brave enough in their own manner 
of fighting, these savages became entirely unnerved by 
the crash and destruction around them, and they fled to 
the hold, nearly frightened to death. 

The English, in both their wars with us, had a great 
penchant for the use of the Indians they could hire; and 
their barbarous allies frequently led them into conse- 
quences they had not foreseen. 

When these two Indians were brought before Perry, 
they expected to be at once shot and scalped ; and they 
were astonished at his kind treatment. Soon after he 
sent them on shore, with a note to General Harrison, 
asking protection for them from our own friendly Indians. 

At nine a. m., on the morning of September nth, the 
two squadrons weighed anchor, and soon arrived at 
Put-in Bay. The burial of the officers who had fallen in 
battle took place on the twelfth. 

The day was a serene and beautiful one, and the lake's 
surface was as smooth as glass. The boats, with colors 
half-masted, conveyed the bodies to the shore ; keeping 
time, with their measured stroke, to the funeral march. 

As usual on such ceremonies, when the procession 
reached the shore, they formed in reversed order. The 



LAKE ERIE. 473 

youngest of the killed was borne first ; then the lowest 
in rank of the killed of the British squadron, and so on, 
alternately, an American and an English corpse — the 
body of Captain Finnis coming last. 

The officers fell in, two American and two English, 
according to reversed rank ; Perry himself closing the 
procession. The drums and fifes of both squadrons 
played the dead march, and minute guns were fired 
alternately from the captured vessels, as well as from the 
American squadron. The bodies were buried near the 
shore of the lake, and after the burial service they were, 
with due ceremony, lowered to their rest, and volleys of 
musketry closed the obsequies. 

It was a remarkable scene. Conquerors and conquered 
were of the same stock ; with the same traits, and the 
same language; the burial . service of the Church of 
England sounding in their ears with equal familiarity. 

Some of the results of Perry's success have been 
already given ; but we may say that his defeat would 
have given the enemy command of all the lakes ; enabling 
him to concentrate his forces, in succession, upon different 
important points, and would thus have laid our whole 
northern frontier open to his incursions. 

His victory led to the immediate evacuation of Detroit, 
and the release of the whole Territory of Michigan from 
the horrors of fire, murder, and scalping, which the Indian 
allies of the British had carried there. 

Perry's victory also wiped away the stigma incurred in 
the inglorious surrender of General Hull; strengthening 
the hands of the Government, and giving encouragement 
to those who were fighting, both on land and by sea. 
General Harrison's army now invaded Canada in turn; 
the squadron assisting to convey his forces. 

This is not the place to recount Perry's subsequent 



474 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

exploits as aid to General Harrison, or his participation 
in the battle of Tippecanoe, when he served with Cass, 
Shelby, Richard Johnson, and Gaines, who was then a 
Colonel ; nor of the consequences of Perry's endeavor 
to shield Elliott's conduct, in the battle with the English 
squadron. 

For this, and for Perry's subsequent service, and 
premature death, after distinguished services in Vene- 
zuela, we must refer the reader to the pages of our 
general history. 



ESSEX, PUtEBE AND CHERUB. 



475 



XXXIII. 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB-VALPARAISO. 
MARCH 28TH, A. D. 1814. 




HIS naval action, fought in the vicinity of 
Valparaiso, during our last war with Great 
Britain, is so remarkable for the circum- 
stances attending it, and for the pertinacity 
of the American defence against superior 
force, that, although not a decisive battle, 
we have thought it right to insert it here. 
Few Englishmen would' now attempt to 
uphold the breach of neutrality committed by the two 
English ships upon the Essex, with her anchor down upon 
Chilian soil, and with the Spanish flag flying upon forts and 
batteries within sight. But, as it was not the first, so it 
is not the last time that England has infringed such laws, 
where she has been able to do so with impunity. 

The United States frigate Essex, 32, sailed from the 
Capes of the Delaware October, 6th, 181 2, upon a cruise, 
the object and destination of which were kept profoundly 
secret. Her destination was the Pacific — still called the 
" South Seas " — the navigation of which was still com- 
paratively unknown ; new islands being constantly 
discovered, the inhabitants of which had never seen any 
other men than their fellow islanders. 

The object of the cruise was to destroy the " South- 
sea-men," or whalers, of Great Britain ; as well as the 



476 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN, 

traders of the same nation, and thus inflict a heavy blow 
upon a sensitive part of an Englishman — his pocket. 

The story of the cruise, by Captain Porter, the Com- 
mander of the Essex ; with his passage to the Cape 
Verde Islands, the Coast of Brazil, around Cape Horn into 
the Pacific, and his operations there ; together with the 
incidents of his stay at the Gallapagos and Washington 
groups, and his numerous captures, read like a romance 
of the sea. Yet it is all true; and the account is written 
in a circumstantial manner, with day and date, by a 
genuine and successful sailor. 

This cruise is memorable for another reason — that 
Farragut, afterwards the greatest naval commander of 
his day, made his first cruise then, and witnessed his 
first naval action, while still a child, deporting himself 
with the coolness and gallantry which ever afterwards dis- 
tinguished him. 

David Porter, the Commander of the Essex, was born 
in Boston, in 1780, and was at this time thirty-three years 
of age — that glorious period of life which combines the 
fire and ability of youth with the experience and self- 
control derived from contact with the world. He entered 
the navy in 1 79S, and was a midshipman in the Constella- 
tion, in her action with the French frigate Insurgente, in 
February, 1799. He afterwards served on the West 
India station, as a Lieutenant, and had many conflicts, 
in the schooner Experiment, with the pirates and 
privateers which, at that time, and long after, infested 
those waters. In 1801 he was in the schooner Enter- 
prize, and, off Malta, he captured, after an engage- 
ment of three hours, a Tripolitan cruiser of fourteen 
guns. 

Soon after, in a boat expedition, at Tripoli, he was 
wounded for the second time; and in October, 1803, he 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 477 

was captured in the frigate Philadelphia, and remained a 
prisoner until the war closed. 

He was made a captain in 1812, and appointed to the 
Essex. 

After the war with England, Porter became a member 
)f the Board of Navy Commissioners, but resigned that 
post to take command of an expedition against the West 
Indian pirates. He was court-martialed for exceeding 
his powers during this cruise, and sentenced to be 
suspended for six months. 

Upon this he resigned his commission and entered the 
Mexican service as Naval Commander-in-chief. After 
serving there for some years he returned to the United 
States in 1829, and was made United States Consul 
General for the Barbary States. He was afterwards 
transferred to Constantinople as Charge d' Affaires, and 
soon became Minister Resident. 

He died in Constantinople, in March, 1843, an ^ ms 
remains were brought home in a man-of-war, and interred 
in the Naval Asylum grounds. 

And now, to return to the Essex and her cruise. All 
Americans should read Porter's account, which vies in 
interest with those of Anson or La Peyrouse, the differ- 
ence being that their sole object was discovery, while 
Porter had principally in view the crippling of his enemy's 
resources. His attack upon British interests in that part 
of the globe was entirely unexpected, and the unbounded 
rage of the English was excited when they learned, from 
prisoners sent in cartels, that such wholesale destruction 
was going on, and their trade being completely annihi- 
lated ; and they hastened to take means to stop Porter's 
career. 

The latter, in the meantime, was living off the enemy, 
showing the greatest activity and resource, maintaining 



478 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

discipline under exceptional circumstances, and keeping 
his crew in good humor, with much tact and knowledge 
of sailor character. 

In those days no docks or dockyards were to be found 
anywhere south of the line. Ports were few and not 
much frequented, for fear of blockade. Necessary food, 
sea-stores, rigging and material for repairs were, indeed, 
as far as Porter was concerned, only to be obtained by 
capture, and it required a man not only of pluck and 
nautical ability, but of resources in many other directions, 
to make such a cruise as he did. At the last, through 
no fault of his, he was overwhelmed in a harbor which 
should have afforded him security, and the career of the 
Essex brought to an end by a shameful violation of 

neutrality. 

In the course of his cruise, Porter had seized and dis- 
armed a Peruvian corvette, which had been preying upon 
American whalers, and then sent her away with a caution. 
He had also seized and disposed of, in different ways, 
English " South-sea-men," aggregating 3369 tons, with 
302 men and 107 guns ; had provisioned his own crew 
and partly paid his men, from the prizes. One of the 
latter, the Atlantic, he had fitted out for cruising, under 
his first lieutenant, Mr. Downes, re-naming her Essex 
Junior. This ship mounted 20 guns and was efficient as 
a cruiser against merchantmen and whalers, but was not 
expected to stand an engagement. 

Porter had sent Downes, with some prizes, to Valpa- 
raiso, and upon his return the latter reported that 
Commodore James Hillyar, an English officer of experi- 
ence, ability and courage, had been sent out in the 
frigate Phcebe, of 36 guns, to look for the American 
frigate, her work having caused great consternation when 
the news of it reached England. The English sloops 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 479 

Raccoon and Cherub were also despatched to the Pacific, 
under Hillyar's orders. 

The Essex being in much need of repairs after her 
long and stirring cruise, Porter determined to put her in 
as good condition as his resources permitted, and then 
seek to bring the enemy to action, if he could meet him 
on anything like equal terms. 

He, therefore, went to Nukahivah, or Madison's Island, 
in the Washington group, which had been discovered by 
Captain Ingraham, of Boston. Here he caulked his ship 
and overhauled the rigging, made new water casks, and 
took from his prizes provisions and stores for four months. 

On the i 2th of December, 1813, he sailed for the coast 
of Chili, and arrived on January 12th, 18 14. He could 
hear nothing of the British squadron reported to be 
looking for him. Some persons even supposed that they 
had been lost in trying to double Cape Horn. At this 
period Porter had completely broken up British naviga- 
tion in the Pacific, as those vessels which had not been 
captured by him were laid up, and dared not venture out 
of port. 

He had, in the meantime, afforded ample protection 
and assistance to our own ships. The English whale 
fishery was entirely destroyed, and now a squadron was 
coming out to look for him, involving very great expense. 
As has been said, he had lived upon the enemy, and had 
been obliged to draw no bills, but, on the contrary, had 
been able to advance pay to both officers and crew. 

Considering how much they had been at sea, his crew 
was very healthy, and he had had but one case of scurvy, 
then the curse of cruising ships. Two officers only had 
been lost : the Surgeon, from disease, and a Lieutenant, 
killed in a duel; while eight seamen and marines had 
been lost from sickness and ordinary casualties. 



480 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Porter believed that Hillyar would try to keep his 
arrival in the Pacific secret, and seek him at Valparaiso, 
and he, therefore, cruised in that neighborhood, where he 
hoped also to capture some merchant vessels expected 
from England. 

On the 3d of February the Essex anchored in .Valpa- 
raiso bay, and exchanged the usual salutes and civilities 
with the Spanish authorities. 

These appeared civil, and even cordial, and the gover- 
nor duly returned Captain Porter's visit. 

The Essex Junior was directed to cruise off the port, 
for the twofold purpose of intercepting the enemy's 
merchant vessels, and of informing Porter immediately 
of the appearance of any of their men-of-war. Then 
work began, to put the Essex in order, after which liberty 
was given to the crew. The people of Valparaiso showed 
great civility, and this was returned by an entertainment 
on board the Essex, in which the Essex Junior partici- 
pated, but kept a sharp lookout at the same time. They 
danced until midnight, and the Essex Junior then went 
outside. 

Next morning they had not had time to take down the 
awnings, flags and decorations spread for the party, when 
the Essex Junior signalized two English ships in sight. 
At this time half the Essex' crew were on shore, on 
liberty. A gun was fired as a signal for their return, 
and the ship restored to her usual condition as soon as 
possible. Porter went out in the Essex Junior to recon- 
noitre, and found that both the English vessels ap- 
peared to be frigates ; returning at once, he anchored the 
tender near the Essex, and prepared for mutual defence. 
When he returned to his own ship, at about 7.30 a.m., he 
had the gratification of not only finding the ship prepared 
for action, but everyman on board. He felt great doubts 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 481 

about the English respecting the neutrality of the port, 
but resolved to act upon the defensive entirely. 

At 8 a. m. the two English ships, a frigate and sloop 
of war, came into the harbor. The frigate, which proved 
to be the Phcebe, ranged alongside the Essex, within 
a few yards, and between her and the Essex Junior. 
The Phcebe was seen to be all ready for action. 

Captain Hillyar hailed, and politely inquired after 
Captain Porter's health, and the usual compliments were 
exchanged between them. 

Captains Hillyar and Porter had been acquainted in the 
Mediterranean. Among the American officers at that 
time on the station, no British officer was so much liked 
as Hillyar, and his family was visited, at Gibraltar, by 
Porter and many others. On one occasion Hillyar's 
family had gone, as passengers, with Commodore 
Rodgers, from Malta to Gibraltar. The relations 
between the two Captains, thus brought face to face, 
with tompions out and matches lighted, were rather 
peculiar. 

Finding the Phcebe approaching nearer the Essex 
than either prudence or the neutrality of the port would 
permit, Porter called to Hillyar that the Essex was all 
ready for action, and that he should act on the defensive. 

Hillyar replied, in an off-hand way, " Oh, I have no 
intention of getting on board of you." 

Porter replied that if he did fall on board of him there 
would be much blood shed. Hillyar merely called out 
again that he had no intention of falling on board the 
Essex. Porter, finding that he was luffing up so much 
as to cause his ship to be taken aback, and her jib-boom 
coming over the Essex' forecastle, called, "All hands to 
board the enemy;" directing them, if the ships touched, 
to spring on board the Phcebe. The latter vessel was 
3i 



482 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

now in a precarious condition, for not a gun of hers 
could be brought to bear upon either of the American 
vessels, while her bow was exposed to the raking fire of 
one, and her stern to that of the other. The Phcebe's 
consort, the Cherub, of 28 guns, was too far off to 
leeward to afford any assistance. The Phoebe had been 
informed, by a boat which had pulled out from an English 
merchant ship, that the Essex was in great confusion, from 
the entertainment of the night before, and that half her 
crew were on shore, on liberty. 

Great was the surprise of the Englishmen, then, when 
they saw a full crew ready to board them, and kedge- 
anchors triced up to the yard-arms, ready to drop and 
grapple them. 

Captain Hillyar at once sang out that he had no 
intention of boarding; that it was an accident that his 
ship was taken aback, and that he was sorry to be put in 
an equivocal situation, and had no hostile intention. 

The Phcebe was, at this moment, entirely at the mercy 
of the Essex ; and Porter could have destroyed her. 
The temptation was great to do so. Porter would have 
been justified, upon the plea of self-defence; but Captain 
Hillyar's assurances disarmed him, and Porter at once 
hailed the Essex Junior, and ordered Captain Downes 
not to begin firing without orders. Captain Hillyar was 
then allowed to extricate his ship from her disagreeable 
position ; the Phcebe separating from the Essex, and 
drifting by the American vessels, constantly exposed to 
their raking fire, to finally anchor on the east side of the 
harbor, just within shot of the Essex' 18-pounders, but 
beyond the reach of her carronades. The Cherub 
anchored quite close upon the port bow of the Essex ; 
whereupon Porter ordered the Essex Junior to so place 
herself that the Cherub would be between two fires ; an 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 483 

arrangement which seems to have excited the ineffectual 
anger of Captain Tucker, the Commander of the smaller 
English vessel. 

Porter tells us that, on going on shore, great astonish- 
ment was expressed by the officials and people of 
Valparaiso, that he had not taken advantage of the 
opportunity, and destroyed his enemy. Porter replied 
that he respected the neutrality of the port, and should 
continue to do so. He had reason, not very long after, 
to regret his moderation. 

When on shore in Valparaiso Porter generally staid at 
Senor Blanco's, and the two British Captains paid him a 
visit there, on the day after their arrival. This visit was 
returned, and a rather friendly intercourse was soon 
established, not only between the Commanders, but the 
officers of the respective ships, whenever they met on 
shore — their conduct being such that no one could have 
supposed that they belonged to nations at war with each 
other. 

At the first meeting on shore, Porter told Hillyar that 
it was important to know whether he (Hillyar) intended 
to respect the neutrality of the port. Hillyar replied, 
very emphatically, "You have paid so much respect to 
the neutrality of the port that I feel myself bound in 
honor to respect it." 

Porter rejoined that his assurance was sufficient, and 
that he should henceforth feel at his ease, and not always 
prepared for action. 

The English frigate had hoisted a flag (motto flags 
were then the fashion), bearing the words, "God and 
country ; British sailors' best rights ; traitors offend 
both." Porter asked Hillyar what the flag meant, and 
was informed that it was a reply to Porter's motto, "Free 
trade and sailors' rights," which was particularly offensive 



484 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

to the British navy ; and that he should always hoist it 
when Porter hoisted his. The next time the English 
motto was hoisted Porter replied with a flag having, 
"God, our Country, and Liberty — tyrants offend them;" 
and each ship gave three cheers for their flag. 

In spite of all this, personal intercourse and apparent 
good feeling continued between the two Captains. They 
discussed the objects of the British squadron; their long 
hunt for Porter, and the present status. 

This intercourse between public enemies was, in fact, a 
very curious thing. 

Hillyar asked Porter what he intended to do with his 
prizes ; when he was going to sea ; and other pertinent 
and delicate questions of a like nature. 

Porter told him that whenever he sent away the Cherub 
the Essex would go to sea, and that his sailing day 
would be fixed by Captain Hillyar. Once met, Porter 
said he would test the force of the two ships, but as the 
Essex was smaller than the Phcebe, he would not be 
justified to his country in losing his ship, and so would 
not challenge him. If, however, the Captain of the 
Phcebe would send away the Cherub and then challenge 
the Essex, he (Porter) would be willing to fight. No 
doubt all this was discussed over a cigar and a glass of 
wine, but this we can only conjecture. 

Hillyar said that success in naval actions depended 
upon so many accidents, and that the loss of a spar or 
mast sometimes determined the fate of the day, so he 
should trust to chance to bring the two ships together; 
that he was not disposed to yield the advantage of 
superior force, and should blockade Porter until other 
English men-of-war arrived, and at all events prevent 
him from doing further mischief to British commerce. 

Porter told Hillyar that his prizes were only an encum- 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 485 

brance to him under the circumstances, and that some 
time he should take them out to sea and destroy 
them. To this Hillyar rejoined that he dare not do so 
with him in sight. Porter merely answered, "We shall 
see." 

As Hillyar was determined to lose none of the advan- 
tage of superior force, and it was known that other ships 
were soon coming to join him, Porter endeavored still to 
provoke the English Commodore to challenge him to a 
single contest. 

The Cherub lying near the Essex, the crews sang 
original songs directed at each other. It is said that the 
Yankee songs had the most point, which is likely, for the 
average English nautical mind is not very brilliant. The 
officers encouraged this amusement, which took place in 
the fine, calm first watches, to the frequent annoyance of 
the English and the great amusement of neutrals. 
Captain Hillyar requested Porter to put a stop to it, 
but the latter refused to do so unless the Cherub ceased 
first 

At length the quasi-friendly relations between the 
Commanders became very much "strained," as the diplo- 
matists say, by the harboring of an escaped prisoner 
from the Essex on board the Cherub. This led to an 
exchange of strongly-worded letters. Porter and Hillyar 
continued to meet on shore quite frequently, and at this 
time Porter proposed an exchange of prisoners by sending 
one of the prizes to England as a cartel, to bring thence 
to the United States an equal number. This proposition 
came to nothing, but Porter liberated his English pris- 
oners on condition that they should not serve until 
exchanged ; and Hillyar undertook to write to England 
and have as many Americans liberated. 

In the meantime the Essex Junior had gone outside to 



486 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

reconnoitre a strange sail, and was very nearly cut off 
by the English vessels both going out, but the Essex 
manned her boats, sent them out and towed her in in 
safety. 

The English ships then continued to cruise outside, 
and Porter, to try his rate of sailing with them, chose 
an opportunity, when they were well to leeward, to get 
under way and let them chase him. He found he could 
outsail them both, and could escape at almost any time, 
but he was led to remain in Valparaiso by the hope of 
bringing the Phcebe to single action. This resolution, 
though chivalric, was not exactly prudent. 

One day Porter towed the ship Hector, a prize, to 
sea. The two British ships were then far in the offing, 
and Porter had the prize set on fire. He then returned 
to his anchorage, unmolested, although the English made 
every exertion to come up with him. This insult seemed 
to have the desired effect, and on the afternoon of the 
2 2d of February, 1814, the Cherub was seen to be about 
three miles to leeward of the harbor, while the Phcebe 
was standing in alone. At 5 p.m. she hove about, a short 
distance from the Essex, with head off shore, shortened 
sail, fired a gun to windward (a nautical challenge), and 
hoisted her motto flag. 

Porter instantly accepted the challenge, hoisted his 
motto, fired a gun and got under way. 

The Phcebe made sail and stood off shore, while Porter 
followed, under all sail. He was nearing the English 
frigate fast, when to his astonishment, she bore off before 
the wind, and ran down for her consort. Porter fired 
two shots across her fore-foot, but they did not bring her 
to, and the Essex hauled her wind and returned to port, 
where she anchored before the two British vessels could 
reach her. 



ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 487 

Porter did not spare some caustic remarks upon this 
affair, and they reached Hillyar, through British residents 
on shore. 

Defiant letters were interchanged between the ships' 
companies. Porter wrote to Hillyar, and Hillyar to 
Porter, and, as was natural, angry feelings increased. 

About the middle of March the First Lieutenant of the 
Phoebe (who was afterwards killed in the action) came 
on board the Essex, under a flag of truce, with a message 
from Captain Hillyar. 

Presuming it was a challenge, Porter required the 
presence of some of his officers, and then asked the 
English officer the purport of his message. 

The Englishman said that Captain Hillyar had heard 
that Captain Porter had publicly stated that Hillyar had 
acted in a cowardly manner, by running away from the 
Essex after challenging her, but that he could not believe 
the report, and had sent his first Lieutenant to ascertain 
the truth. 

Porter at once told him that he had said so, and still 
thought so. 

The English Lieutenant then stated that he was 
instructed to tell Captain Porter that the hoisting the flag 
and firing the gun, by the Phcebe, was not intended as a 
challenge, but as a signal to her consort. 

Porter replied that Captain Hillyar had informed him 
that the flag was intended for the Essex, and there " was 
not a man, woman nor child in Valparaiso who did not 
think it a challenge." The Lieutenant reoeated that 
Captain Hillyar desired him to assure Captain Porter 
that it was not intended for a challenge. 

Porter said he was bound to believe Captain Hillyar, 
if he said so ; but that he should always consider such a 
proceeding a challenge ; and that, whenever he chose to 



488 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

send away the Cherub, and repeat the manoeuvre, he 
should act as he had before done. The Lieutenant once 
more assured Porter that it was not a challenge, and 
that Captain Hillyar did not approve of challenges, 
as he was a religious man. 

Such a state of things as we have been describing 
could not, of course, last very long. 

Exasperation was fast taking the place of self-control, 
on both sides ; and as more British vessels were 
expected, it was necessary for Porter to take some 
decided step. A crisis was evidently approaching. 

The relative strength of the two nations, in Valparaiso, 
was then as follows : — 

The Phcebe carried thirty long eighteens ; sixteen 
thirty-two pound carronades; one howitzer, and six 
three-pounders in the tops; in all, fifty-three guns. Her 
crew consisted of three hundred and twenty men. 

The Cherub carried eighteen thirty-two pound car- 
ronades; eight twenty-fours; two long nines ; and had a 
crew of one hundred and eighty men. 

On the American side, the Essex mounted forty-six 
guns. Forty of these were thirty-two pound carronades, 
and six were long twelves. Her crew, reduced by those 
in prizes, was only two hundred and fifty-five men. 

The Essex Junior, built for whaling, was principally a 
store-ship, or tender. She mounted twenty guns, taken 
from captured whalers. Ten of these were eighteen- 
pound carronades, and ten were short sixes. She had 
a crew of sixty men. 

For six weeks the English ships had been mostly under 
way, and cruising off the port ; and Porter was finally 
induced to put to sea by the certain intelligence that the 
Tagus, 38, and two other English frigates, were on their 
way to the Pacific. The Raccoon was also expected ; 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 489 

which sloop had been sent up to the northwest Coast of 
America for the purpose of destroying the American 
Fur Company's establishment, on the Columbia river. 

Having' agreed upon a rendezvous where he could meet 
the Essex Junior, Porter determined to allow the two 
British vessels to chase him off the coast, and thereby to 
permit his tender to escape. 

On March 28th the wind came out fresh from the 
southward, and the Essex parted one of her cables, and 
dragged the other anchor directly out to sea ; so that it 
was necessary to get sail on the ship instantly. The 
enemy were, at the time, close in with the western point 
of the bay; but when Porter had made sail, and opened 
them, he saw a chance of passing them to windward; 
and, taking in top-gallant-sails, which had been set over 
single-reefed top-sails, he braced up for that purpose. 

Unfortunately, as the Essex came up with the point, 
and was passing it, it happened (as it often does in such 
localities) that a heavy squall struck the ship, and carried 
away her main-top -mast; and all the men aloft, furling 
the top-gallant-sail, were lost. 

Admiral Farragut said, in after years, that the reason 
why they lost the main-top-mast was, that the yard 
jammed, and would not come down when the halliards 
were let go — the top-gallant-sail being clewed down. 

The loss of this spar was most disastrous. Both the 
English ships at once gave chase, and the crippled Essex 
endeavored to regain the port. Finding he could not 
reach the usual anchorage, Porter ran into a small bay, 
about three-quarters of a mile to leeward of a small 
Chilian battery, on the east side of the harbor, and 
anchored within pistol-shot of the shore ; intent upon 
repairing damages as soon as possible. The enemy's 
vessels continued to approach, and showed every inten- 



490 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN'. 

tion of attacking him, regardless of the fact that the 
Essex was anchored close to neutral shores. They bore 
down with caution, however, hoisting a number of motto 
flags and jacks. 

Porter went to quarters and got his ship clear of the 
wreck and ready for action as soon as possible, but he 
had not time to get a spring upon his cable, for at about 
4 p. m. the attack was made, the Phcebe assuming a 
position under the Essex' stern, and the Cherub one on 
her starboard bow. Their fire was promptly returned, 
and the Cherub soon found her position a hot one, and 
she bore up to join the Phcebe under the Essex' stern, 
whence they delivered a severe raking fire. The Essex 
could not get her broadside to bear, but fought three 
long twelve-pounders out of the stern ports, which were 
worked with such bravery, skill and rapidity, that in half 
an hour both English ships were obliged to draw off to 
repair damages. 

During the firing, the Essex succeeded, by dint of great 
exertion, in getting a spring upon the cable no less than 
three times, but the fire of the enemy was so heavy that 
it was each time shot away before her broadside could 
be brought to bear. 

The Essex was already much damaged and had a good 
many killed and wounded, but the ship's company were in 
good spirits, and though they were caught at such a 
disadvantage, resolved to resist to the last. 

The gaff, with the motto flag and ensign, had been shot 
away, but " Free Trade and Sailor's Rights" continued to 
fly at the fore. The ensign was now made fast in the 
main rigging, and several jacks displayed at different 
points. The enemy soon repaired damages and were 
ready to renew the attack, and both his ships now placed 
themselves on the Essex' starboard quarter, out of the 



ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 491 

reach of her broadside carronades, and where her stern 
guns would not bear. They then opened and kept up a 
o^alline hre, which the Essex could not return at all, and 
there was no chance for the American ship, unless she 
could get underway and assail in turn. The Essex' 
top-sail sheets and halliards were all shot away, as well as 
the jib and stay-sail halliards. Indeed, the only rope of 
that kind not cut was the flying-jib halliards. This, the 
only available sail, was set, the cable cut, and Porter 
steered down upon the English vessels, intending to lay 
the Phoebe aboard. The firing- on both sides was now 
incessant. Porter let fall his fore-top-sail and fore-sail, 
but the want of tacks and sheets rendered them almost 
useless. Yet he approached his enemy slowly, and 
although the decks were thickly strewn with dead, and 
the cockpit filled with wounded, and although the ship 
had been several times on fire and was almost a wreck, 
they still had some hopes, for the Cherub was just then 
compelled to haul off. This ship did not come into close 
action again, although she kept up a distant fire from her 
long guns. The disabled state of the Essex enabled the 
Phcebe, by edging off, to choose her own distance, and 
use her long guns, with which she kept up a tremendous 
fire, which mowed down the Essex' crew in a fearful way. 
Farragut, in his recollections, praises the Surgeons for 
their coolness and dexterity, although they had, at this 
time, patients killed under their hands. 

Many of the American guns had been rendered 
useless, and many had their entire crews destroyed by 
this fire. 

The remaining guns were again manned, however, and 
one gun was three times re-manned — fifteen people 
having been killed at that one piece during the action. 



492 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The captain of this same gun alone escaped, with a slight 
scratch. 

Finding that the enemy had it in his power to choose 
his distance, and thus destroy him at leisure, and as the 
wind at the moment favored, Porter determined to run 
his ship on shore, land his men, and destroy her. When 
he was within musket-shot of the beach the wind 
suddenly shifted right off shore, and paid the Essex off, 
with her head towards the Phcebe ; exposing her again 
to a deadly raking fire. 

The Essex was by this time totally unmanageable, yet 
as her head was towards the enemy, and the latter was 
to leeward, Porter still had a faint hope that he might be 
able to board her. 

Just then Lieutenant Downes, the Commander of the 
Essex Junior, thinking that the Essex would soon be 
taken, pulled out in his boat, and came on board to 
receive Porter's orders. In the wretched condition of 
the ship Downes could be of no use, and finding that the 
enemy had put his helm up and ran off, so that he could 
not board her, Porter directed Downes to return to his 
own ship, prepare for her defence, and if necessary, 
destroy her. Downes, therefore, took several of the 
wounded, left three of his own crew, and rejoined the 
Essex Junior. 

The slaughter on board the Essex was now horrible ; 
and the enemy continued to rake her, while she could 
not bring a gun to bear. 

Porter then bent a hawser to his sheet-anchor, and cut 
the anchor away, thus bringing her head round. 

Her broadside was then again brought to bear, and as 
the Phcebe was much crippled, and unable to hold her 
own, it is probable he would have drifted out of 
ooinshot before he discovered that the Essex had 



ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 493 

anchored again, had not the hawser unfortunately 
parted. The case of the Essex now seemed hopeless. 
Several fires had been extinguished during the engage- 
ment; but now fire made headway both forward and aft; 
and flames, supposed to come from near the magazine, 
were shooting up the hatchways. At this juncture they 
were about three-quarters of a mile from the shore, and 
there was a bare chance for those of the crew who could 
swim well to reach the land. . The boats were all 
destroyed by the enemy's shot, and the fire was now 
burning fiercely, close to the after magazine. 

Orders were given for those who could swim to jump 
overboard and make for the shore. Many did so, some 
with clothes already on fire. Some reached the beach, 
some were captured by the enemy's boats, and some 
perished. Most of the surviving officers and crew 
preferred to share, with the Captain, the fate of the ship. 
These were now wholly employed in endeavors to ex- 
tinguish the flames; and in this they finally succeeded. 

They then once more manned the guns, and renewed 
the engagement ; but the crew were now so weakened 
that all saw the impossibility of further resistance, and 
entreated Captain Porter to surrender, as the ship was 
entirely disabled, and such a step was necessary, to save 
the wounded. Porter sent for the division officers, to 
consult them ; but found only Lieutenant McKnight 
remaining. He confirmed the reports of the bad condi- 
tion of the ship, below, and the disabled state of the 
guns, and their crews. Lieutenant Wilmer had been 
knocked overboard by a splinter, while getting the 
sheet-anchor overboard, and had been drowned, after 
fighting gallantly through the whole action. Acting 
Lieutenant Cowell had lost a leg. The Sailing Master, 
Mr. Barnewell, was badly wounded. Acting Lieutenant 



494 NAVAL, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Odenheimer had been knocked overboard, but managed 
to sustain himself upon some floating wreck, not succeed- 
ing, however, in regaining the ship until after her 
surrender. The cockpit, steerage, wardroom, and berth- 
deck were full of wounded; some of whom were killed 
while the Surgeons were operating upon them. More 
than this, it was evident that unless something was done 
the ship must soon sink, with all on board, from the 
numerous shot-holes below the water line. 

The Carpenter reported that all his men were either 
killed or wounded; and he himself had narrowly escaped 
drowning, as the slings in which he was suspended, while 
overboard, stopping shot-holes, had been shot away. It 
was impossible to reach the enemy with the carronades ; 
while they, from the smoothness of the water, and 
immunity from shot, were enabled to use their long guns 
upon the Essex, as upon a target. 

It is said that, at this time, Lieutenant Ingram, of the 
Phcebe, wanted Captain Hillyar to bear down and board 
the Essex — saying it was deliberate murder to lie off and 
fire in this way. This gallant English officer was killed, 
among the last, that day. 

The American ship continued to be hulled at every 
shot, and was cut up in a way seldom witnessed. In a 
word, there was no hope of saving her, and at half- past 
six in the evening Porter was forced to strike his colors. 

Only seventy-five officers and men remained fit for 
duty ; and many of these were wounded, and some 
afterwards died. 

In spite of the colors being down, the enemy continued 
his deliberate fire, and the survivors continued to fall. 
Porter ordered an opposite gun to be fired, to intimate 
his surrender, but the fire continued, and several more 
men fell. 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 495 

Porter now believed that they intended to show no 
quarter ; and he was upon the point of hoisting his flag 
again, when, about ten minutes after the colors had been 
struck, the enemy ceased firing. 

It is only fair to suppose that the smoke prevented 
them from seeing that the flag was down. 

Porter, and his officers and crew, had shown unpar- 
alleled bravery, skill, zeal, and patriotism ; and nothing 
but the absolute requirements of humanity caused their 
surrender — to save the helpless wounded. Had they 
been disposed of, there is little doubt they would have 
let the Essex sink under them, and have taken the 
chance of gaining the shore. 

The action had been fought almost entirely with the 
great guns ; musketry being only used during the first 
half hour. During most of the time the Essex could 
only use her six long twelves ; and it is fair to say that 
every one did his whole duty. Farragut, then a mere 
child, was mentfoned, among others, for gallantry, but 
was " too young to recommend for promotion." 

The Essex' ship's company were unfortunate, but not 
disgraced. Out of them fifty-eight were killed, or died 
subsequently of wounds ; thirty-nine were severely 
wounded ; twenty-seven were slightly wounded ; and 
thirty-one were missing — mostly drowned. Lieutenant 
Cowell, whose leg was shattered, insisted upon waiting 
his turn, with the other wounded, for amputation, and 
thereby lost his life. 

The enemy's loss, which was comparatively light, from 
the circumstances under which the battle was fought, 
included the First Lieutenant of the Phcebe, killed, and 
Captain Tucker, of the Cherub, severely wounded. 
Both the Essex and the Phcebe were in a sinking state, 



496 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and were with difficulty kept afloat until morning, when 
they anchored in the port of Valparaiso. 

The Essex was afterwards repaired, and sent to 
England, when she was added to the British navy. The 
Phcebe had eighteen shot-holes through her, below the 
water line, and nothing saved both ships but the fact that 
the water was very smooth. 

During the action the American Consul General, Mr. 
Poinsett, demanded from the Governor of Valparaiso 
that his batteries should protect the Essex. 

This was refused ; but he was promised that, if she 
fought her way in to the usual anchorage, he would send 
to the British Commander, and request him to desist, but 
would not use force under any circumstances. This, and 
other evidences of bias in favor of the British were so 
strong, that Mr. Poinsett left the country, having no hope 
that any claim for the restoration of the ship would be 
entertained. 

The change of feeling in the authorities of Valparaiso, 
Porter attributed to a revolution, which had lately put 
new people into power ; beside the fact that the South 
American nations always favored the strongest force. 

Soon after their capture Captain Hillyar allowed the 
prisoners to proceed to the United States in the Essex 
Junior, which ship was disarmed, and furnished with a 
passport, to prevent recapture. 

Porter, in his remarks upon the battle, says that while 
he could never be reconciled to Hillyar's course in 
attacking the Essex in neutral waters, he must do the 
English Captain the justice to say that, after the capture, 
he did all he could to alleviate the misery of the wounded 
and prisoners. Their private property was pilfered, to be 
sure, but it was against Hillyar's positive orders. Porter 
also very truly remarks that the Essex would almost 



ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 497 

certainly have escaped to sea, but for the accident to her 
mast, and that it was a wonderful thing that the two ships 
should not have captured or destroyed her in a much 
shorter time. 

The English frigate Tagus arrived a few days after the 
battle. She, with other English ships, had been sent 
to look for Porter in the China Seas, Timor and Aus- 
tralia. Porter estimated the cost to the English govern- 
ment of the capture of the Essex as, at least, $6,000,000. 

We now pass to the singular termination of the voyage 
of the Essex Junior, which ship left Valparaiso with the 
paroled American prisoners. She made a remarkably 
good passage of jt> days, to Sandy Hook, the prisoners 
hoping to be in time to be exchanged, fit out a vessel, 
and intercept the prize on her passage to England. But 
off Sandy Hook they fell in with the British ship Saturn, 
the Captain of which at first passed them, but two hours 
after boarded them again, and revoked the pass. As 
Captain Hillyar's pass was thus violated, Captain Porter 
revoked his parole, and declared himself the Saturn's 
prisoner. The Essex Junior was directed to remain all 
night under the Saturn's guns. The next morning the 
ships were some thirty miles off Long Island, within 
musket-shot of each other, and in a dense fog-. Porter 
determined to escape. A boat was lowered and manned, 
and Porter entered it, leaving with Lieutenant Downes a 
message for Captain Nash, of the Saturn, to the effect 
that he was " satisfied that British officers were destitute 
of honor, and regardless of the honor of each other. 
That he was armed and intended to defend himself 
against boats sent out after him." He got nearly a crun- 
shot off, in the fog, before it was discovered that he had 
left, and when he was pursued he eluded the enemy's 
boats and landed at Babylon, Long Island. The English 
32 



498 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

asserted breach of parole in his case, but the Government 
took up the matter, and it was finally satisfactorily ar- 
ranged. 

In connection with the homeward passage of the Essex 
Junior, we must not omit to mention the sad fate of 
Lieutenant Stephen Decatur McKnight, the only Lieu- 
tenant of the Essex who escaped unhurt from the san- 
guinary engagement with the Phoebe and Cherub. 

Lieutenant McKnight and Midshipman Lyman had 
remained behind, and went to Rio Janeiro in the Phoebe, 
to make the affidavits necessary to condemn the Essex as 
a prize. They were then allowed the option of going to 
England in the Phoebe, or to be allowed to o-o to 
Europe in a merchant vessel, and thence home, on 
parole. They preferred the latter, and sailed from Rio 
in a Swedish brig called the Adonis. On the passage 
they met, at sea, the United States ship Wasp, Captain 
Blakely, on a cruise, and left the Adonis and joined the 
Wasp, in mid-ocean. The Wasp was never seen again 
after the Adonis left her. 

It may further be of interest to have Admiral Farra- 
gut's recollections of this battle, as well as his comments 
thereon, when ripe in years and experience. 

Farragut was only thirteen years old at the time of 
the battle; but, as we have seen, he was commended for 
his coolness and conduct. 

He said that, when the English ships first came in, and 
while the Essex and Phoebe were close together, and 
the Captains talking to each other, a young fellow 
stationed at a gun-deck gun of the Essex, who had just 
come off from liberty, rather tipsy, fancied he saw a man 
on board the Phoebe grinning at him. 

" My fine fellow," said he, " I'll soon stop your making 
faces ! " and was about to fire his gun, when Lieutenant 



ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 499 

McKnight saw him, and knocked him over. Farragut 
remarks that, if this gun had been fired, the battle 
would then have taken place, under such circumstances 
that the Phcebe would most likely have been taken. 

He also mentions (which Captain Porter does not), 
that one night, while the English ships were outside, the 
Americans manned all boats, to board and capture them; 
but finding them prepared, and their men lying at their 
quarters, they returned. 

In his later years the gallant Admiral gave his opinion 
as follows : " In the first place, I consider our original 
and greatest error was in attempting to regain the 
original anchorage, as, being of very fine sailing qualities, 
" the Essex should have borne up and run before the 
wind. If we had come in contact with the Phcebe, we 
could have boarded her. If she avoided us — having- all 
her masts, and ability to manoeuvre — then we could 
have taken her fire, and passed on, leaving both 
vessels behind, until we could have replaced our top- 
mast. By this time they would have separated, or it 
would have been.no chase, as the Cherub was a dull 
sailer. 

" Secondly. When it was apparent to everybody that 
we had no chance of success, under the circumstances, 
the ship should have been run on shore, throwing her 
broadside to the beach, to prevent raking ; fought as 
long as was consistent with humanity, and then set on 
fire. But, having determined upon anchoring, we should 
have bent a spring on the ring of the anchor, instead of 
upon the cable, where it was exposed, and could be shot 
away as fast as it could be put on. This mode of pro- 
ceeding would have given us, in my opinion, a better 
opportunity of injuring our opponents." Farragut further 
says, " It has been quite common to blame Captain 



<300 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Hillyar for his conduct in this affair ; but when we come 
to consider the characteristics of the two Commanders, 
we may be inclined to judge more leniently ; although 
Porter's complaints in the matter will excite no surprise. 
Porter was then about thirty-one years of age, and the 
'pink of chivalry,' and of an ardent and impetuous 
temperament ; while Hillyar was a cool and calculating 
man, of about fifty; and he himself said, 'had gained his 
reputation by several single-ship combats ; and only 
expected to retain it on the present occasion by 
implicit obedience to his orders, viz : to capture the 
Essex with the least possible risk to his vessel and 
crew;' and as he had a superior force, he had determined 
not to leave anything to chance, believing any other* 
course would call down on him the disapprobation of his 
government." 

Among other reminiscences by Farragut, we find that 
when Lieutenant Ingram visited the Essex, under a flag 
of truce, he was shown all over her, and made a very 
good impression by his frank and manly bearing. He 
said the happiest moment of his life would be to take her 
to England should she be captured in equal combat. 
Porter replied that, should such an event occur, he knew 
no British officer to whom he would more readily yield 
the honor. Poor Ingram was killed by a splinter, and 
the American officers who survived attended his funeral, 
in Valparaiso. 

"During the action," says Admiral Farragut, in his 
later years, " I was, like ' Paddy in the Catharpins,' a man 
on occasions. I performed the duties of Captain's aid, 
quarter-gunner, powder-boy, and, in fact, did everything 
that was required of me. I shall never forget the hor- 
rible impression made upon me at the sight of the first 
man I had ever seen killed. He was a boatswain's mate, 



ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 501 

and was fearfully mutilated. It staggered and sickened 
me at first, but they soon began to fall around me so fast 
that it all appeared like a dream, and produced no effect 
upon my nerves. I can remember well, while I was stand- 
ing near the Captain, just abaft the main-mast, a shot came 
through the water-ways and glanced upward, killing four 
men who were standing by the side of a gun, taking the 
last one in the head, and scattering his brains over both 
of us. But this awful sieht did not affect me half as much 
as the death of the first poor fellow. I neither thought 
of nor noticed anything but the working of the guns." 

During the action Midshipman Farragut was knocked 
down a ladder by the body of a heavy man, who was 
killed. Farragut was only bruised. 

The Admiral also tells an amusing story of a fight he 
had, on board the English frigate, after the action, when 
they were taken on board, prisoners. He saw an English 
midshipman who had captured a pet pig, called Murphy, 
belonging to him, and he stoutly claimed it. The English 
midshipman refused to surrender it, but his older mess- 
mates told Farragut that if he licked the English mid- 
shipman he should have his pig. A ring was formed, 
and, encouraged by shouts, of "Go it! my little Yankee ! 
if you can thrash Shorty you shall have your pig!" he 
went in and licked the Englishman handsomely. 




502 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXXIV. 

BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. SEPTEMBER 
nTH, A. D. 1814. 




HE battle of Lake Champlain, or Plattsburg, 
as it is often called, was one of the most 
important, in its results, of all fouglit during 
the war with Great Britain which began 
in 1812. 

At the same time that the naval battle 
was fought, the Americans, under General 
Macomb, obtained a decided victory over 
the British land forces, which had advanced, on the west 
side of Lake Champlain, as far as Plattsburg. 

Although Lake Champlain had been the scene of so 
many important events in the previous wars on this 
continent, two years of the "War of 1812" elapsed 
before anything of importance occurred there. Nor 
would it have then been the scene of any stirring event, 
if English military men had been capable of learning 
anything from previous operations there. 

Towards the end of 1814 large reinforcements had 
arrived in Canada, from England, and an army of twelve 
or fifteen thousand men was collected in the vicinity of 
Montreal. 

With this force the enemy intended an invasion of the 
northern counties of New York; undeterred by the fate 
of General Burgoyne, whose route, practically, they 
intended to follow. 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 503 

In spite of the obstinacy and stupidity of the English 
military mind during these operations, many people have 
supposed that this expedition was not intended to be 
pushed very fai \nto a country much more capable of 
resistance than in Burgoyne's time, but that the officers 
were probably directed to penetrate as far as Crown 
Point and Ticonderoga, perhaps with a view to attempts 
at further conquests in the spring. 

Some thought that they hoped to reach Albany ; a 
measure that would have involved the loss of their 
whole force, as double the number of men could hardly 
have accomplished such a feat in Burgoyne's time, 
through a sparsely settled country. 

It is altogether probable that they intended to occupy 
a portion of the frontier, in the expectation of turning 
the occupation to account in the negotiations which were 
known to be impending ; as the English Commissioners 
soon after advanced a claim which would have the effect 
of driving the Americans back from their ancient boun- 
daries, with a view to leaving to Great Britain the entire 
possession of the lakes. 

In such an expedition as this, with Canada as a base, 
the command of Champlain became of great importance, 
as it flanked the march of the invading army for more 
than a hundred miles, and offered great facilities for 
forwarding supplies, as well as for annoyance and 
defence. 

Until the year 1814 neither nation had had a force of 
any moment on Lake Champlain ; but the Americans 
had built a ship and a schooner, during the previous 
winter and spring. When it was found that the enemy 
had serious intentions, both by water and by land, the 
keel of a brig was laid, and a number of " row-galleys," 
or gun-boats, were also constructed. 



504 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

During this period the English were not idle. In 
addition to several small vessels they already possessed 
on these waters, they built a brig, and, 9S soon as she was 
in frame, laid the keel of a ship. The latter vessel was 
to be of the greatest force and size possible for those 
waters, and great care was taken to make her so. 
The American brig, which was called the Eagle, was 
launched about the middle of August, and the English 
ship, which was called the Confiance, on the 25th of the 
same month. As the English army was already collect- 
ing on the frontier, the utmost exertions were made by 
both sides, and each ship appeared on the lake as she 
was got ready. 

Captain Thomas McDonough, who commanded the 
American naval force, was an officer who, though young, 
had repeatedly distinguished himself since he had entered 
the service, in the year 1800, being appointed from the 
State of Delaware. 

McDonough got out on the lake a few days before 
his adversary, and as cruising, in the ordinary sense of 
the term, was impossible upon such a long and narrow 
body of water, the American Captain advanced as far as 
Plattsburg, the point selected for the defence against the 
invaders, and anchored, on the 3d of September, on the 
flank of the American troops, which occupied entrench- 
ments at that place. 

Previously to this the English had made an attempt to 
sink a vessel in the mouth of the Otter Creek, to prevent 
the Americans from getting their vessels out, but they 
were beaten off. Otter Creek is some distance down the 
lake, on the Vermont side. 

About this time Sir George Prevost, the English Com- 
mander-in-chief, advanced against Plattsburg, then held 
by Brigadier General Macomb. The latter had only 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIK. 505 

fifteen hundred men fit for duty, while Sir Geo. Prevost's 
army was estimated at twelve thousand. 

Prevost s army was divided into four brigades, which 
were commanded by Lieutenant General De Rottenbercr 
Major Generals Brisbane, Power and Robinson, and 
Major General Baynes was Adjutant General. 

With this formidably officered force Sir George Pre- 
vost advanced slowly down the right shore of the lake, 
waiting for the flotilla to get ready and to appear on his 
left flank. 

From the 7th to the 1 1 th of August the American 
skirmishers and scouts kept the English advance well 
upon the alert, while the latter were engaged in bringing 
up their battering trains, stores and reinforcements. 
Some fighting took place amongst detached bodies, on 
shore, but no move was made upon the water. 

Cooper will be chiefly followed in the account of the 
battle which took place upon the lake, although Roose- 
velt does even more justice to McDonough than Cooper 
does. Like Cooper, too, Roosevelt ranks McDonough as 
much higher in the scale of ability, as a naval commander, 
than Perry, the commander on Lake Erie, while in regard 
to courage and conduct under fire, their claims are 
undoubtedly equal. 

The English naval Captain, Downie, late in command 
of the Montreal, on Lake Ontario, had been sent by Sir 
James Yeo, the British naval Commander-in-chief, to 
take the command on Lake Champlain. He came, with 
the express understanding that he was not to come out 
until he considered his vessels ready. 

In one sense, neither the English nor the American 
vessels were in a very forward state of preparation. The 
largest English vessel had been in the water but sixteen 
days when she was brought into action. The second vessel 



506 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

in size of the Americans had been launched but thirty days 
when she was fought in the battle. In point of fact, the 
American Eagle was ready for service but eight days 
before the English Confiance. As all these vessels had 
little need of the stores supplied to a sea-going ship, and 
as the action between them was fought at anchor, they 
were, really, not much more than floating batteries. 

But to illustrate the difficulties under which naval opera- 
tions in those parts were carried on, we may say that 
when Captain McDonough first arrived, to build and fit 
out a squadron, he was so short of skilled seamen that he 
was obliged to turn to and strop blocks, and do other 
seaman's work, with his own hands. 

Ready-witted Yankee landsmen soon learned to do a 
great deal, and after a time, seamen, in small numbers, 
were procured, such as had seen powder burnt. 

On the 6th of September Captain McDonough ordered 
his galleys to the head of Plattsburg Bay, to annoy the 
British land forces, which they cannonaded for two hours. 
The wind then came on to blow a gale, which menaced 
the galleys with shipwreck, and they were ordered to 
retire. The boat which carried the order was in charge 
of a midshipman named Duncan, and it is supposed the 
enemy thought McDonough himself was in the boat, 
about to join the galleys, for they concentrated a fire upon 
it, and Mr. Duncan was severely wounded, losing an arm. 

The general direction of Lake Champlain is north and 
south, but, at a point called Cumberland Head, in coming 
south, the land bends north again, forming Plattsburg 
Bay, which is a deep indentation of the shore, that leaves 
a basin open to the southward, and which, consequently, 
lies nearly parallel to the main lake. The east side of 
this bay is protected by the long, narrow neck of land that 
terminates in Cumberland Head. Its bottom, or northern 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 507 

end, and its western shore, are encircled by the main land, 
while to the southward and eastward is the entrance. 
Near the centre of the western shore the Saranac enters 
the bay, and on both banks of that river stands the town 
of Plattsburor 

About a mile and a half from Cumberland Head, in a 
southwesterly direction, and quite near the western shore, 
is an extensive shoal and a small, low island, which com- 
mands the approach to the bay in that direction. 

At this spot, called Crab Island, the naval hospital was 
established, and a one-gun battery erected. 

Captain McDonough had chosen an anchorage a little 
south of the outlet of the Saranac. His vessels lay in a 
line parallel to the shore, extending north and south, and 
distant from the western shore nearly two miles. The 
last vessel to the southward was so near the shoal as to 
prevent the English from passing that end of the line, 
while all the American vessels lay out so much toward 
Cumberland Head that they brought the enemy within 
reach of carronades, should he enter the bay on that side. 

The Eagle, Captain Henley, lay at the northern 
extremity of the American line, and what might, during 
the battle which followed, have been called its head ; the 
wind being to the northward and eastward. The Saratoga, 
Captain McDonough' s own vessel, was second ; the 
Ticonderoga, Lieutenant Commanding Cassin, the third ; 
and the Preble, Lieutenant Budd, last. The Preble lay a 
little further south than the pitch of Cumberland Head. 

The first of the vessels just mentioned was a brig of 
twenty guns and 1 50 men, all told ; the second, a ship of 
twenty-six guns, and 212 men ; the third, a schooner of 
seventeen guns, and no men; and the last, a sloop of 
seven guns and 30 men. 

The metal of all these vessels, as well as of those of the 



508 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

enemy, was unusually heavy, there being no swell in the 
lake to make a heavy armament dangerous. 

The Saratoga mounted eight long 24s, six 42s, and 
twelve 32-pound carronades. The Eagle had eight long 
1 8s, and twelve 32-pound carronades. The Ticonderoga 
had four long 18s, eight long 12s, and four ^2-pound 
carronades, beside one 1 8-pound columbiad. The Preble 
had seven long 9s. 

In addition to these four vessels, the Americans had ten 
galleys or gun-boats — six large and four small. Each 
of the large ones mounted a long 24 and an eighteen- 
pound columbiad, while the smaller ones had each a 
long 12. 

The galleys had, on an average, about thirty-five men 
each. 

The total force of the Americans consisted, therefore, 
of fourteen vessels, of all classes, mounting 102 guns, and 
containing about eight hundred and fifty men, including 
officers, and a small detachment of soldiers, who did duty 
as marines, none of that corps having been sent to Lake 
Champlain. 

To complete his order of battle, Captain McDonough 
directed two of the galleys to keep in shore, and a little to 
windward of the Eagle, to sustain the head of the line. 
One or two more were to lie opposite to the interval 
between the Eagle and the Saratoga ; a few opposite the 
interval between the Saratoga and Ticonderoga ; and two 
opposite the interval between the Ticonderoga and the 
Preble. If any order had been given to cover the rear of 
the line it was not carried out. 

The Americans were, consequently, formed in two lines, 
distant from each other about forty yards, the large vessels 
at anchor, and the galleys under their sweeps. Owing to 
the latter circumstance, the inner line soon got to be very 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 509 

irregular, " some of the galleys pressing boldly forward, 
while others were less impelled by the ardor of their 
commanders," which is certainly a good way of putting it. 

The known force of the enemy was materially greater 
than that of the Americans. 

The largest English vessel, the Confiance, commanded 
by Captain Downie in person, had the gun-deck of a 
heavy frigate, and mounted on it an armament of thirty 
long 24s. 

She had a spacious top-gallant-forecastle, and a poop 
which came as far as the mizzen-mast. On her forecastle 
she mounted one long 24, on a circle, and four heavy carron- 
ades ; and on the poop, two heavy carronades, making an 
armament of thirty-seven guns, in all. Her complement 
of men is supposed to have been more than three 
hundred. 

The next vessel of the enemy was the Linnet, a brig of 
sixteen long 12s, with a crew of about one hundred men. 

They had two sloops ; the Chubb and the Finch. The 
first carried ten 18-pound carronades, and one long 6; 
the second six 1 8-pound carronades, one 1 8-pound colum- 
biad, and four long 6s. Each of these sloops had about 
forty men. 

To these four vessels were added a force of galleys, or 
gun-boats, in number, either twelve or thirteen ; Captain 
McDonough gives the latter number ; Captain Downie, 
the former. Thus, Downie's whole force consisted of 
sixteen or seventeen vessels, mounting, in all, one hundred 
and fifteen or sixteen guns, and manned by about one 
thousand men. 

On the third of September the British gun-boats sailed 
from Isle aux Noix, to cover the left flank of their army, 
then marching on Plattsburg. The boats were under the 
orders of Captain Pring, and on the 4th that officer took 



510 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

possession of Isle aux Motte, where he constructed a 
battery, and landed some stores for the troops. 

On the 8th, Captain Downie arrived, with the four large 
English vessels, and remained at anchor until the nth. 
At daylight of that day the whole force weighed anchor 
and proceeded, in a body. 

The American guard-boat pulled in, soon after sunrise, 
and announced the approach of the enemy. As the wind 
was fair — a good working breeze from the northeast — 
the English came down the lake rapidly, and Captain 
McDonough ordered the ships cleared for action, and 
preparations made to fight at anchor. 

Eight bells were struck in the American squadron as the 
upper sails of the British vessels were seen passing along 
the neck of land in the main lake, on their way to double 
Cumberland Head, in order to enter the bay. They had 
the wind a little on the port quarter, the booms of their 
small vessels swinging out to starboard. The Finch led, 
followed by the Confiance, Linnet and Chubb, while the 
gunboats, which, like those of the Americans, each carried 
two latine sails, followed without much order ; keeping 
just clear of the shore. 

The first vessel which came round the head was a sloop, 
which is reported to have carried a company of amateurs, 
and which took no part in the engagement. She kept 
well to leeward, standing down towards Crab Island, and 
was soon lost to observation in the events which followed. 
It is this vessel, undoubtedly, which has made the differ- 
ence in the numbers of the enemy reported by the two 
commanders. 

The Finch came round next ; and soon after the other 
large vessels of the enemy opened from behind the land, 
and hauled by the wind, in a line abreast ; lying to until 
their galleys could join. The latter proceeded to leeward 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 511 

and formed in the same manner as the larger vessels. 
The two squadrons were now in plain view of each other, 
and distant about three miles. 

As soon as their gun-boats were in their stations, and 
the different commanders had received their orders, the 
English filled away, on the starboard tack, and headed in 
towards the American vessels, in a line abreast — the 
Chubb to windward and the Finch to leeward — most of 
their gunboats being to leeward of the Finch. The 
movements of the latter vessel had been a little singular 
ever since she led round the Head— for she is said not to 
have hove to, as the rest did, but to have run off with the 
wind, halfway to Crab Island, then to have tacked, and 
got into her station after the other vessels had filled. 

This movement was either to reconnoitre, or to menace 
the American rear. 

The enemy were now standing in, close-hauled, the 
Chubb looking well to windward of the Eagle, the vessel 
which lay at the head of the American line. The Linnet 
was laying her course for the head of the same vessel ; 
and the Confiance was intending to fetch far enough 
ahead of the Saratoga to lay that ship athwart hawse. 
The Finch, with the gun-boats, was standing for the 
Ticonderoga and Preble. 

Captain McDonough had taken up his anchorage with 
the eye of a seaman. As has been said, his line could not 
be doubled, on account of the shoal ; there was not room 
to anchor on his broadside out of reach of his carronades, 
which formed so large a part of his armament ; and in 
order to close, it was necessary, let the wind blow as it 
might, to stand in upon his vessels bows on. This was 
an experiment not rashly to be attempted ; yet the English, 
accustomed to see it succeed in their European contests, 
did not hesitate to adopt it on this occasion, most 



512 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

probably presuming upon their knowledge of the large 
proportion of short guns in their adversaries' vessels. 

The Americans were, as a matter of course, anchored 
with springs. But, not content with this, McDonough 
had laid a kedge broad off on each bow of the Saratoga, 
and brought their hawsers in upon the two quarters, 
letting them hang in bights under the water. This timely 
precaution really gained him the victory. 

As the enemy filled away the American vessels sprung 
their broadsides to bear, and then, for a few minutes, the 
solemn silence which always prevails before a naval 
action, in a well-disciplined ship, was only broken by the 
footsteps of the vigilant officers. 

Suddenly the Eagle fired, in quick succession, the four 
long- eighteens in broadside. In clearing the decks of 
the Saratoga some hen-coops were thrown overboard, 
and the poultry turned out, to run at large about the 
decks. Startled by the reports of these guns, a young 
cock flew upon a gun-slide, clapped his wings, and 
crowed. 

At this animating sound the men spontaneously gave 
three cheers. This little incident relieved the solemn 
time which elapsed between preparation and combat, and 
had an especially powerful influence over the seamen — so 
apt to be swayed by signs and omens. 

Although the enemy's galleys now opened fire, 
McDonough refrained from giving the order to reply, 
for it was evident that the Eagle's guns, which continued 
to try the range, did not yet reach. As soon, however, 
as it was seen that her shot told, McDonough himself 
sighted a long twenty-four, and the gun was fired. The 
shot struck the Confiance near her hawse-hole, and passed 
the whole length of her deck, killing and wounding 
several men, and carrying away her wheel. It was the 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 513 

signal for the Americans to open with all their long guns, 
under which the English flag-ship especially suffered. 

Still they steadily held their course, in the most gallant 
manner, confident that if they could once get their ships 
into the desired position, the great weight of metal of the 
Confiance would decide the fortune of the day. 

But he had over-estimated his own powers of endurance, 
and, probably, under-estimated the force of the Americans. 
The anchors of the Confiance were hanging by the 
stoppers, in readiness to let go, and her port bower was 
soon cut away by shot, as well as a spare anchor in the 
port fore-chains. In short, after a long endurance of a 
galling fire from the Americans, the wind began to baffle, 
and Captain Downie found himself obliged to anchor 
while still distant a quarter of a mile from the American 
line. The helm of the Confiance was put a-port ; the 
ship shot into the wind, and a kedge was let go, while the 
ship took a sheer, and brought up with her starboard 
bower. In doing this her kedge was fouled, and became 
of no use. In coming to, her halliards were let run, and 
she hauled up her courses. 

At this time the Linnet and the Chubb were still 
standing in, further to the westward, and the former, 
when her guns bore, fired a broadside at the Saratoga. 
The Linnet soon after anchored somewhat nearer than 
the Confiance ; getting an excellent position, forward ol 
the Eagle's beam. 

The Chubb kept under way, intending, if possible, to 
rake the American line. The Finch, by means of her 
sweeps, got abreast of the Ticonderoga, and was sup- 
ported by the gun-boats. 

The English vessels came to in very handsome style, 
and, although the whole American line was now firing, 
the Confiance did not discharge a single gun until she 
33 



514 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

was secured. As soon as this was done her battery was 
manned, and her side appeared one sheet of flame, as 
she fired her whole broadside at once, mostly at the 
Saratoga. The effect of this broadside, from sixteen long 
24s, double-shotted, in perfectly smooth water, at point 
blank range, and coolly sighted, was terrible for the little 
ship which received it. Half her crew were prostrated, 
although many were knocked down who had received no 
real injury, but about forty men, or near one fifth of her 
complement were either killed or wounded, on board the 
Saratoga, by this one broadside. The hatches had been 
covered, as usual, but the decks were so encumbered by 
the bodies that it was found necessary to take off the 
gratings, and pass them below. For a moment the men 
seemed appalled, but then .they resumed their fire as 
gallantly as ever. Among the killed by this broadside 
was Mr. Gamble, her First Lieutenant. He was on his 
knees, sighting the bow-gun, when a shot entered the 
port, split the quoin, drove a portion of it against his 
chest, and laid him dead, without breaking the skin. 

Captain Downie was, a few moments later, killed by 
an American shot, without breaking- the skin, as a dis- 
mounted gun struck him in the groin. 

By the loss of Mr. Gamble but one lieutenant, and he 
an acting one, was left in the Saratoga. On the part of 
the principal vessels the battle now settled into a steady, 
animated, but, as guns were injured, a gradually decreas- 
ing cannonade. The Chubb, while manoeuvring near 
the head of the American line, received a broadside from 
the Eagle, which crippled her, and she drifted down 
between the opposing vessels, until near the Saratoga, 
which ship fired a shot into her, and she immediately 
struck. A midshipman was sent in a boat, to take pos- 
session. The young officer hove the prize a line, and 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 515 

towed her down astern and inshore of the Saratoga; 
anchoring her near the mouth of the Saranac. 

This first success occurred within a quarter of an hour 
after the enemy had anchored, and afforded great en- 
couragement toourpeople ; although they well knewthaton 
the heavily armed Confiance depended the fate of the day. 
The Chubb had suffered much, and nearly half her ship's 
company had been killed or wounded. 

After about an hour's fighting, the Finch was also 
driven out of her station by the Ticonderoga, and, being 
crippled, she drifted down upon Crab Island Shoal, where! 
after receiving a shot or two from the gun mounted in 
battery, she struck, and was taken possession of by the 
invalids from the hospital. 

At the end of the line the British galleys early made 
every effort to come to close action, and soon after the 
Finch had drifted away they forced the Preble out of the 
American line, that vessel cutting her cable, and shifting 
her anchorage to a station considerably inshore, where she 
rendered no more service that day. 

The rear of the American line was certainly its weakest 
point ; and having compelled the little Preble to retreat, 
the enemy's galleys immediately attacked the vessel which 
was next ahead in t«he line, the Ticonderoga. 

This schooner was not only more powerful than the 
Preble, but she was nobly fought by Lieutenant Cassin, 
her commander, who coolly walked the taffrail, where he 
could watch the movements of the enemy's galleys, amidst 
showers of canister and grape. 

He fired, in return, bags of musket balls, and other light 
missiles, which kept the British gun-boats at a respectful 
distance. Many of the latter were very gallantly fought, 
and several times approached quite near, with the evident 
intention of boarding, but the steadiness of the Ticon- 



516 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

deroga's fire beat them back, and completely covered 
the rear of the line for the rest of the day. So desperate 
were some of the attacks that the galleys got up within 
boat-hook's length of the schooner. 

While the fight was thus progressing in the rear of the 
American line, the other extremity was suffering severely. 
The English vessel, the Linnet, had a capital position, 
and was most admirably fought, while the Eagle (which 
received all her fire and part of that of the Confiance), 
having had her springs shot away, found herself so situated 
as to be unable to bring her guns fairly to bear upon 
either of her opponents. Captain Henley had, previous 
to the engagement, hoisted his top-sail yards, with the sails 
stoppered, to the mast-heads. He now cut his cable, 
sheeted home his top-sails, cast the brig, and ran down and 
anchored by the stern, between the Saratoga and Ticon- 
deroga, necessarily a little inshore of both. Here he used 
his port battery, which was fresh, upon the Confiance 
and the gun-boats. But this movement left the Saratoga 
exposed to nearly the whole fire of the Linnet, which brig 
now sprung her broadside so as to partially rake the 
American ship. 

Soon after this important change at the head of the line 
the fire of the two ships began to materially diminish, 
as gun after gun became disabled. The Saratoga, in 
particular, had all her long guns disabled by shot ; while 
most of her carronades were dismounted, either from the 
enemy's fire, or from a disposition in the men to over- 
charge them, which the paucity of officers rendered it 
difficult to prevent. At length, but a single carronade 
remained in the starboard battery, and on firing it, the 
navel-bolt broke, and the over-heated and over-charged 
gun not only flew off the carriage, but down the main 
hatch. 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 517 

This left the ship of the American commanding officer, 
in the middle of the action, without an available gun. The 
only thing to be done was to immediately attempt to wind 
the ship. 

A stream anchor which was suspended astern was let 
go. The men then clapped on the hawser that led to the 
starboard quarter, and brought the ship's stern up over 
the kedge ; but here she hung, there not being sufficient 
wind or current to force her bows round. A line had 
been bent to the bight in the stream cable, with a view to 
help wind the ship, and she now rode by the kedge, and 
this line, with her stern exposed to the steady and well 
directed fire of the Linnet. The port battery having been 
manned, Captain McDonough ordered all the men from 
the guns, where they were uselessly suffering, and sent 
them forward. By rowsing on the line, the ship was at 
length got so far round that the port aftermost gun 
would bear upon the Confiance, and it was instantly 
manned, and began to fire. The next gun was used in 
the same manner ; but it was soon apparent that the ship 
could be got no further round, for she was nearly end on 
to the wind. At this critical moment Mr. Brum, the 
Master, thought of the hawser which had been led to the 
port quarter before the action commenced. It was got 
forward, under the bows, and passed aft to the starboard 
quarter, when the ship's stern was immediately sprung 
to the westward, so as to bring all her port guns to bear 
on the English ship with immense effect. 

As soon as the preparations to wind the Saratoga were 
made, the Confiance attempted to perform the same 
evolution. Her springs were hauled on, but they merely 
forced the ship ahead ; and, having borne the fresh broad- 
side of the American until she had scarcely a gun with 
which to return the fire, and failing in all her efforts to gel 



518 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

round, her commanding officer lowered his flag, about 
two hours and a quarter after the commencement of the 
action. 

By hauling again upon the starboard hawser, the Sara- 
toga's broadside was immediately sprung to bear upon the 
Linnet, which brig struck, in about fifteen minutes after 
her consort. 

At this moment, the enemy's galleys had been driven 
back nearly or quite half a mile. They were irregularly 
scattered, and setting fast to leeward, while they kept up 
only a desultory firing. As soon as they found the large 
vessels had submitted, they ceased firing, and lowered 
their colors ; and not a single British ensign was left 
flying in the bay, out of the sixteen or seventeen which 
had entered it so gallantly less than three hours before. 

Although this action was fought at anchor, it may be 
truly said that it was won as much by seamanship as by 
downright hard fighting. 

The foregoing account, as has been said, is taken prin- 
cipally from Cooper, whose account of this action is 
acknowledged, on all sides, to be entirely impartial ; while 
many capable persons have found fault with his account 
of Perry's victory on Lake Erie. 

In the long and bloody conflict of Plattsburg the Sara- 
toga had twenty-eight killed and twenty-nine wounded ; 
or more than one-fourth of all on board. The Eaode had 
thirteen killed and twenty wounded ; about the same 
proportionate loss. The Ticonderoga had six killed and 
six wounded. The Preble had two killed. The Saratoga 
was hulled fifty-five times, and the Eagle thirty-nine times. 

After the first destructive fire of the broadside of the 
Confiance, her fire became less formidable, the shot 
passing higher at each discharge. By her second broad- 
side nearly all the hammocks in the Saratoga's nettings 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 519 

were cut to pieces ; and it was seen, as the battle advanced, 
that the English shot cut the standing rigging further and 
further from the deck. 

Few men were hurt, after the first fire, by anything but 
grape, or by the shot of the well-fought Linnet. This 
was a curious fact, considering the smooth water, and the 
ships being always at the same distance. The American 
officers came to the conclusion that the enemy had levelled 
his guns to point blank range, and that the quoins were 
not properly replaced, after each discharge had loosened 
them. 

When the Confiance made her abortive attempt to 
wind, her decks were in great confusion, and after the 
battle, when the charges of her guns were drawn, one 
gun was found with a canvas bag, holding two round-shot, 
rammed home and wadded, without any powder ; another 
with two cartridges and no shot ; and a third with a' wad 
below the cartridee. 

According to the report of the Captain of the Linnet, 
dated September 1 2th, the Confiance lost forty-one killed 
and forty wounded. At a later date the English them- 
selves stated the number of her wounded at 83. This 
included the slightly hurt, no doubt ; and would make her 
total loss one hundred and twenty-four ; and that number 
was thought to be short of the truth. 

The Linnet is reported to have had ten killed and four- 
teen wounded ; the Chubb six killed and ten wounded ;. 
while the Finch was reported by the English to have had 
but two men wounded. No American official report of 
the casualties on board the English vessels was ever given, 
or at least published, nor was any report, of any kind, 
given, of the loss in the English galleys, which were well 
up, during the action, and must have suffered severely. 

As soon as the Linnet struck a Lieutenant was sent to 



520 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

take possession of the Confiance. She was found to be 
in a much worse condition than her special opponent, the 
Saratoga. The Confiance had been hulled one hundred 
and five times, had nearly if not quite half her people 
killed and wounded, and her battery entirely disabled. 

As the boarding officer was passing along the deck of the 
prize he accidentally ran against a lock-string, and thereby 
fired one of the Confiance's starboard guns, which sent its 
shot towards Cumberland Head. Up to this moment the 
English galleys had been slowly drifting to leeward, with 
their colors down, apparently waiting to be taken posses- 
sion of; but at the discharge of the gun, which they 
appear to have understood as a signal, one or two of 
them began to move slowly off, and were soon after 
followed by the others, each pulling very few sweeps. It 
appears that they did not hoist their colors again. 

Captain McDonougdi made signal for the American 
galleys to follow ; but it was found that their men were 
needed at the pumps of the larger vessels, to keep them 
from sinkinor the water beino- found over the berth-deck 

o' o 

of the Linnet. The signal to chase was then revoked. 

As there was not a mast amono- the larger vessels 
which would bear any canvas, the English galleys escaped, 
going off, at first, slowly and irregularly, as if distrusting 
their own liberty. 

The turning point in the action just described was the 
winding of the Saratoga, so successfully accomplished, 
and next in importance was the defence of the rear of the 
line by the Ticonderoga, under Lieutenant Cassin. Once 
or twice the nearest vessels thought his vessel in flames, in 
consequence of the awful rapidity of her fire. 

The Saratoga was twice on fire, from hot shot thrown 
from the Confiance, and her spanker was nearly con- 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 521 

sumed. The English flag-ship had a party of artillerists 
on board and a furnace for heating- hot shot. 

Captain McDonough, whose reputation as an accom- 
plished officer was before high, gained a great accession of 
reputation from this day's proceedings. His disposition 
for receiving the attack was highly judicious and seaman- 
like. By the manner in which he anchored his vessels, 
with the shoals so near the rear of his line as to cover that 
extremity, and the land of Cumberland Head so near his 
broadside as necessarily to bring the enemy within reach 
of his carronades, he made all his force completely avail- 
able. The English were not quite near enough to give to 
carronades their full effect, but this disadvantage was un- 
avoidable, the assailing party having, of course, the choice 
of the distance. 

"The personal deportment of Captain McDonough in 
this engagement was the subject of general admiration 
in his little squadron. His coolness was undisturbed, 
throughout all the trying scenes on board his own ship, 
and, although lying against a vessel of double the force 
and nearly double the tonnage of the Saratoga, he met 
and resisted her attack with a constancy that seemed to 
set defeat at defiance." The winding of the Saratoga, 
under such circumstances, exposed, as she was, to the 
raking fire of the Confiance and Linnet, especially the 
latter, was a bold, seamanlike, and masterly measure, that 
required unusual decision and fortitude to imagine and 
execute. 

Most men would have believed that, without a single 
gun on the side engaged, a fourth of their people cut 
down, and their ship a wreck, enough injury had been 
received to justify submission ; but McDonough found 
the means to secure a victory, even in the desperate 
situation of the Saratoga. 



522 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Captain Downie's personal conduct and gallantry were 
beyond censure, yet the prudence and the nautical merits 
of his mode of attack have been much censured. 

The Confiance had been built in so short a time, and by 
exertions so great, as to put it out of the power of the 
Americans to construct a vessel of her size in sufficient 
season to meet her, and it would be accusing the enemy 
of imbecility to suppose that, after the known result of 
many combats, he had not made his vessel of ample force 
to ensure victory. 

Few naval men will deny that a ship with the gun-deck 
dimensions, metal and battery of a 44, ought to have been 
fully equal, at least, to contend with two such vessels 
as the Saratoga and Eagle. This admitted, it follows 
that Downie had much the superior force. 

The plan of the campaign that was destroyed by this 
defeat ; the high objects in view ; the fact that the English 
were the assailants, and that they could not but know the 
force they were to attack, together with all the attendant 
circumstances, were so many assurances that the battle of 
Plattsburg Bay was fought, on the part of the enemy, with 
a confidence of victory only justified by this known 
advantage. The very name given to their largest ship 
was a pledge to this effect. 

Sir James Yeo, whose command extended to Lake 
Champlain, complained that Captain Downie had been 
hurried into action by the Governor General, before he 
was prepared ; but he did not complain of an insufficiency 
of force. That Downie went into action before his own 
crew and vessel had been long subject to drill and' 
preparation, is true ; but McDonough was laboring under 
precisely the same disadvantage. 

These are the incidents and drawbacks peculiar to 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 523 

sudden enterprises, and they must be met by the resources 
of true seamen. 

The Constitution took the Guerriere with a crew that 
had been acting together but little more than a month ; 
and she was manoeuvring before the English squadron, 
off New York — a much more delicate business — within 
five days of the time that a large proportion of her crew 
had joined her. 

Captain Downie's professional character, as well as his 
published declarations, prove that he considered the 
Confiance ready to meet an enemy. Sir James Yeo, 
with greater reason than he had for his former complaint, 
said that Captain Downie stood square into the bay to 
make his attack — and by this exposed himself to a raking 
fire, which, no doubt, contributed to the loss of the day. 

The leading into a hostile squadron bows on had 
frequently been practiced by the English in European 
waters, with comparative impunity. But it was an 
eminently hazardous experiment to make under the guns 
of an American man-of-war. Still, Downie's bearing 
was highly gallant, and assuring to his ships' companies. 
The weatherly position he attained was much in his favor ; 
and, judging from the force of his own vessel, could he 
have got the berth he aimed at, there is great reason to 
think he would have been successful. That he was foiled, 
must be attributed to the immovable steadiness, coo] 
deliberation, and admirable fire of the people he assailed. 

Although many of the American officers were wounded, 
but two commissioned officers were killed. These were 
Mr. Gamble, whose death has already been alluded to ; 
and Mr. Stansbury, the first lieutenant of the Ticon- 
deroga. 

Mr. Stansbury suddenly disappeared from the bulwarks, 
forward, while superintending some duty with the springs. 



524. NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Two days after the action his body rose to the surface, 
near his own ship, and it was found to have been cut in 
two by a round shot. 

Many officers were knocked down, during the engage- 
ment, without having blood drawn. At one moment there 
was a cry on board the Saratoga, that Captain McDonough 
was killed. He was lying on his face, on the quarter-deck, 
nearly senseless, and it was two or three minutes before 
he recovered. During most of the action he sighted a 
favorite gun, and, while bending his body to sight it, a 
shot cut the spanker boom in two, letting the spar fall 
upon his back, a blow which might easily have proved 
fatal. 

In a few minutes the cry that "the Commodore" was 
killed was again heard. This time McDonough was 
lying on the deck, between two guns, covered with blood, 
and again nearly senseless. A shot had driven the head 
of the captain of his favorite gun in upon him, and 
knocked him into the scuppers. He soon recovered, as 
the blood turned out to be that of the unfortunate man. 

Mr. Brum, the Master, a venerable old seaman, while 
engaged in winding the ship, had a large splinter driven 
so near his body that it actually stripped off his clothing. 
He was thought to be dead, but soon recovered, regained 
his feet, and, making an apron of his pocket-handkerchief, 
coolly went to work again at the springs. 

A few months after the battle this veteran died ; as it 
was thought, from the injury. 

Lieutenant Vallette had a shot-box on which he was 
standing, knocked from under his feet ; and he, also, was 
once knocked down by the head of a seaman, and at 
about the same time received a severe splinter wound. 

In short, very few escaped altogether ; and in this 
desperate fight it appears to have been agreed, on both 



BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 525 

sides, to call no man wounded who could keep out of the 
hospital. Mr. Smith, the First Lieutenant of the Eagle, 
was severely wounded; but returned to his quarters, after 
his wound was dressed. 

On the part of the enemy, beside Captain Downie, 
several officers were killed, and three or four were 
wounded. 

Beside the usual medal from Coneress for a successful 
engagement, Captain McDonough received compliments 
and gifts from several States, and was promoted. 

The Legislature of New York presented him with a 
small estate on Cumberland Head, which overlooked the 
scene of his triumphs. 

His officers and crews met with the customary 
acknowledgments, and the country generally rated the 
victory by the side of that of Lake Erie. 

The Navy, best able to judge of all the circumstances, 
has always placed the battle of Plattsburg Bay among the 
very highest of its claims to glory. 

The consequences of the victory were immediate, and 
very important. 

During the naval action, Sir Geo. Prevost had skirmished 
in front of the American entrenchments, and was evidently 
upon the point of bringing up his overwhelming force for 
a more serious attack. As soon, however, as he ascer- 
tained the fate of the British squadron, he made a precipi- 
tate and most unmilitary retreat ; abandoning much of 
his heavy artillery, stores, and supplies ; and from that 
moment, till the end of the war, the northern frontier was 
cleared of the enemy. 

Commodore McDonough died, in 1825, of consumption, 
at the age of 42, while in command of the Mediterranean 
squadron, with his flag in the Constitution. 



526 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XXXV. 

CONSTITUTION IN ACTION WITH CYANE AND 
LEVANT. 1815. 




HIS remarkable action has always excited 
great interest among naval men, on ac- 
count of the nautical ability displayed by 
Captain Stewart, and the very capital 
manner in which his officers and men 
seconded him, not only during the action 
itself, but in his subsequent escape from 
a superior force. 
In the year 181 3, during the war with Great Britain, 
the frigate Constitution (that favorite and most useful 
ship, already celebrated for her capture of the Guerriere, 
and for her remarkable escape from the pursuit of an 
English squadron) was found to be so decayed as to 
require extensive repairs. Her crew was therefore trans- 
ferred to the Lakes, and when she was again ready for 
sea, a new one was shipped for her, and Captain Stewart 
was ordered to her command. 

Charles Stewart was born in Philadelphia, in July, 1778. 
Goine to sea in the merchant service at the a?e of thirteen, 
he rose to the command of an East Indiaman while still 
a youth. Upon the organization of the Navy, in 1 798, 
he was appointed a Lieutenant. After seeing consider- 
able active service in the West Indies, during which, in 
command of the schooner Experiment, he captured three 
French privateers, he went to the Mediterranean, in 1802, 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 527 

as first lieutenant of the Constellation. Here he saw- 
service against Tripoli. The next year he had command 
of the brig Syren, and convoyed the party, in the ketch 
Intrepid, which destroyed the frigate Philadelphia. After 
continued service against the Tripolitans he was named 
the Senior Master Commandant, in 1804. Returning 
home, he was promoted to Captain, and for some time 
employed in New York in superintending the construction 
of gun-boats, after which he returned to the merchant 
service for several years. During the war of 181 2 he 
commanded the Constellation and the Constitution. 

After the war he was long and honorably employed, 
both at sea and on shore, and was retired as Senior 
Commodore, in 1856, at the age of 78. In 1862 
he was made a Rear Admiral, on the Retired List He 
died at Bordentown, New Jersey, November 6th, 1869, 
aged 91, having been the senior officer of the Navy for 
1 7 years, and having been 7 1 years in the service. 

The repairs of the Constitution occupied so much time 
that Stewart was not able to put to sea until the winter of 
18 14, when he made a cruise down our Southern coast 
and through the West Indies. 

On her way from the Caribbean Sea she fell in with 
and chased the Pique, an English 32, which escaped her 
in the night ; but she soon after captured the English 
man-of-war schooner Pictou, 14, and several merchantmen. 
When the frigate arrived on the American coast she was 
seen by two British frigates which were cruising in 
company, and chased into Marblehead ; but shortly after 
managed to get out again and reach Boston. 

About the middle of December she left Boston on 
another cruise and ran off to Bermuda, and thence to the 
neighborhood of Lisbon. Not finding either an armed 



528 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

enemy or a valuable prize, she next went into the Bay of 
Biscay, but with a like want of success. 

Again she returned to the vicinity of Lisbon, and cruised 
for some time in the very high road of commerce, but 
only took one or two prizes, of very moderate value. 
During this time she was in sight of the British ship 
Elizabeth, 74, yet the state of wind and weather prevented 
them from coming in collision. 

Finding nothing to reward a further stay off Lisbon, 
Captain Stewart, on the 20th of February, 18 15, ordered 
the helm put up, and ran off, south-west, about sixty miles. 
At one p. m. of that day a strange sail was seen on the 
port bow, and the Constitution was hauled up two or three 
points, and sail made, in chase. The stranger was 
soon made out to be a ship ; and, half an hour later, a 
second vessel was seen, further to leeward, which was 
soon ascertained to be another ship. 

The Constitution held her course, all three vessels 
being upon a bowline, or close hauled, until 4 p. m., when 
the nearest of the strange ships made a signal to the one 
to leeward, and shortly after kept away and ran down 
toward her consort, who was about eight miles to leeward. 

No doubt was now entertained, on board the Constitu- 
tion, that the strange sails were enemies. The nearest 
ship had the appearance of a small frigate, and the vessel 
to leeward that of a large sloop-of-war. 

The first was seen to be carrying studding-sails on both 
sides, while the second was running off under short 
canvas, evidently waiting for her consort to close. 

Captain Stewart came to the conclusion that they were 
going to try to escape, and were keeping away on their 
best point of sailing until nightfall, when it would be 
comparatively easy to dodge him. He, therefore, crowded 
upon the Constitution every sail that would draw, with a 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 529 

view to getting the nearest vessel under nis guns. In the 
course of the afternoon the Constitution carried away her 
main-royal-mast, a defective spar, and the chase began to 
gain. Stewart now fired a few times from his chase guns, 
but finding that the shot fell short, soon ceased. 

By half-past five it was seen that it was impossible to 
prevent the strange sails from forming a junction, and the 
Constitution, then a little more than three miles distant 
from the furthest ship, cleared for action. Ten minutes 
later the two strange sails passed within hail of each 
other, and, coming by the wind, with their heads to the 
northward, hauled up their courses, and were evidently 
clearing to engage. Soon they both suddenly made sail, 
close by the wind, evidently in order to weather upon the 
American frigate. But perceiving that the latter was 
closing very fast, they again hauled up their courses and 
formed upon the wind, the smallest ship ahead. 

By six in the evening the Constitution had them within 
gun-shot, and she then showed her ensign. The other 
ships at once set the English colors. Five minutes later 
the American ship ranged up abeam of the sternmost and 
largest English vessel, at about a cable's length distance, 
passing ahead with her sails lifting, until the three ships 
formed nearly an equilateral triangle, the Constitution 
being to windward. In this favorable and masterly posi- 
tion the action began, the three keeping up a hot and 
unceasing fire for about fifteen minutes, when that of the 
English sensibly slackened. 

The sea was now covered with a dense cloud of smoke, 
and Stewart ceased firing. Soon the smoke cleared away, 
and the moon having risen, the leading ship of the enemy 
was seen under the Constitution's lee beam, while the 
sternmost was luffing up, evidently intending to tack, 
and cross the American frigate's stern. Delivering a 
34 



530 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

broadside at the ship abreast of her, the Constitution threw 
her main and mizzen top-sails, with the top-gallant-sails 
set, flat back, shook everything forward, and let fly her 
jib-sheets, so that she backed swiftly astern, compelling 
the English vessel to fill away, in order to avoid being 
raked. This ship now attempted to tack, to cross the 
Constitution's fore-foot, when the latter filled, boarded her 
fore-tack, shot ahead, and forced her antagonist to wear 
under a raking broadside, and to run off to leeward to 
escape the weight of the American fire. The Constitution, 
perceiving that the largest ship was wearing also, wore in 
her turn, and crossing her stern, raked her with effect, 
although the Englishman came by the wind immediately, 
and delivered her port broadside. As the Constitution 
then ranged up close on her weather quarter, she struck. 
A lieutenant was at once sent to take possession, the 
prize proving to be the British ship Cyane, Capt. Falcon. 
The other ship, which had run* off to leeward, had no 
intention of abandoning her consort, but had been forced 
out of the fight by the crippled condition of her running 
rigging, as well as by the weight of the Constitution's 
fire. She was ignorant of the capture of the Cyane, and, 
at the end of about an hour, having repaired damages, 
she hauled up to look for her consort, and met the 
American frigate coming down in quest of her. It was 
nearly nine o'clock before the two ships crossed each 
other, on opposite tacks, the Constitution to windward ; 
and the English sloop pluckily exchanged broadsides 
with her, as they passed. She very naturally found the 
Constitution's fire too heavy for her, and immediately bore 
up, in doing which she got a raking broadside. 

The Constitution then boarded her fore-tack, and made 
sail after her, keeping up a very effective chasing fire 
from her two bow guns, nearly every shot of which told. 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 531 

The two ships were, indeed, so near each other that the 
ripping of the enemy's planks, as the shot struck, was 
heard on board the American ship. There was no chance 
for the English sloop, which was unable to stand this 
treatment very long, and at 10 p. m. he came by the wind, 
fired a lee gun, and hauled down his ensign. When taken 
possession of she was found to be the Levant, 18, the Hon. 
Capt. Douglas. 

During this cruise the Constitution mounted fifty-two 
guns ; and she had a complement of about four hundred and 
seventy officers and men, a few of whom were absent in 
a prize. The Cyane was a frigate-built ship, that properly 
rated wenty-four guns, although in Steele's list she 
appeared as only a twenty. But she mounted twenty-two 
32-pound carronades on her gun deck, and ten 1 8-pound 
carronades and two chase guns on her quarter deck and 
forecastle ; making thirty-four guns in all. 

The Levant was a new ship, rated as an eighteen. She 
mounted eighteen 3 2 -pound carronades ; a shifting 18 on 
her top-gallant forecastle, and two chase guns ; making 
twenty-one in all. 

There were taken from the Cyane 168 prisoners, of 
whom 26 were wounded. The precise number of killed 
on board of her was never ascertained. Captain Stewart, 
probably judging from an examination of her muster-roll, 
computed it at twelve ; while the English accounts differ, 
some putting the killed at only four, and others at six. 
Probably it was between the highest and lowest estimates. 
Her regular crew was about one hundred and eighty-five, 
all told ; and there is no reason to believe that it was not 
nearly full. Captain Stewart supposed that she had about 
one hundred and eighty on board during the action. 

The Levant's regular complement is said to have been 
one hundred and -thirty, all told ; but a statement was 



OOZ NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

published in Barbadoes, where some of her officers shortly 
after went, that there were a good many supernumeraries 
in both the English vessels, who were going to the 
Western Islands, to bring away a ship that was building 
there. 

Stewart supposed the Levant to have had one hundred 
and fifty-six men in the action, of whom he believed 
twenty-three to have been killed and sixteen wounded. 
This estimate may have been too high, but the exact truth 
was never known. 

It is believed that no English official account of this 
action was ever published, but the Barbadoes statement 
makes the joint loss of the two ships ten killed and 
twenty-eighty wounded. Other English accounts make 
it forty-one in all. Captain Stewart's account of the 
wounded must certainly have been correct, whatever may 
have been the other estimates he made. Their loss, when 
exposed to the heavy and destructive fire of the Constitu- 
tion, handled with the skill that that frigate was, could not 
fail to be very considerable. 

The Constitution had three men killed and twelve 
wounded. 

By midnight of the 20th the frigate was ready for 
another engagement. She was not very much cut up, 
for, although it was nearly four hours from the time the 
action began until the Levant struck, the actual fighting 
did not occupy three-quarters of an hour. 

Considering that it was a night action the execution, 
on both sides, was remarkable ; the English firing much 
better than usual. 

The Constitution was hulled oftener in this action, than 
in both her previous battles, although she suffered less in 
crew than in the combat she had with the Java. She had 
not an officer hurt. 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 533 

The manner in which Captain Stewart handled his ship 
on this occasion was the subject of praise among nautical 
men, of all nations, as it was an unusual thing for a single 
ship to engage two opponents and avoid being raked. 
So far from this occurring to the Constitution, however, 
she actually raked both her opponents, and the manner 
in which she backed and filled, in the smoke, forcing her 
two antagonists down to leeward, when they were en- 
deavoring to cross her stern, or her fore-foot, is as brilliant 
manoeuvring as any recorded in naval annals. 

It is due to a gallant enemy to say that Captain Douglas 
commanded the entire respect of the Americans by his 
intrepidity and perseverance in standing by his consort. 
The necessity of securing possession of the Cyane em- 
ployed the Constitution for some time, and gave the 
Levant an opportunity of making off ; but of this he nobly 
refused to avail himself. 

Captain Stewart proceeded, with his two prizes, to Porto 
Praya, in Saint Jago, Cape de Verdes, where he arrived 
on the ioth of March. At this place a vessel was chartered 
for a cartel, and more than a hundred of the prisoners 
were landed, to assist in fitting her for sea. 

On the iith of March, at a little after noon, while a 
party from the Constitution was absent in a cutter, to 
bring the cartel close down to the frigate, Mr. Shubrick, 
who was acting as First Lieutenant, was walking the 
quarter-deck, when his attention was attracted by a 
hurried exclamation from one of the English midshipmen, 
that a large ship was in the offing. A severe reprimand, 
in a low tone, followed from one of the English Captains. 
On looking over the quarter Mr. Shubrick ascertained 
the cause. The sea, outside the roads, was covered with 
a heavy fog, which did not, however, rise very high, so 
that above it the upper sails of a large vessel were visible. 



534 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

She was close hauled, on the wind, standing in shore, 
and evidently coming into the roads. 

After examining the strange sail the Lieutenant went 
below and reported to Captain Stewart. The latter at 
once remarked that, from the Lieutenant's description, 
she must be either an English frigate or a large India- 
man ; and he directed all hands to be called, so as to get 
ready and go out to attack her. 

The officer had no sooner given the order to call all 
hands than he turned to take another look at the stranger, 
when he discovered the canvas of two other vessels rising 
over the fog bank, in the same direction. 

They were evidently men-of-war, and heavy ships ; 
and were at once reported to the Captain. That prompt, 
cool, and decided officer did not hesitate an instant as to 
the course he was to take. He knew very well that the 
ships were probably English ; and that they would dis- 
regard the neutrality of any port that had not force 
enough to resist them, or which did not belong to a nation 
they were bound to respect. 

He immediately ordered the Constitution's cable cut, 
and got underway, at the same time making signal for 
his prizes to follow his motions. 

In ten minutes after the order had been given, and in 
fourteen minutes after the first ship had been seen, the 
American frigate was standing out of the road, under 
her three top-sails. The cool and officer-like manner in 
which sail was made and the ship cast has been much 
extolled; not an instant having been lost by hurry or 
confusion. Her prizes followed her with like promptitude. 

The harbor is to leeward of the island, and the north- 
east trades prevail there, and the three vessels passed out 
to sea hugging the easterly point ; and being then about 
a gunshot to windward of the strange squadron. As 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 535 

soon as she was clear of the east point the Constitution 
crossed top-gallant-yards, boarded her tacks, and set all 
light sail that would draw. The English prisoners who 
had been sent on shore at once took possession of a 
Portugese battery, and fired at the frigate as she passed 
out, thus drawing the attention of the incoming ships. 

As soon as the Constitution and her prizes had gained 
the weather beam of the enemy, the latter tacked, and 
the six ships stood off to the southward and eastward, 
with a ten-knot breeze, and carrying everything that 
would draw. 

The fog bank still lay so thick upon the water as to 
conceal the hulls of the strange ships ; but they were sup- 
posed to be two line of battle-ships and a large frigate ; 
the vessel most astern and to leeward being the Commo- 
dore. The strange frigate weathered upon all the 
American ships, and gained upon the Cyane and Levant, 
but fell astern of the Constitution ; while the larger 
vessels on that frigate's lee quarter held way with her. 
As soon as she was clear of the land the Constitution 
cut adrift two of her boats, which were towing astern, the 
enemy pressing her too hard to allow of their being 
hoisted in. 

The Cyane gradually dropped astern and to leeward, 
rendering it certain that, if she stood on, the most 
weatherly of the pursuing vessels would soon be along- 
side of her ; so, at about one p. m. Captain Stewart made 
sio-nal for her to tack. This order the Prize Master, Lieu- 
tenant Hoffman, at once obeyed, and it was expected that 
one of the chasing vessels would go about, and follow 
her, but this hope was disappointed. 

The Cyane, finding that she was not pursued, stood on 
until she was lost in the fog, when Mr. Hoffman tacked 
again, supposing that the enemy might chase him to lee- 



536 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ward. This officer very prudently improved his advan- 
tage by keeping long enough on that tack to allow the 
enemy to pass ahead, should they pursue him, and then 
he squared away for America, and arrived safely, in New 
York, on the ioth of April. 

The three ships still continued to chase the Constitu- 
tion and the Levant ; and although, as they left the land 
the fog lessened, it still lay so low and dense as to put in 
doubt the exact force of the strange vessels. 

The English officers who were prisoners on board the 
Constitution affirmed that the ship which was getting into 
her wake was the Acasta, 40, Captain Kerr, a ship which 
carried 24-pounders ; and it was thought that the three 
composed a squadron that was known to be cruising for 
the American ships President, Peacock, and Hornet ; con- 
sisting of the Leander, 50, Sir George Collier; New- 
castle, 50, Lord George Stuart; and the Acasta. They 
subsequently proved to be those very ships. 

The vessel on the lee quarter of the Constitution was 
the Newcastle, and by half-past two the fog had got so 
low that her officers were seen standing on the hammock 
cloths, though the line of her ports was not visible. 

She now began to fire by divisions, and some opinion 
of her armament could be formed as her guns flashed 
through the fog. Her shot struck the water quite close 
to the American ship, but did not rise again. 

By three in the afternoon the Levant had fallen so far 
astern that she was in the same danger as the Cyane 
had been, and Captain Stewart made her signal to tack. 

Mr. Ballard, her prize-master, immediately did so, and 
a few minutes later the three English ships tacked, by 
signal, and chased the prize, leaving the Constitution 
steering in an opposite direction, and going eleven knots. 

Lieutenant Ballard, finding the enemy bent upon 



CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 537 

following the Levant, and that the Acasta was to wind- 
ward of her wake, ran back into Porto Praya, where 
he anchored at about four in the afternoon, within one 
hundred and fifty yards of the shore, and under a 
strong battery. The enemy's ships followed her in, 
having commenced firing as soon as it was seen that she 
would gain the anchorage, and, after bearing their fire 
for some time, her colors were hauled down. The 
English prisoners who had seized the shore battery 
also fired upon her; but little injury was done, as Mr. 
Ballard caused his men to lie down on deck as soon as 
the anchor was let go. 

Sir George Collier was much criticised for the course 
he pursued on this occasion. It was certainly a mistake on 
his part to call off more than one ship to chase the Levant, 
although it may be said that the position of the Leander, 
in the fog, and so far to leeward and astern, did not give 
the senior officer the best opportunity for observing the 
true condition of affairs. There was certainly every 
prospect of the Acasta' s bringing the Constitution to 
action in the course of the night, if she had kept up the 
pursuit. 

The result would, of course, have been very doubtful, 
as her consorts would have been far astern by that time ; 
but she could probably have sufficiently disabled the 
American frigate as to render her ultimate capture certain. 

Whatever may be thought of the conduct of the enemy, 
there could be but one opinion in regard to that of 
Captain Stewart. 

His promptitude in deciding upon his course when the 
enemy were first sighted, the good judgment with which he 
ordered the prizes to vary their courses, and the general 
steadiness of conduct on board the Constitution, advanced 



o38 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

to an exalted position a professional reputation which was 
already very high. 

This action and the subsequent chase terminated the 
exploits of the favorite ship which he commanded — as far 
as that war was concerned. 

Stewart, after landing- his prisoners at Maranham, 
went to Porto Rico, where he learned that peace was 
proclaimed ; and he at once carried the ship to New 
York. 

In the course of two years and nine months the 
Constitution had been in three actions ; had been twice 
critically chased, and had captured five vessels of war, 
two of which were frigates, and one frigate built. 

In all her service, as well before Tripoli as in this war, 
her good fortune was remarkable. She was never 
dismasted ; never got on shore ; and suffered scarcely 
any of the usual accidents of the sea. 

Though so often in action, no serious slaughter ever 
took place on board of her. One of her Commanders 
was wounded, and four of her Lieutenants had been 
killed, two on her decks, and two in the Intrepid. But, 
on the whole, she was what is usually called a "lucky ship." 
This was probably due to the fact that she had always 
been ably commanded ; and in her last two cruises had 
as fine a crew as ever manned a ship. They were mostly 
New England men, and it has been said that they were 
almost qualified to fight the ship without her officers. 




LORD EXMOUTII AT ALGIERS. 



539 



XXXVI. 

LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. A. D. 1816. 




fISCOUNT Exmouth (Sir Edward Pellew), a 
celebrated English Admiral, was born at 
Dover, in 1757. His family was Norman, 
but had been settled in Cornwall for many 
centuries. Entering the English navy at 
the age of thirteen, he soon distinguished 
himself for his daring, activity, intelligence, 
and all other qualities which go to make up 
a good officer. 
His first war service was at the battle of Lake 
Champlain, in our own country, when he succeeded to 
the command of the schooner Carleton, and won a 
Lieutenant's commission. The next year he served in 
Burgoyne's unfortunate campaign, in command of a 
detachment of seamen, whose tremendous labor in the 
lakes and rivers was entirely thrown away by Burgoyne's 
capture. 

After this he was employed actively against the French, 
and was knighted for a very gallant action, when, in 
command of the Nymphe frigate, he captured the 
Cleopatra, a much heavier ship. In 1 794, in command 
of the Arethusa frigate, he captured the French frigate 
Pomone ; and in consequence was given the command 
of a division, when he again distinguished himself. 

Always noted for deeds of daring, one of the most 
remarkable of these was his boarding the wrecked 



540 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

transport Sutton, shipwrecked on the coast of England. 
He took charge, and by his personal influence and great 
exertions, saved the lives of all on board. 

In 1798, in command of the Impetueux, of the Channel 
fleet, he participated in several actions. He then entered 
Parliament, and was known as a strenuous supporter of 
the policy of William Pitt. 

In 1804 he was made a Rear- Admiral, and appointed 
Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies, when he suc- 
ceeded in nearly clearing those seas of the French cruisers, 
which had done so much damage to English commerce. 

He returned to England in 1809, and was immediately 
appointed to the Command in the North Sea. After this 
he served as Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, 
and in 1814 was raised to the peerage. 

The atrocities committed by the Algerines, and the 
barbarous massacre of the crews of more than three 
hundred small vessels, at Bona, on the 23d of May, 
181 6, induced the British Government to prepare an 
expedition to act against the forts and shipping of Algiers. 
This piratical city had often been attacked and bombarded 
before, notably by the celebrated French Admiral Du- 
quesne, in the latter part of the 17th century; but it was 
reserved for Lord Exmouth and an English fleet to eive 

o <z> 

it a final blow. 

On the 28th of July, 181 6, Lord Exmouth sailed from 
Plymouth Sound, in command of a fleet bound to Algiers. 
His flag-ship was the Queen Charlotte, of 100 guns, and 
Rear-Admiral Milne, his second in command, was in the 
Impregnable, 98. There were also three 74s, one 50, 
two 40s, two 36s, five brigs, and four bomb- vessels. 

Upon reaching Gibraltar, on the 9th of August, Lord 
Exmouth was joined by the Minden, 74, and also received 
offers of co-operation from Vice-Admiral Baron Van de 



LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 541 

Cappellen, of the Dutch navy, which Exmouth very 
cordially received. The Dutch had four forty-gun ships, 
a thirty, and a sloop of eighteen guns. 

On the 13th of August each captain received a plan of 
the fortifications they were to attack, and definite instruc- 
tions, and the whole fleet, amounting to twenty-three 
sail, with five gun-boats, and a sloop, fitted as an explosion 
vessel, weighed anchor, and proceeded for their destina- 
tion. 

On the passage they were joined by a sloop-of-war, 
which had taken off the wife and children of the British 
Consul at Algiers. But the Consul himself had been most 
arbitrarily detained by the Dey, together with the Surgeon, 
three Midshipmen, and eighteen men belonging to the 
sloop-of-war. (Any one curious in regard to these 
remarkable transactions cannot do better than read the 
book upon Algiers, by Mr. Shale r, American Consul 
there at the time of the bombardment. Mr. Shaler, in 
his work, points out the true way to take Algiers, and his 
advice was afterwards followed by the French, when they 
took the place.) 

The fortifications of Algiers were deemed almost im- 
pregnable, especially by the artillery of that time ; upon 
the various batteries on the north side of the bay eighty 
pieces of cannon and eight heavy mortars were mounted; 
but the water was so shoal that a large ship could not 
come within their reach. Between the north wall of the 
city and the commencement of the mole (which was- 
about 800 feet long, and which connected the town with 
the lighthouse) were about twenty guns ; and a semi- 
circular battery, mounting two tiers of guns, about forty- 
four in all, stood on the northern projection of the mole. 

To the southward of that, and nearly in a line with the 
pier, was the lighthouse battery, of three tiers, mounting 



542 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

forty-eight guns, next to which was the eastern battery, 
mounting sixty-six guns in three tiers, flanked by four 
other batteries, of two tiers, mounting altogether sixty 
guns, and on the mole-head were two long 68-pounders, 
described as being twenty feet in length. The total 
number of guns on the mole and pier was at least 220, 
composed of 32, 24, and 18-pounders. 

The " fish-market" battery, about 300 yards west from 
the south mole-head, mounted fifteen guns, in three tiers. 
Between that and the southern extremity of the city were 
two batteries of five guns each. Beyond the city, in this 
direction, was a castle and three other batteries, mounting 
altogether about seventy guns. In the rear of the city, 
and on the heights, were several other batteries ; so that 
the total number of guns mounted for the defence of this 
fastness of robbery, oppression, and cruelty, exceeded 
1000. 

On the 27th of August, at daybreak, the city of Algiers 
was in sight, but the ships were lying nearly becalmed. 
A boat in charge of a Lieutenant was despatched to the 
Dey, to demand compliance with the following conditions : 
the abolition of Christian slavery; the release of all 
Christian slaves ; the repayment of the money recently 
exacted for the redemption of Neapolitan and Sardinian 
slaves ; peace with the King of the Netherlands ; and 
the immediate liberation of the English Consul and the 
officers and boats' crews of the Prometheus. 

The boat with the flag of truce was towed in shore, 
and was met, at 1 1 a. m., near the mole, by an Algerine 
boat, in which was the Captain of the Port, who promised 
a reply in two hours. In the meantime the sea breeze 
sprang up, and the whole fleet stood into the bay, and 
hove to, about a mile from the batteries. At 2 p. m., no 
answer having been received, the boat sent with the 



LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 543 

message made signal to that effect, and returned to her 
own ship. 

Lord Exmouth at once demanded, by signal, if all the 
ships were ready, and being answered in the affirmative, 
the fleet bore up for the attack, in the order precisely 
laid down. 

About half-past two in the afternoon the flag-ship, 
Queen Charlotte, anchored, with springs, about fifty yards 
from the mole-head ; and while in the act of making a 
warp fast to an Algerine brig on shore at the mouth of 
the harbor, a shot was fired at the ship ; and at the same 
moment two shots from the opposite end of the mole 
were fired at the Impregnable, and other ships, as they 
were advancing to take their stations. 

Lord Exmouth, unwilling to sacrifice the mass of 
Algerine townspeople standing on the parapet of the 
mole, and gazing with astonishment at the strange ships, 
waved his hand to them to descend, and at once gave 
orders to commence firing, when the action became 
general, as soon as the guns would bear. 

On the Queen Charlotte's port bow lay the Leander, 
50, occupying the place in line of a line-of-battle ship, 
with her starboard after guns bearing upon the mole, and 
her forward guns upon the "fish-market" battery. 

Ahead of the Leander was the Severn, 40, her star- 
board broadside bearing full upon the "fish-market" 
battery. Close to the Severn was the Glasgow, 40, whose 
port guns bore upon the town batteries. On the port 
quarter of the Queen Charlotte was the Superb, 74, her 
starboard broadside bearing on the 60-gun battery next 
to the one on the mole-head. It was intended that the 
Impregnable, 98, and Albion, 74, should take their places 
close astern of the Superb, but the former, not being suf- 
ficiently up when the firing began, brought up consider- 



544 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ably outside of her appointed station, and beyond the 
line of bearing within which the attacking force had been 
ordered to assemble. The Impregnable, in consequence, 
lay exposed, at the distance of five hundred yards, to the 
lighthouse battery of three tiers, as well as to the eastern 
battery of two tiers. The Minden pushed on and 
dropped her anchor in the space between the Impreg- 
nable and Superb, on the port quarter of the latter. The 
Albion brought up near the Impregnable, but weighed 
again, and, about three o'clock, anchored close astern of 
the Minden. 

The' end of her stream cable was then passed out of 
the gun-room port of the latter, by which the Albion was 
hove close to the stern of the Minden. 

Thus the line-of-battle ships took their stations in a 
northerly direction from the mole-head ; and the frigates 
from the "fish-market ". battery, in a curved line to the 
southwest. 

The Dutch Admiral intended to have placed his 
flag-ship, a frigate called the Melampus, in the centre of 
his squadron, and against the batteries to the southward 
of the city; but not being able to take this station, in 
consequence of the Diana being too far to the southward, 
he ran past that frigate, and anchored the Melampus with 
her jib-boom over the Glasgow's taffrail. 

The Diana and Dao-eraad anchored astern of the 
Melampus, and the other two Dutch frigates further out; 
the corvette remaining under way. The Hebrus, 36, 
being becalmed, anchored a little without the line, on the 
port quarter of the Queen Charlotte. The Granicus, 36, 
hove to, in order to allow the large ships to take their 
places ; after which she steered for the Admiral's flag, 
which alone could be seen over the clouds of smoke 
already formed, and anchored in a space scarcely exceed- 



LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 545 

ing her own length, between the Superb and Queen 
Charlotte. 

The skill with which Captain Wise, her commander, 
took up this position elicited the admiration of all who 
witnessed it. The brigs of the fleet either anchored or 
kept under way, as most convenient. The bomb vessels 
anchored about two thousand yards from the Algerine 
batteries ; except one, which took up an inside berth ; 
and the gun-boats and mortar-boats placed themselves 
where they could most annoy the enemy. 

The Leander'was especially charged with the Algerine 
gun-boats and row-galleys, which she was not long in 
destroying by her fire; and at about four p. m. she 
ceased firing, that the barge of the Queen Charlotte 
might set fire to an Algerine frigate which was lying 
across the mole. This service was gallantly performed, 
and the frig-ate was soon in flames ; the boat returning- 
with the loss of only two men killed. Lord Exmouth 
particularly complimented those employed in this service. 
A young Midshipman, in command of a rocket-boat, 
followed the barge, but, owing to the slowness of his 
boat, was much exposed to a heavy fire from the 
batteries, and was wounded, with nine of his boat's 
crew ; while another Midshipman who was with him was 
killed. 

About half-past four Rear Admiral Milne sent a mes- 
sage to Lord Exmouth, stating that the Impregnable had 
sustained a loss of one hundred and fifty in killed and 
wounded, and requesting that a frigate might be sent to 
divert some of the fire from that ship. 

The Glasgow attempted to perform that service, but, 
it being perfectly calm, the frigate was unable, after an 
hour's exertion, to reach the intended position, and was 
obliged to anchor just ahead of the Severn, with her 

35 



546 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

stern towards that ship, and thus become exposed to a 
severe fire from the "fish market" and contiguous bat- 
teries. Somewhat later the Leander, having also suffered 
severely from these batteries, ran out a hawser to the 
Severn, and sprang her broadside round upon them. 

The mortar and rocket-boats had by this time set all 
the vessels within the harbor on fire, and the flames soon 
reached the arsenal and storehouses on the mole. The 
city was also on fire in several places, from the shells 
thrown by the bomb-vessels. The sloop fitted for an 
explosion vessel was now run on shore, close under 
a semi-circular battery, to the northward of the light- 
house, and about nine at night this vessel, charged with 
about 150 barrels of powder, was exploded. The effect 
of it is not recorded, and was probably not much, as 
similar explosions have since failed to produce any great 
result. 

The fleet continued a tremendous cannonade until ten 
p. m., when, the upper tiers of the batteries on the mole 
being nearly destroyed, and the lower tiers almost 
silenced, the Queen Charlotte cut her cables and stood 
off, with a light breeze from the land, directing the 
rest of the ships to follow her. The breeze was so 
light that the Superb and Impregnable, in standing ofX 
suffered much from the raking- fire of a fort at the 
upper angle of the city, which rises up the side of a hill, 
the walls coming to an angle at the top. When the 
Leander's cable was slipped she was found to have 
sustained so much damage aloft that she was unman- 
ageable, and fast drifting down on the mole, where the 
enemy's ships were burning. Fortunately she got a 
hawser to the Severn, and was towed off. Had she 
taken the ground, she must have been destroyed, with 
the greater part of her crew. 




THE CLERMONT — EULTON's FIRST STEAMBOAT — 1807. 




FIGHT WITH ALGEKINE PIRATES. 



LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 547 

Two or three times the hawser parted, but was as often 
reconveyed by the boats, under sharp musketry fire from 
the mole. At length the Severn got a good breeze, and 
the Leander was saved from her perilous situation. 

Before two o'clock in the morning the whole fleet was 
beyond the reach of the enemy's shot, being greatly 
assisted in taking up an anchorage by the blaze of the 
burning Algerine fleet, which illuminated the whole bay, 
and lighted up the terraced town, with its white houses 
rising one above the other to the fort, which dominated 
the whole. 

As if to add to the grandeur and wildness of the scene, 
a storm of thunder and lightning came on, and lasted till 
daybreak. 

At daybreak in the morning the bomb vessels were 
ordered to again take up their stations, in readiness to 
resume the bombardment of the city; while Lord 
Exmouth's Flag-Lieutenant was despatched with a flag 
of truce, to repeat the demands made on the preceding 
day. The Algerine officer who came out to meet the flag 
of truce declared that an answer had been sent the day 
before, but that no boat could be found to receive it. 

On the 29th the Captain of the Port came off, 
accompanied by the British Consul, who had been 
imprisoned by the Dey; and the same afternoon an 
English Captain landed, and had a conference with the 
Dey, at his palace ; which resulted in the delivery to the 
British of more than twelve hundred Christian slaves, the 
restoration of nearly $400,000 for slaves redeemed by 
Naples and Sicily, peace between Algiers and the 
Netherlands, and $30,000 paid to the British Consul, as 
compensation for the loss of his property, which had 
been plundered. The Dey, moreover, made an apology 
for his detention. 



548 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The loss of the attacking party in this successful 
bombardment was one hundred and forty-one killed and 
seven hundred and forty-two wounded. The Dutch 
squadron, which was highly complimented by Lord 
Exmouth for gallant conduct, lost, of the above, thirteen 
killed and fifty-two wounded. 

This bombardment broke the Algerine power com- 
pletely, and put an end, almost altogether, to her piratical 
exploits. 

Fourteen years afterwards the country was captured 
by France, and has ever since remained in the possession 
of that country. 



NAVAEINO. 



54'J 



XXXVII. 

NAVARINO, 1827. 




a/N the summer of 1827, an English squadron, 
under Vice Admiral Sir Edward Codrinoton, 
acting in concert with a division of French 
ships, under Rear-Admiral De Rigny, and 
a Russian squadron, under Rear-Admiral 
Count Heiden, assembled in the Mediter- 
ranean. 

The object this allied fleet had in view was 
the enforcement of a protocol, signed at St. Petersburg, 
on April 4th, 1826, for the protection of the inhabitants of 
the Morea from the cruelties practiced upon them by the 
Turks, under Ibrahim Pacha. Russia would probably 
have interfered alone, and England and France were, no 
doubt, fearful of the possible consequences of allowing 
Russia to do so, in the war then being carried on between 
the Greeks and their Turkish oppressors. 

A further agreement between the three powers was 
come to in London, July 6th, 1827, and they insisted, in the 
first place, upon an armistice between Turkey and Greece. 
This was agreed to by the belligerents, but was violated 
by Turkey almost as soon as her assent was given. This 
conduct on the part of the Porte led directly to the short 
but very terrible naval battle of Navarino, on the 20th of 
October, in the same year. 

On the 3d of September an Egyptian fleet, with troops, 
entered the harbor of Navarino, where they were closely 



550 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

watched by the combined squadrons. On the 19th, finding 
that the British squadron alone remained off the port, 
Ibrahim Pacha, wishing to send relief to Patras, ordered 
out a division of his fleet, but finding their movements 
watched, they returned to Navarino. 

Rear-Admiral De Rigny having rejoined the block- 
ading squadron, a conference took place on the 25th, in 
the tent of Ibrahim, who then agreed to suspend hostilities 
against the Greeks until an answer could be obtained 
from Constantinople, and that, in the meantime, his fleet 
should not quit the harbor. Upon the faith of this 
assurance, nearly all the Allied ships were withdrawn 
from before Navarino. Part of the squadron was sent to 
Malta, to refit ; the British Admiral went to Zante, and 
the French to Milo, for provisions. The Dartmouth and 
Armide, frigates, alone remained off the port. 

Scarcely had the English Admiral anchored at Zante 
when the Dartmouth hove in sight, with the signal flying 
that the Turks had put to sea; and the Armide, proceed- 
ing towards Milo, overtook the French Admiral before 
he reached that place. Sir Edward Codrington, having 
with him a frigate and two corvettes only, intercepted the 
Turkish squadron, consisting of seven frigates, nine 
corvettes, two brigs, and nineteen transports ; which, on 
his firm remonstrance, all put back. A second division, 
of six Egyptian frigates and eight brigs, had likewise put 
to sea, but they also returned, and the whole re-entered 
Navarino on the 4th of October. By the 15th the 
different Allied squadrons were again assembled off 
Navarino; and Ibrahim, thus blocked up, continued his 
tyrannical proceedings inland. Various attempts were 
made to communicate with him, but without success; and 
a final conference was called, on the 18th of October, on 
board Codrington' s flag-ship, the Asia ; at which it was 



NAVARINO. 551 

decided to enter the harbor of Navarino, and from thence 
renew the negotiations. On the evening of the 19th 
Vice Admiral Codrington issued full instructions to the 
whole force, pointing out the position for anchoring each 
division, .but concluding with the well known advice of 
Lord Nelson, " If a general action should take place, no 
Captain can be better placed than when his vessel is 
alongside one of the enemy." 

The harbor of Navarino was the scene, four hundred 
and twenty-five years before Christ, of a great naval battle 
between Athens and Sparta, in which the latter suffered 
an overwhelming defeat. 

The harbor is about six miles in circumference. The 
mainland bends round three sides of it, almost in a horse- 
shoe, and the island of Sphacteria, two miles in length, 
and a quarter of a mile in breadth, stretches across from 
one headland to the other. The only available passage 
into Navarino is at the southern end of the island, and is 
about six hundred yards in width. On entering the 
passage there appears at the right a bold promontory 
dominated by a fort, originally built by the Venetians, 
and under the fort the small walled town of Navarino, 
near which Ibrahim's army was encamped. 

On the southern extremity of the island, almost 
opposite to the fortress on the promontory, another fort 
was placed. The first fortress was very formidable, 
mounting 125 guns, and, with that on the island, was well 
placed to defend the entrance of the harbor, as well as 
to command the anchorage within. At the northern end 
of the island was a third battery, which also commanded 
the harbor. 

At about half-past one p. m., on the 20th of October, 
the signal was made by the Asia to prepare for action, 
and the combined fleet weighed anchor, and stood into 



552 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the harbor. The British and French formed the weather 
or starboard column, and the Russians the lee line. 

The following were the vessels composing the allied 
fleet; The Asia, of 80 guns, Vice-Admiral Codrington's 
flag-ship; two 74s, the Genoa and Albion; four frigates 
of various force, from 50 to 28 guns; and one corvette, 
three brigs, and a cutter. 

The French had two 80-gun ships, the Trident and 
Breslau; one 78, the Scipion; one 60, the Sirene, flag- 
ship; the Armide frigate, 46 guns, and two corvettes. 

The Russian squadron consisted of the Azoff, 80 ; the 
Gargoute, Ezekiel, and Newsky, j6; three 46-gun 
frigates, and one 48. 

The Turco-Egyptian fleet consisted of three ships-of- 
the-line, one razee, sixteen frigates, twenty-seven cor- 
vettes, and twenty-seven brigs, with six fire-ships. To 
these must be added the guns in the forts, on shore, in 
number about 200, and some armed transports, which 
brought the number of Turkish guns up to about 2000. 

About 2 p. M. the Asia, leading, arrived at the mouth 
of the harbor, and passed unmolested within pistol-shot 
of the heavy battery on the starboard hand. The Turks 
and Egyptians were moored in the form of a crescent, 
the larger ones presenting their broadsides towards the 
centre, and the smaller ones inside, filling up the intervals. 
The Asia anchored close alongside a ship-of-the-line 
bearing the flag of the Capitan Bey, and on the port or 
inner quarter of a large double-banked frigate with the 
flag of Moharem Bey, Commander-in-chief of the Egyp- 
tian squadron. The Genoa followed within one hundred 
yards of her leader, and brought up abreast of a large 
frigate astern of the Admiral; the Albion, in turn, 
anchored astern of the Genoa. The Russian Admiral 
was .to look out for four ships which were to windward, 



NAVARINO. 553 

part of the Egyptian squadron, and those to leeward, in 
the bieht of the crescent, were to mark the stations 
of the whole Russian squadron, the ships of their line 
closing with the English. 

The French frigate Armide was to take her station 
alongside the outermost frigate on the left, in entering 
the harbor, and three English frigates next to her. The 
smaller English vessels were to watch the movements of 
the fire-ships. 

Strict orders were given by Admiral Codrington that 
not a gun should be fired unless the Allied squadrons 
were first attacked by the Turks, and these orders were 
rigidly observed. 

The entry of the Allied fleets was silently permitted by 
the Turks, who did not call to quarters, either with drum 
or trumpet, and an ominous silence was preserved 
throughout their line ; so it was difficult to suppose that 
a most bloody battle was about to take place. 

The Turkish fleet and batteries were prepared for 
action, however ; and it so proved when the Dartmouth 
frigate, which had anchored close to the fire-ships, and 
whose Captain, perceiving certain movements on board 
of them which induced him to believe that the Turks 
were about to act on the offensive, sent a boat, under 
command of a lieutenant, to request that the fire-ships 
should quit the anchorage occupied by the Allies. Upon 
the boat's proceeding alongside the fire-ship, a fire of 
musketry was opened upon her, and the lieutenant and 
several of the crew were killed. The fire was replied to 
from the boat, and the sharp report of small arms, echoing 
from the surrounding rocky eminences, seemed to awake 
the Turks from a torpor. 

Just at this critical moment the French flag-ship, the 
Sirene, which was close alongside the Egyptian frigate 



554 NAVAL battles, ancient and modern. 

Esnina, hailed, to say that she should not fire if the Esnina 
did not. The words had hardly passed the French Cap- 
tain's lips when the Egyptain fired her broadside slap 
into the Sirene. So quickly that it seemed an echo, the 
formidable broadside of the Sirene was heard in reply, 
delivered point blank into the Esnina. At the same 
moment the Turkish Admiral fired a shot, and upon this 
the whole Allied fleet in a position to do so opened fire 
upon the Turks. 

The Asia, though abreast of the ship of the Capitan 
Bey, was nearer to that of Moharem Bey ; and as the 
latter did not fire at the Asia, the English flag-ship did 
not fire at her. A messenger was sent to the Asia by 
Moharem Bey, to say that he did not intend to fire, and 
Admiral Codrington, still unwilling to believe a serious 
engagement possible, sent a boat with a Mr. Mitchell, 
who was acting as pilot and interpreter, to assure 
Moharem of his desire to avoid bloodshed. 

But Mitchell was treacherously shot dead when descend- 
ing the side of the Egyptian ship. Soon after the Egyptian 
opened fire, and as Admiral Codrington says, in his 
dispatch, "was consequently effectually destroyed by the 
Asia's fire, sharing the same fate as his brother Admiral 
on the starboard side, and falling to leeward, a complete 
wreck." The action then became general ; and the ships 
were soon enveloped in dense clouds of powder smoke, 
only lighted by the rapid flashes of the guns ; and very 
soon these lurid flashes became the only guides by which 
the gunners could 'sight their pieces. In this dreadful 
turmoil the drill, discipline and experience of the 
Europeans gave them the advantage. As their shot told 
more truly than those of the Turks, each broadside of 
the Allies tore through the hulls, swept the decks, and 
wrecked the masts and rio-aing- of the Ottoman fleet. 



NAVARINO. 555 

The Turks, raging, furious and desperate, fought with 
blind and ill-directed courage. In working their guns 
they seemed only anxious to fire rapidly, without taking 
time to point their pieces. Less carried away by rage, 
and a little more skillful, they should have overwhelmed 
the Allies, for they had treble the number of guns. In. 
the meantime the Allies kept up a close, cool and accu- 
rate fire, and the Turkish losses soon became frightful. 

Two fire-ships were soon in flames, and a third blew 
up, while a fourth was sunk by shot. The forts opened 
upon the Allies, and that of Navarino, especially, com- 
mitted much havoc ; but almost as much among friends 
as foes. 

The Russian ships did not reach their assigned posi- 
tions until about three o'clock, when the fire was at its 
height. The Asia's fire having disposed of her two 
opponents, that ship became exposed to a severe raking 
fire from the Turkish inner lines, by which her mizzen- 
mast was shot away, several guns disabled, and many of 
her crew killed and wounded. The Master of the Asia 
was killed in the early part of the action, while bringing 
both broadsides to bear upon the Turkish and Egyptian 
Admirals. Captain Bell, of the marines, was also killed, 
and Sir Edward Codrington was struck by a musket-ball, 
which knocked his watch out of his pocket, and battered 
it to pieces. The Genoa, next astern the English 
Admiral, suffered very severely, being engaged from 
first to last, and doing excellent service. As the Turks 
fired high, the carnage among the marines on the poops 
of the large vessels was so great that it was thought best 
to remove them to the quarter deck, and their loss was 
especially great in the Genoa. Commodore Bathurst, 
of that ship, was wounded three times; the last time 
mortally, by a grape-shot which passed through his body 



55(J NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and lodged in the opposite bulwark. The French 
frigate Armide sustained for a long time, and without 
being disabled, the fire of five Egyptian frigates. The 
French line-of-battle ship Scipion was on fire no less than 
four times, from a fire-ship which lay in flames across her 
fore-foot. Each time the flames were extinguished; and 
that without any perceptible want of regularity in her 
fire. The English ship Albion, next astern of the Genoa, 
was exposed to the united fire of a cluster of ships, 
including one 74, and two 64-gun ships About half an 
hour after the action commenced one of the Turkish 
ships fell foul of the Albion, and her crew made an 
attempt to board, but were repulsed with heavy loss. 
The Turkish ship was in turn boarded and taken. The 
English were in the act of releasing a number of Greek 
prisoners secured in the hold of this ship, when she was 
discovered to be on fire. The English, therefore, left her, 
having cut her cables, and the Turk, enveloped in flames, 
drifted clear of the Albion, and, shortly after, blew up, 
with a tremendous explosion. 

The two remaining large Turkish ships again opened 
upon the Albion; but she returned the fire so vigorously 
that the largest of the two was soon in flames. The 
Albion was all the afternoon surrounded by blazing 
ships ; but at dusk she got under way, and stood clear 
of them. 

The ships of all three of the Allies seem to have 
behaved with equal gallantry ; but the performance of 
the little cutter, the Hind, tender to the Asia, deserves 
especial mention. She was of one hundred and sixty 
tons, mounted eight light guns, and had a crew of thirty 
men. She had been to Zante, and only returned as the 
Allied squadrons were entering Navarino, and her gallant 
Commander determined, notwithstanding his trifling force, 



NAVARINO. 557 

to have his share in the glories of the day. He accord- 
ingly entered with the rest, and, taking up a raking 
position astern of a large frigate, at only a few yards 
distance, opened upon her a sharp fire. The cutter was 
exposed to the fire of several small vessels, and in 
about three quarters of an hour they cut her cables, and 
she drifted away between a large corvette and a brig, 
which she engaged until the brig caught fire and blew 
up. The Hind then continued to fire into the corvette, 
until her remaining cable was cut, and she drifted clear 
of her adversary. Still drifting, in the hottest of the 
fire, the little Hind fouled a Turkish frigate ; her main- 
boom entering one of the main-deck ports ; and the 
Turks were about to board her. In this they were 
repeatedly repulsed ; and at last the Turks manned a 
large boat, to try to carry her in that way. The Hind's 
crew knocked this boat to pieces with her carronades, 
crammed to the muzzle with grape and canister; and the 
cutter soon after drifted clear of the frigate, just as a 
general cessation of fire took place. 

Her loss, in all this fighting, only amounted to a Mate 
and three men killed, and a Midshipman and nine men 
wounded. 

As we have said, the French ships behaved admirably, 
as did the Russians. In fact, the position of the con- 
tending ships was such that the mutual and perfect 
co-operation of each ship of the Allied squadron was 
absolutely necessary to bring about a favorable termina- 
tion. Had the Russians or French not taken their full 
share in the day's work, the British must have been 
annihilated. 

The close and continued cannonade caused complete 
and dreadful destruction to the Turks. About forty of 
their vessels, of different rates, fell a prey to the flames, 



558 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

exploding their magazines in succession, as the fire 
reached them, and covering the waters of the bay with 
their fragments and the burned and mutilated bodies of 
their crews. By five p. m. the entire first line of the 
Turks was destroyed, and by seven there remained 
afloat, of all their formidable armament, only a few small 
vessels which had been furthest in shore. These were 
mostly abandoned by their crews, who had made their 
escape to the neighboring hills. 

Sir Edward Codrington reported that, on the morning 
after the battle, " out of a fleet composed of eighty-one 
vessels, only one frigate and fifteen smaller vessels are 
in a state ever again to put to sea." 

The allied fleets lost 177 killed and 480 wounded. 
The Turks were estimated to have lost at least six 
thousand killed. 

This action created a great sensation throughout 
Europe ; not only because no great naval action had 
been fought for some years, but because the friends of 
Grecian independence saw in the battle the probable 
freedom of that oppressed State. But politicians were 
alarmed at what they feared would be the deplorable 
consequences of leaving Turkey disarmed, in the pres- 
ence of ambitious and menacing Russia, as the battle he.d 
already, it was said, " turned the Black Sea into a Russian 
lake," and that great opportunity for Greece was lost 
through the fears and vacillation of diplomatists. 





00 



to 



O ra 
5C 



sinope. 559 



XXXVIII. 

SINOPE, 1853. 




INOPE is a very ancient town, situated mostly 
1 upon a peninsula, which juts out from the 
coast of Anatolia into the Black Sea. 

It was once far-famed as the capital city 
of Mithridates, King of Pontus, as well as 
the birth place of Diogenes, of whom, per- 
haps, more people have heard, although he 
was not a King. 
After frequent and honorable mention in very ancient 
history, we, later on, find it, when it fell into the all-con- 
quering Romans' power, the seat of the government of 
the celebrated Pliny, and the remains of the aqueduct 
then built by him are still to be traced in the neighbor- 
hood. 

In 1470 Mohamet II included it in the Turkish Empire, 
of which it has ever since remained a part. 

The modern town has about ten thousand people, and 
presents to the view of one arriving before it by sea the 
peculiar, shabby, picturesque and dilapidated appearance 
of most third-rate Turkish places, where red-tiled roofs 
overhang mouldy, moss-covered, wooden buildings. Here 
and there among- the dull red of the roofs rises the bright 
and graceful minaret of a mosque; while in the back- 
ground clumps of the funereal cypress show the spots 
where the faithful lie at rest. Portions of a ruinous, 
turreted wall are to be seen here and there ; but there 



560 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

are no forts or other defences worthy of the name, 
•although for years it had been a Turkish "military" port, 
where men-of-war were occasionally built or repaired. 

Perhaps Sinope would never have been heard of in 
modern times, but for a naval action which created an 
unusual sensation throughout both the Christian and 
Moslem worlds, and which alienated from the Russians, 
at the very beginning of the Crimean War, the sympathy 
of many who would otherwise have been favorable to 
their designs. 

The affair about to be narrated was an abuse of supe- 
rior force, at a time when war was inevitable, but had not 
been proclaimed, between Russia and the Ottoman Porte. 

On November 30th, 1853, a Turkish squadron, con- 
sisting of seven frigates, three corvettes, and two 
steamers, were driven, by stress of bad weather, into the 
anchorage of Sinope. In this, their own port of refuge, 
they were surprised by the arrival of the Russian Vice 
Admiral Nachimoff, with a fleet of two three-decked 
ships, four 74s, three frigates, one transport, and three 
steam-vessels. 

Admiral Nachimoff at once summoned the Turkish 
squadron to surrender to him. But, in spite of the 
immense disproportion in force, the Turkish Admiral 
resolved to resist his demands to the last extremity, and 
to destroy his squadron rather than strike his flag. So 
about midday, in response to a formal summons, he 
opened fire upon the Russians. It seemed almost like 
an act of madness, to which he was goaded by the 
outrageousness of such a demand made upon him before 
war was declared ; but we cannot help admiring his 
desperate courage and determination, even if it was that 
of despair ; for he could have had no hope of success 
against such a force as the Russians had. 



SINOPE. 561 

This remarkable action, thus begun, was maintained 
until a full hour after sunset; the termination of the' 
bloody fight being lighted up by the flames of the town 
itself, which had been set on fire by the Russian shells. 

At last the Ottoman squadron was blotted out of exist- 
ence; and not till then did the reports of the guns cease, 
and silence fall upon the waters of the harbor. 

Of the twelve Turkish vessels, eight were sunk out- 
right, at their anchors, by shot. The Captain of the 
Mizamieh, of sixty guns, fought his ship to the last, with 
terrible energy, and at last fired his own magazine, and 
blew the vessel, and most of those who had survived the 
action, to fragments. 

The Captain of the Navik, of 52 guns, followed his 
example, and immediately blew up his vessel. 

The Russian fleet, in spite of their superiority, suffered 
terribly from the desperate defence of the Turks. Several 
of their vessels, completely dismasted, were obliged to 
leave Sinope in tow of steamers; and none of them ever 
did any more service, for after being for a long time 
blockaded in Sebastopol, by the French and English 
fleets, they were sunk in that harbor by the Russians 
themselves. 

Although so much of the town was injured by shot and 
fire, and at least one hundred and fifty of the inhabitants 
were killed or burned, strange to say, a fine fifty-gun 
steam-frigate, upon the stocks, escaped destruction. A 
visitor, soon after the battle, describes the scene as most 
heart-rending and depressing, and expresses wonder 
that more of the towns-people were not killed, as the fields, 
inland, were covered with fragments of the blown up 
ships, exploded shells, bolts, chains, spars and planks. 
An anchor weighing fifteen hundred pounds was blown 
inland more than a quarter of a mile. 
36 



562 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

XXXIX. 

LISSA, 1866. 




]|^ISSA is an island of the Adriatic, thirty-three 
miles southwest of Spalatro, in Dalmatia. 
In ancient times, four centuries before 
Christ, it was settled by Greeks from 
Lesbos, who named it Issa, from one of the 
names of their own island, in the yEeean. 

During the first Punic war the Isseans, 
already expert seamen, helped the Roman 
Duilius with their beaked ships, and the Great Republic 
of antiquity in return assisted them in resisting ag- 
gression. They were again allies against Philip of 
Macedon. 

In the year 966 the Venetians were in possession of the 
island, but the Ragusans, from the mainland, drove them 
out, only to return, and to establish firmly the reign of 
the Doges. The principal town was twice entirely 
destroyed, once by the Neapolitans, and once by the 
Turks, and the present city, which rises in an amphithe- 
atrical form from the shores of the principal harbor, only 
dates from the year 1 571 . During the Napoleonic wars 
the island was occupied by the French, and near it, in 
1 8 10, an important naval action was fought, in which an 
English squadron defeated the French. The English 
then seized and kept possession of the island until the 
grand settlement and apportionment, after the peace of 
181 5, when it became the property of Austria. The 



lissa. 563 

fortifications erected by the British were only dismantled 
in 1870. The island is fertile, quite mountainous, and a 
conspicuous landmark in the navigation ol the Adriatic. 

In the course of the war between Austria and Italy, 
which terminated in the entire liberation of the latter 
country from the dominion of the hated " Tedeschi," who 
had occupied Venice and the fairest parts of Lombardy 
for so many years, Italy suffered two great defeats. One 
was on land, at Custozza, where their army, though 
unsuccessful, came out with honor, after proofs of courage 
and conduct. 

The navy of Italy, then comparatively small and untried, 
was anxious to redeem the Italian honor and arms, by 
meeting the Austrian fleet. Under the auspices of the 
navy a desceat was therefore made upon the Austrian 
island of Lissa. 

On the 1 8th of July, 1866, the island was attacked and 
taken by the fleet under Admiral Persano. But their 
success was short-lived, for the Austrians came down the 
next day, and inflicted the terrible defeat which, for the 
time, completely disorganized the Italian navy. 

This fleet was composed of eleven armored vessels 
(including large and small, and the ram L'Affondatore), 
two frigates, one corvette and three gun-boats, each 
mounting two guns, five despatch vessels, and a few 
smaller craft, hardly fit to enter into action. 

Among the Italian vessels was the large ironclad frigate 
Re d'ltalia, built during our civil war, for the Italian 
Government, by Webb, of New York. This fleet was 
commanded by Admiral Persano, and was in three 
divisions. The first, under the direct orders of Persano 
himself, consisted of eight armored vessels, and some 
other lighter steamers ; the second division, under Vice- 
Admiral Albini, consisted of six screw frigates, un- 



564 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

armored ; the third division, under Rear-Admiral Vacca, 
consisted of three ironclad vessels. 

The Austrian fleet, which came down to seek the 
Italians, and to offer battle, as soon as the news of the 
capture of Lissa was received, consisted of twenty-two 
vessels. Seven of them were armored ; one was a screw 
ship-of-the-line, called the Kaiser, of 90 guns ; four screw 
frigates ; four gun-boats ; one corvette ; and a few small 
craft. 

In spite of the fact that the Austrian fleet would, 
undoubtedly, come to dispute their conquest, the Italians 
seem to have been taken rather by surprise, especially as 
Admiral Tegethoff approached rapidly, and engaged very 
promptly. The engagement, being under steam, com- 
menced as soon as the guns of the opposing fleets would 
bear, and was, at first, carried on with great resolution 
on both sides. Very soon after the fight commenced the 
Re d'ltalia, one of the best ships of the Italian fleet, was 
rammed by two Austrian ships, also armored, and 
received fatal injuries, from which she soon sank, carrying 
down many of her crew. 

She had been the flag-ship; but just before she went 
into action Admiral Persanb had quitted her, and gone 
on board the iron-clad ram, the Affondatore, without 
notifying the commanding officers of the change, either 
by signal, or otherwise. The action was then really 
fought, on the part of the Italians, without a Commander; 
for they received no signals from the ship from which 
they had a. right to look for them; and, as the Re d'ltalia 
was soon sunk, many thought that Admiral Persano had 
perished in her. 

The Italian fleet was thus without united action ; and 
their manoeuvres were undecided and weak ; while the 
Austrian fleet concentrated all its efforts under the 



lissa. 565 

strong impulse of a skillful and very zealous Com- 
mander, whose only thought seemed to be to win or 
perish. In spite of this the Italian ships were most 
bravely fought, and the victory was not either an easy or 
bloodless one. 

Many have thought that, had there been a capable 
Commander, and unity of action, they would have prob- 
ably gained the battle. 

The Italian iron-clad Re di Portogallo, a sister ship of 
the Re d'ltalia, especially distinguished herself by the 
audacity of her movements and the ability with which 
she was handled. She sank two Austrian vessels ; 
having a long engagement with the Kaiser, sinking this 
huge ship by a broadside poured into her, at a distance 
of only a few yards. The Kaiser is said to have carried 
down with her twelve hundred men; several hundred of 
whom were Tyrolese sharp-shooters. 

At half-past four in the afternoon the battle ceased; 
having lasted for six hours. 

The Italians retired to Ancona, a safe and strongly 
fortified harbor on their coast, nearly opposite to Lissa. 
The Austrian fleet had received such damage and loss 
that they not only were unable to pursue the Italians, but 
were soon obliged to desert the waters of Lissa, and 
return to their naval port, Pola. 

Although this was not a victory for the Austrians, in 
the sense of large captures, they were most distinctly the 
victors, in that the Italians deserted the field. That has 
always been the test of victory, both by land and by sea. 
Before the end of the battle the Italians lost a second 
iron-clad, the Palestro, which blew up, and all on board 
were lost. On the 6th of August, following, the Affonda- 
tore, which had been anchored outside of Ancona, on the 
lookout for the Austrian fleet, was swamped by the heavy 



56Q NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

sea caused by a sudden storm. She endeavored to take 
refuge inside the mole, but too late. All her crew were 
saved. The whole affair was a dreadful blow to the 
Italian navy, and to their cause ; and was equally instru- 
mental in advancing the morale and reputation of the 
Austrian navy. 

A good deal of light may be thrown upon this event 
by a slight account of the officer responsible for it. 

Admiral Count Charles Persano was born at Vercelli, 
in 1806. He entered the Sardinian navy, and rose 
rapidly to high rank; serving under Admiral Bruat, at 
the bombardment of Odessa, during the Crimean war ; 
and, for the remainder of that struggle, having charge of 
the transportation and provisionment of the Sardinian 
troops which joined the Allies ; a most responsible post. 

In the year 1859, as a Rear- Admiral, he had command 
of the Adriatic squadron of observation, and of the 
blockade of Venice. The next year he commanded the 
fleet at Naples, when Garibaldi seized and turned over 
to him the Neapolitan fleet. Here he acted with great 
judgment, and to the satisfaction of all, in distributing the 
Neapolitan officers among the vessels of the national 
fleet, and in composing difficulties and overcoming obsta- 
cles incident to so sudden and great a change in govern- 
ment. The reputation of no one stood higher than that 
of Persano, for tact, ability, and firmness of purpose. 

In September, i860, upon the invasion of the Marches 
and Umbria, the Admiral was sent off Ancona, where 
he distinguished himself, first in the blockade, and then 
in forcing an entrance and taking possession of that fine 
port. General Lamoriciere declared that he was discom- 
fited not by the land force opposed to him, but by the 
work of the fleet ; and it was with Persano that he held 
a parley, and to him he surrendered his sword. During 



lissa. 567 

this siege Persano gained great popularity, on account 
of his consideration for the sufferings of the inhabitants. 

For these actions he was made a Vice-Admiral, and 
was elected a deputy, from the city of Spezia, to the 
first Italian Parliament, which was convened in 1861. 
When the Italian navy was constituted he became the 
Admiral ; there being three Vice- Admirals and ten Rear- 
Admirals also appointed. Soon after he became a 
Senator, and Minister of Marine, under Ratazzi. 

No man in Italy was more trusted and honored, and 
few could be said to have had a more successful career. 

In expectation of the approaching struggle with Austria 
for the possession of the Venetian provinces, the Italian 
government had, at immense sacrifices, devoted some 
years to the development of its navy ; which, much supe- 
rior to that of Austria, was to secure to the Italian flag 
the dominion of the Adriatic. In the event of war the 
command of the fleet fell naturally to the naval officer of 
highest rank, and so, in March, 1866, Admiral Persano 
was named to the command of the strong fleet collected 
at Tarento. But the results accomplished by this naval 
force fell far below the hopes of those who had conceived 
and formed it. 

Persano began by delaying for a long time the depar- 
ture of his fleet from Tarento. Then, when he did 
enter the Adriatic, he refused, although far superior in 
numbers, and with crews filled with enthusiasm for the 
cause, to accept the battle offered him by the Austrian 
fleet, composed of fourteen ships only ; and he remained 
idle, at Ancona, until July 8th. 

Only upon repeated and decided orders of the Minister 
of Marine did he finally leave port, but then only for a 
few days' cruise in the Adriatic, during which he avoided 
the Austrian fleet and coast. Another formal order was 



568 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

needed, from the highest authority, to force him to leave 
Ancona again, and to proceed to the Island of Lissa. 
Upon the taking of this island partly depended the success 
of the naval operations in the Adriatic. 

After a rather feeble bombardment of the Austrian 
works, Persano, although he had certain information that 
Admiral Tegfethoff was hastening to the relief of Lissa, 
gave the order for landing, and pursuing operations on 
shore. This ill-conceived proceeding of landing a portion 
of his men, at a time when he was liable at any moment 
to be attacked by sea, has been attributed to various 
motives; none of them worthy ones. At any rate, when 
the Austrians did appear, coming down from the north, 
the Italian ships were not ready to meet them, and those 
of the crews who had been landed had to re-embark, in 
haste and confusion. Moreover, in presence of the 
enemy, and while dispositions for battle were actually 
going on, Persano left the Re d' Italia, his flag-ship, and 
went on board the Affondatore, an inconspicuous and 
untried vessel, built for a ram. His motive in doing so 
was never explained satisfactorily by him, and is left to 
conjecture. By his action he delayed the formation of the 
line-of-battle, and deprived himself of the ability to direct 
the movements of the fleet, as the officers had not been 
informed of the change ; and, moreover, by his presence, 
prevented the ram from taking the part in the battle for 
which she was designed especially. Such being the state 
of things, it is no wonder that the action, in spite of indi- 
vidual exertions and gallantry, resulted disastrously for 
the Italians. 

This defeat, or disaster, was so mortifying, and so 
confounded the designs of the Italian government, that 
a storm of public indignation was aroused against 
Persano, and the King was forced to order a court of 



lissa. 560 

inquiry upon his actions. It is said that the Admiral 
himself demanded one, but this does not clearly appear. 

The court examined very many witnesses, and the 
proceedings were very much protracted ; so that it was 
the end of 1867 before their proceedings were reported 
to the Italian Senate. The Senate then proceeded to 
give judgment. Persano was acquitted of the charge of 
cowardice by a small majority , but he was found guilty 
of disobedience of orders, and negligence in the per- 
formance of duty, by a large majority. The Ministry 
had intended to prosecute him for high treason ; but, for 
some reason, this was abandoned, and he was released 
from arrest, and suffered to slink into retirement and 
obscurity, a disgraced man. 

By a vote of the Senate, he was required to pay the 
expenses of the court of inquiry, which had been very 
heavy, and was dismissed from the navy, and from all 
his other offices. It was generally thought, in Italy, that 
the Senate had been very lenient in thus dealing with 
him ; and that he should have suffered death. 

The whole of the facts of the case are not accessible 
in this country, and perhaps would not be, even in Italy. 

William, Baron Tegethoff, the Austrian Commander at 
the battle of Lissa, was a native of Styria, being born in 
1827. After passing through the Venetian Naval Col- 
lege, he entered the Imperial Navy, in 1845, and in twelve 
years became a Commander, serving on the coast of 
Egypt, the Red Sea, the east coast of Africa, and in the 
Mediterranean. After this he accompanied the Arch- 
duke Maximilian, as Aid-de-Camp, in his voyage to 
Brazil. In 1861 he had command of the Austrian 
squadron in Greece, during the unsettled and exciting 



570 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

period which terminated in Otho's leaving the Greek 
throne. 

During the Schleswig-Holstein War he commanded 
the Austrian squadron in the North Sea ; and, in con- 
junction with some Prussian vessels, fought, with the 
Danish fleet, the spirited and bloody, but inconclusive, 
action of Heligoland. 

For this he was made a Rear-Admiral, from May 9th, 
1864, and two years later, was made Vice- Admiral, for 
the action of Lissa. 

After Maximilian's death, in Mexico, he was deputed 
to proceed to Vera Cruz and obtain the remains of that 
Prince. After three months' delay and considerable 
diplomacy he obtained them, and returned to Trieste, 
in January 1868. In March of that year he was made 
Commander-in-Chief of the Austrian Navy, being then 
only forty-one years of age. 

Tegethoff is looked upon as the creator of the effective 
Austrian Navy, which, before his time, was undisciplined 
and inefficient. At his death, which occurred in 1871, 
from chronic dysentery, contracted in Mexico, the Austrian 
Navy numbered sixteen efficient iron-clad ships, besides 
wooden vessels. 

The Austrian Government has ordered that a ship of 
their Navy shall always bear his name. 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 571 

XL. 

MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. MARCH yTH, 1862. 




HE United States Navy Department had 
been informed that the Confederate 
authorities had raised the hull of the fine 
frioate Merrimac, which had been burned 
at the Navy Yard at Norfolk, at the 
breaking out of the civil war, and had 
erected a huge iron casemate upon her. 
With her engines in <jood workingf order, 
it was confidently expected by the Confederates that this 
novel and formidable craft would be able to capture or 
destroy the Union fleet, in Hampton Roads, raise the 
blockade at the Capes of Virginia, and proceed to 
Washington, when the Capitol would be at the mercy 
of her powerful battery. This battery consisted of ten 
heavy rifled guns. 

In those days nothing was known about ironclads, and 
as week after week passed, and the monster, so often 
spoken of by the Norfolk papers, which was to clear 
out Hampton Roads, and to brush away the "insolent 
frigates " which were blockading the James River at 
Newport News did not appear, people began to regard 
her as a bugbear. At any rate, the Union frigates were 
very sure that, if they could once get her under their 
broadsides, they would soon send her to the bottom. 

About the 1 st of March, 1862, a Norfolk newspaper 
contained a violent attack upon the Confederate authori- 



572 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ties for their bad management in regard to the Merrimac, 
or " Virginia," as they had re-christened her. The paper 
declared that her plating was a failure, that her machinery- 
was defective, and that she very nearly sank when brought 
out of dock. This was all a ruse, for she was then 
making trials of machinery, and had her officers and 
crew on board and under drill. 

The Navy Department was better informed than those 
in the immediate vicinity, and hurried up the means it 
had created to meet the ironclad. 

In Hampton Roads, at that time, were the Minnesota, 
a fine steam-frigate, the Roanoke, of the same size, but 
crippled in machinery, and several other vessels of much 
less power, together with numerous transports, coal-ships, 
and others. 

A few miles above, at Newport News, lay the Congress, 
a sailing frigate of 50 guns, and the Cumberland, a heavy 
sloop of 24 guns. These were the "insolent frigates" 
which, during many preceding months, had entirely 
prevented the Confederates from using the water com- 
munication between Richmond and Norfolk. The danger 
in leaving these vessels, without steam, in such a position, 
was fully recognized, and they were to be replaced by 
others about the middle of March. 

On shore, at Newport News, was a camp of about four 
thousand men ; and the Congress and Cumberland lay 
just off this camp, in the fair way of the channel, and 
about a quarter of a mile apart; the Cumberland being 
the furthest up the James river. 

On Saturday, the 8th of March, the Merrimac at last 
appeared, accompanied by two or three tugs armed with 
rifled guns, and joined, eventually, by two armed merchant 
steamers from up the James. The Merrimac moved with 
great deliberation, and was seen from the vessels at 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 573 

Newport News, coming down the channel from Norfolk, 
towards Sewell's point, at about half-past twelve. She 
could not then be seen from Hampton Roads, but when 
she did at last show herself clear of the point, there was 
great commotion there. But she turned up, at a right 
angle, and came up the channel toward Newport 
News. It is said by some that she came by a channel 
not generally known, or, at least, not commonly used. 

The tide had just turned ebb, and the time selected 
was the best for the iron-clad, and the worst for the 
vessels at Newport News, for their sterns were down 
stream, and they could not be sprung round. 

The Merrimac approached these ships with ominous 
silence and deliberation. The officers were gathered on 
the poops of the vessels, hazarding all sorts of conjec- 
tures in regard to the strange craft, and, when it was 
plain she was coming to attack them, or to force the 
passage, the drum beat to quarters. By about two o'clock 
the strange monster was close enough to make out her 
ports and plating, and the Congress fired at her from a 
stern gun. The projectile, a 32-pound shot, bounced off 
the casemate as a pebble would. 

The ironclad threw open her forward ports, and 
answered with grape, killing and wounding* quite a 
number on board the Congress. Then she steamed up 
past that frigate, at a distance of less than two hundred 
yards, receiving a broadside, and giving one in return. 
The shot of the Congress had no effect upon the Merri- 
mac; but the broadside of the latter, upon the wooden 
frigate, had created great destruction. One of her shells 
dismounted an 8-inch gun, and either killed or wounded 
every one of the gun's crew. The slaughter at other 
guns was fearful. There were comparatively few 
wounded, the shells killing, as a general rule. 



574 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

After this broadside the Merrimac passed up the 
stream, and the Congress' men, supposing she had had 
enough of it, began to cheer ; and for many of them it 
was the last cheer they were ever to give. The iron-clad 
went up stream far enough to turn at right angles, and 
ran into the Cumberland with her ram. The Cumber- 
land began to fill, at once, and in a few minutes sank, her 
flag flying, and having kept up her fire as long as her 
gun-deck was above water. Her mizzen-top remained 
out of water, but it was deeper under her forward part, 
and her fore and main top went under. A small freight 
boat, of the quartermaster's department, and some tugs 
and row-boats put off from the wharf at the camp, to save 
the lives of her crew. These were fired at by the Rebel 
gun-boats, and the boiler of the freight boat was pierced, 
and the wharf itself damaged, but the greater part of 
those in the water were saved. 

The Cumberland lost one hundred and seventeen out 
of three hundred on board. Buchanan, the Captain of 
the Merrimac, hailed Morris, the First Lieutenant of the 
Cumberland, and temporarily in command, saying, " Do 
you surrender?" "No, Sir!" shouted back Morris, whose 
ship was then sinking. The last gun was fired by acting 
Master Randall, now in the navy, but retired. The ship 
heeled suddenly as she sank, and the ladders were either 
thrown down, or became almost perpendicular, so as to 
render it difficult to get on deck. The Chaplain was 
drowned, on this account. One of the gunners' mates got 
up safely, however, all the way from the magazine, and 
swam to the mizzen-top. The marine drummer boy was 
pushed and hoisted up by some of the men, holding fast 
to his drum, which he saved, and creating laughter, even 
at that terrible moment, by the way in which he clung 
to it. 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 575 

When the survivors of the Cumberland reached the 
shore they were enthusiastically received by the soldiers, 
and flasks of whisky, plugs of tobacco, and other soldiers' 
and sailors' luxuries, forced upon them. Captain Radford, 
of the Cumberland, now Admiral Radford, was at Hamp- 
ton Roads, sitting on a court-martial, when the Merrimac 
ran out. He went on shore, got a horse, and rode madly, 
in hopes of reaching Newport News in time; but he only 
got there to see his pendant waving from the truck, and 
sweeping the water which had swallowed up so many of 
his fine crew. 

In ramming the Cumberland the Merrimac had twisted 
her prow or beak, but the leak it occasioned was not 
noticed at once. She then turned down stream, to renew 
her attack upon the Congress. The latter ship had been 
set on fire by the shell of the first broadside, and one of 
the seats of fire was aft, near the after magazine ; this was 
never extinguished, and was the eventual cause of her 
destruction. 

Seeing the fate of the Cumberland, which sank in deep 
water, the Congress slipped her chains, set the top-sails 
and jib, and with the help of the tug Zouave, ran on the 
flat which makes off from Newport News point. Here 
she heeled over, as the tide continued to fall, leaving only 
two 32-pounders which could be fought, and these were 
in the stern ports, on the gun-deck. 

The Minnesota and one or two other vessels had started 
up to the relief of the Congress and Cumberland, but they 
got on shore before they had achieved half the distance. It 
turned out to be well, for they would otherwise probably 
have shared the fate of the Cumberland, in which case the 
lives of their crews would have been uselessly jeopardized. 

It was about half-past two when the Merrimac came to 
attack the Congress once more. She took up a position 



57G NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

about one hundred and fifty yards astern of her, and 
deliberately raked her with rifled shells, while the small 
steamers all concentrated their guns upon the same 
devoted ship. A great many were now killed on board 
the Congress, including two officers. The ship kept 
up a fire from her two stern guns, having the crews 
swept away from them repeatedly. At last they were 
both dismounted. Nearly all the men in the powder 
division, below, were killed by this raking fire. This 
division was in charge of Paymaster Buchanan, who was 
a brother of the Captain of the Merrimac. Those now 
fared best whose duty kept them on the spar-deck. Even 
the wounded in the cockpit were killed, and the shells 
were momentarily setting fire to new places, rendering it 
necessary to drench the quarters of the wounded with 
ice-cold water. The commanding officer, Lieutenant 
Joseph B. Smith, was killed by a shell at this time. 

The Congress had now borne this fire for nearly an 
hour, and had no prospect of assistance from any quarter, 
and was unable to fire a shot in return. 

Under these circumstances there was nothing to do but 
to haul down the flag. A small gun-boat came alongside, 
the commanding officer of which said he had orders to 
take the people out, and burn the vessel. But before 
many could get on board the steamer she was driven 
off by the sharp-shooters of a regiment on shore. They 
now all opened on the Congress again, although she had 
a white flag flying, and could not be responsible for the 
actions of the soldiers on shore. After about fifteen 
minutes more, however, they all went down to attack 
the Minnesota, which ship was hard and fast aground. 
Fortunately they could not approach very near her, on 
account of the state of the tide, and night now drawing 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 577 

on, the whole flotilla withdrew, and proceeded up the 
Norfolk channel. 

It was now necessary for the survivors of the Congress 
to get on shore as soon as possible, and this was done, 
by about dark, by means of the two boats which had the 
fewest shot-holes in them. These made repeated trips, 
taking the wounded first, and the officers last, and the 
'wearied and exhausted people were hospitably received 
in the camp. 

The poor old ship, deserted by all but the dead, who 
were left lying just as they fell, burned till about midnight, 
when she blew up, with a report that was heard for many 
miles. - 

The next morning was fine, but hazy, but it soon 
became clear, as if to afford an uninterrupted view of the 
first ironclad fight. 

The camp was early astir ; the regiments drawn up in 
line of battle, while the survivors of the two ships' 
companies manned the howitzers and field pieces in the 
earthworks to the west of the camp. For it was certain 
the Merrimac would return that morning, to complete 
her work, while information had been received that 
General Magruder, with a large force, was marching over 
from Yorktown, to take the camp in the rear, and thus, in 
conjunction with the ironclad, force a surrender. 

About six o'clock the Merrimac was seen, through the 
haze, coming down again, apparently intending to attack 
the Minnesota, which ship was still aground. Her pro- 
ceedings were watched with breathless interest by thou- 
sands, on all sides of the broad sheet of water, which 
formed an amphitheatre, so to speak, on the southern 
side of which the spectators were filled with hope and 
confidence, while to the north well-grounded apprehension 
was felt. Passing up the James River channel again, the 

37 



578 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Merrimac opened fire upon the Minnesota with her bow- 
guns, hulling - her once or twice, when, suddenly, there 
darted out from under the shadows of the huge frigate 
a little raft-like vessel, almost flush with the water, and 
bearing on her deck a round, black turret. 

At first no one in the camp seemed to know what it 
was, or how it came there, but at last it was conceded that 
it must be the strange, new ironclad, which was said to be 
building in New York, by Ericsson. 

It was indeed the "Monitor," and although too late to 
prevent a terrible loss, she was in the nick of time to 
prevent much more serious disaster. 

And now for a few words about this remarkable vessel, 
whose exploits were the cause of a revolution in the 
building of ships-of-war, throughout the world. 

And first, as to her name. Ericsson proposed to call 
her Monitor, because she would prove a warning to the 
leaders of the Southern rebellion, as well as to the 
authorities of other countries who should be inclined to 
break our blockade, or otherwise interfere in our affairs. 
Captain Ericsson was a native of Sweden, and in his 
youth had served in both the army and navy of that 
country. Thence he went to England, to pursue his 
profession as an engineer, and came out to America, to 
superintend the construction of the United States screw 
steamer Princeton, in 1839. Here he has remained ever 
since, being now far advanced in years. In 1854 he 
planned a shot-proof iron-plated vessel, the drawings for 
which he forwarded to Louis Napoleon, saying, among 
other things, that his invention would place an entire fleet 
of wooden vessels at its mercy, in calms and light winds. 
Louis Napoleon politely declined to accept his proposition 
to build such a vessel for the French Navy. 

When it became evident that a long and arduous 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 579 

struggle was before us, at the opening of the Civil War, 
certain eentlemen entered into a contract to build such a 
vessel for our Government, on Ericsson's plans, and under 
his superintendence. The ironclad was contracted for in 
October, 1861, to be ready in the shortest possible space 
of time. The contract price paid for her hull was seven 
and a half cents a pound, and Ericsson and his backers 
were to forfeit payment for the whole, unless she was 
found to work in a satisfactory manner. 

His plans were only partly drawn, and it is said that 
he frequently made his drawings, to overcome difficulties, 
the same day they were to be worked from. 

The hull was built by Rowland, at Green Point, Long 
Island; the turret at the Novelty Works, New York; the 
machinery and mechanism of the turret at Delamater's, 
in New York ; while the massive port-stoppers, which 
swung down by machinery, as the guns fired and the 
turret revolved, were forged in Buffalo. 

Wonderful to relate, this entirely novel structure was 
finished in one hundred days from the time the plates for 
her keel were laid. She was launched on the 30th of 
January, 1862, having large wooden tanks under her 
stern, to prevent her from running under water, as she 
went off the ways. 

She was delivered to the naval authorities, at the New 
York Navy-yard, on the 19th of February, following. 
After two trial trips it was found to be necessary to 
hurry this novel and almost untried piece of compli- 
cated machinery down to Hampton Roads, to meet the 
formidable ironclad whose doings we have just been 
relating 

The officers and crew were in circumstances entirely 
new to them. " Calmly and terribly heroic," says Dorr, 



580 NAVAL, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN, 

" was the act of manning this coffin-like ship," in .which 
the crew was, as it were, hermetically sealed. 

Lieutenant John L. Worden, of the Navy, having been 
ordered to the command, proceeded to select a crew 
from the receiving ships North Carolina and Sabine. 
He stated fairly to the men the difficulties and dangers 
which they might expect to encounter, and yet many 
more volunteered to go than were required. The officers 
were ordered in the usual way, except the First Lieuten- 
ant, S. D. Greene, who was a volunteer. Chief Engineer 
Stimers, of the navy, who had been employed as an 
inspector of some of the work, and who was interested 
in the performance of the vessel, went down in her as a 
passenger, and took part, as a volunteer, in her first 
action. 

The Monitor's orders to Hampton Roads were issued 
on the 20th of February, but necessary work detained 
her ; and on March 4th Admiral Paulding, the Com- 
mandant at New York, directed Worden to proceed the 
moment the weather would permit ; and informed him 
that a tue would be sent to tow him, and two small 
steamers would attend. 

On the afternoon of March 6th the Monitor left Sandy 
Hook, with a moderate westerly wind, and a smooth sea. 
The "Seth Low" was hired to tug her, and the Currituck 
and Sachem formed the escort. At midday of the 7th 
she was off the Capes of the Delaware, with a strong 
breeze and a rough sea. Water came freely in at the 
hawse-pipes, around the base of the turret, and in other 
places. At 4 p. m., the wind still increasing, the water 
broke over the smoke and blower pipes, which were six 
and four feet high, respectively. This wet the blower 
bands, which slipped and broke. A failure in the 
machinery to supply air must soon be fatal, in such a 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 581 

craft, to all on board. The blowers being stopped there 
was no draft for the furnaces, and the fire and engine 
rooms soon filled with gas. 

The engineer in charge, Isaac Newton, U. S. N., met 
the emergency promptly, but his department was soon 
prostrated by inhaling the gas, and they had to be taken 
up into the turret, to be revived. 

The water was coming in rapidly, and the hand-pumps 
could not discharge it fast enough. Matters looked very 
gloomy, and the tug was hailed, and directed to head for 
the land. This she did at once, but made slow progress 
against wind and sea; but by evening she had got the 
Monitor into much smoother water; repairs were made, 
the gas had escaped, and at 8 o'clock she was on her 
course again. At midnight fears of disaster were again 
aroused by very rough water, in passing over the Chinco- 
teague Shoals ; and, to add to their troubles, the wheel-ropes 
jammed, and the vessel yawed so that the towing hawser 
was in danger of parting. 

These difficulties were in turn overcome by the stout 
hearts and skillful hands on board; and at four in the 
afternoon of the 8th of March she passed Cape Henry. 
Heavy firing was now heard to the westward, which Worden 
at once conjectured to be the Merrimac fighting the 
vessels in the Roads. He at once prepared the Monitor 
for action, and keyed up the turret. A pilot boat which 
came out to meet them soon put them in possession of 
the news, and of the damage done to the ships at New- 
port News, as well as the position of the Minnesota. 
Reporting to the senior officer in Hampton Roads, 
Women's first care was to find a pilot for that place. 
None being found, acting Master Howard, who had a 
knowledge of the locality, volunteered to act as pilot. 

The Monitor then went up, and anchored near the 



582 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Minnesota, at one o'clock on Sunday morning. Worden 
went to see Captain Van Brunt, and informed himself, as 
well as he could, of the state of affairs, and then returned 
to the Monitor, after assuring the Captain that he would 
develop all the qualities of that vessel, both for offence 
and defence. 

We now return to the moment when the Merrimac 
came down again, and the Monitor went out to meet her, 
Worden's object being to draw her away from the 
Minnesota. The contrast between the opposing ironclads 
was most striking, the Monitor seeming a veritable pigmy 
by the side of the Merrimac. The two vessels met on 
parallel courses, with their bows looking in opposite 
directions. They then exchanged fire. Worden and the 
engineers had been very anxious about the effect of heavy 
shot striking the turret, and causing it to jam. The heavy 
shot of the Merrimac did strike the turret, and, to their 
great relief, it continued to revolve without difficulty. 
Thus one great source of anxiety was removed. More- 
over, it was plainly to be seen that the i i-inch solid shot 
of the Monitor made a very considerable impression upon 
the Merrimac' s plating. The Monitor, though slow, 
steered well, and was much more agile than her long- and 
heavy opponent, and she now ran across the Merrimac's 
stern, close to her, in the hopes of damaging her propeller 
or rudder, but in this she did not succeed. 

After passing up on her port side, she crossed the 
Merrimac's bow, to get between her and the Minnesota 
again. The Merrimac put on steam, and made for the 
Monitor, to ram her. Finding- that she would strike her, 
Worden put his helm hard-a-port, and gave his vessel a 
sheer, so that the blow glanced off from the quarter. 
The Monitor was now obliged to haul off for a few 
minutes, to do some repair or other, and the Merrimac 




rBK " MIAXTOKOMOH" (DOUBLE- I'URmiTED MONITOR;. 




GUN-EOATS ON WESTERN RIVEK. 

(Destruction of the Confederate Ram Arkansas.) 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. &&6 

turned her attention to the Minnesota, hulling- her, and 
exploding the boiler of a steam-tug lying alongside of 
her. The Minnesota's battery was brought to bear, and 
her 8-inch shot must have hit the Merrimac more than fifty 
times, but glanced from her sloping roof without inflicting 
damage. 

The gallant little Monitor now came up again, and 
interposed between the two. Her shot soon caused the 
Merrimac to shift her position, and in doing so she 
grounded for a few minutes, but was soon afloat again. 
The fight had now lasted for a long time, and just before 
noon, when within ten yards of the Merrimac, one of her 
shells struck the pilot-house, just over the lookout hole 
or slit. Worden had just withdrawn his face, which had 
been pressed against it. If he had been touching it he 
would probably have been killed. As it was, he was 
stunned, and blinded by the explosion, and bears the indeli- 
ble marks of powder blast in his face to this day. 

The concussion partly lifted the top of the pilot-house, 
and the helm was put a starboard, and the Monitor 
sheered off. Greene was sent for, from the turret, to take 
the command, but just at that time it became evident that 
the Merrimac had had enough of it ; and, after a few more 
shots on each side she withdrew, and slowly and sullenly 
went up to an anchorage above Craney Island. Greene 
did not follow her very far, and was considered to have 
acted with good judgment ; it not being necessary to enter 
into the reasons for his action here. He returned, and 
anchored near the Minnesota, where he remained until 
that vessel was extricated from her unpleasant predica- 
ment, on the following night. 

It is probable that the Monitor would, in firing at such 
close quarters, have completely broken up the Merrimac's 
armor plates, if a knowledge had existed of the endurance 



584 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of the Dahloren gam. The fear of bursting the ii-inch 
guns, in the small turret, caused the use of the service- 
charge of fifteen pounds of powder. After that time thirty 
pounds were often used. Then we must remember that 
the crew had only been exercised at the guns a few times, 
and that the gun and turret gear were rusty, from having 
been kept wet during her late passage from New York. 

The Monitor was 124 feet long, and 34 feet wide in the 
hull. The armor raft was 1 74 feet long, and 41 feet wide. 
Her stern overhung 34 feet, and her bow 1 5 feet. Her 
side armor was of five one-inch plates, backed by twenty- 
seven inches of oak. Her deck armor consisted of two 
half-inch plates, over seven inches of plank. The turret 
was twenty feet in inside diameter, covered with eight 
one-inch plates, and was nine feet high. The top of the 
turret was of railroad bars, with holes for ventilation. The 
pilot-house was built of bars eight inches square, and 
built up log-house fashion, with the corners notched. 
She was very primitive in all her arrangements, compared 
with the monitors Ericsson afterwards produced. 

She carried two 1 1 -inch guns, which threw spherical cast- 
iron shot, weighing 168 pounds. The charge of powder 
has been mentioned. 

In this engagement she was struck twenty-one times ; 
eight times on the side armor; twice on the pilot-house; 
seven times on the turret, and four times on deck. 

The Merrimac carried ten heavy guns; sixty-eight- 
pounders, rifled. One of these was broken by a shot from 
the Cumberland, which shot entered her casemate, and 
killed seven men. Captain Buchanan was wounded on 
the first day, by a musket-ball, it is said; and the Merri- 
mac was commanded, in her fight with the Monitor, by 
Lieutenant Catesby Jones, formerly of the United States 
Navy, as were, indeed, all her other officers. On the 



MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 585 

second day the Monitor injured many of her plates, and 
crushed in some of her casemate timbers. 

From the day she retired before the Monitor to the 
nth of May, when she was blown up by her own people, 
the formidable Merrimac never did anything more of 
note. There was, indeed, a plan concocted to capture the 
Monitor, as she lay on guard, in the Roads, by engaging 
her with the Merrimac, while men from two small steamers 
boarded her, and wedged her turret. Then the crew 
were to be driven out, by throwing balls of stinking 
combustibles below, by her ventilators. But nothing 
came of it. 

The end of the Monitor must be told. After doing- 
good service up the James River, during the eventful 
summer of 1862, she was sent down to Beaufort, South 
Carolina. On the night of the 30th of December, when 
off Hatteras, she suddenly foundered. About half of her 
officers and crew went down in her: the rest making 
their escape to her escort. The cause of her sinking was 
never known ; but it was conjectured that the oak timbers 
which were fitted on the top rim of her iron hull had shrunk 
under the hot summer sun of the James River, and when 
she once more got into a rough sea, admitted the water 
in torrents. 

Before we quit the subject of the Merrimac and 
Monitor, it may be of interest to mention that just about 
the time the Merrimac retired from the contest the head 
of Magruder's column appeared on the river bank. But 
the camp at Newport News was too strong and well 
entrenched to be attacked without aid from the water. 
Magruder was just a day too late, and had to march back 
again. His troops were the same which, a few weeks 
later, were opposed to McClellan, in the earthworks at 
Yorktown. 



586 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XLI. 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 




BOUT the close of the gloomy and dis- 
astrous year 1 861 , the Government of the 
United States determined to regain con- 
trol of the Mississippi, the greater part 
of which, from Memphis to the Gulf, was 
held by the Confederates, who were 
thus enabled to transport immense sup- 
plies from the southwest to the seat of 
war. Moreover, the Rebels, as they were then called, 
had, at New Orleans, a constantly increasing force of 
rams and armored vessels, under able officers of the old 
Navy, with which to defend the approaches from the 
Gulf, as well as from up the river. 

After long consideration, Farragut was chosen as the 
naval officer to command in the Gulf. The story of his 
southern birth, and of his steadfast loyalty to his flag, is 
too well known to be here repeated. 

His formal orders put him in command of the "Western 
Gulf Blockading Squadron," and these were issued in 
January, 1862. But confidential instructions were also 
given him, by which he was especially charged with the 
" reduction of the defences guarding the approaches to 
New Orleans, and the taking possession of that city." 

He was to be assisted by a mortar-fleet of schooners, 
under Commander D. D. Porter. 

Farragut had long before expressed a belief that he 




mm 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 587 

could take New Orleans, and he had little confidence in 
a mortar-fleet, and would rather have dispensed with it ; 
but since Porter had already been ordered to prepare it, 
when he was detailed for the command, he acquiesced in 
the arrangement. 

He turned out to be right, as he generally was in 
such matters. 

On February 2d, 1862, Farragut sailed for the Gulf, in 
the sloop-of-war Hartford, which was so long to bear his 
flag, successfully, through manifold dangers. 

The Hartford was a wooden screw-steamer, full ship- 
rigged, and of nineteen hundred tons burthen. She was 
of comparatively light draught, and, therefore, well suited 
to the service she was called upon to perform. 

She then carried a battery of twenty-two nine-inch, 
smooth-bore guns, two 20-pounder Parrotts, and her fore 
and main-tops had howitzers, with a protection of boiler 
iron, a suggestion of Farragut's. This battery was 
afterwards increased by a rifled gun upon the fore- 
castle. Like Napoleon, Farragut believed in plenty of 
guns. 

The Hartford arrived at her rendezvous, Ship Island, 
one hundred miles north-northeast of the mouths of the 
Mississippi, on February 20th. 

A military force, to co-operate with Farragut's fleet, 
was sent out, under General B. F. Butler, and arrived at 
Ship Island on March 25th. Butler's plan was to follow 
Farragut, and secure, by occupation, whatever the guns 
of the fleet should subdue. 

Let us now see a little about the scene of action. 

Farragut's son, in the "Life of Farragut," from which 
we principally quote in this article, says (quoting another 
person), that the Delta of the Mississippi has been aptly 
described as "a long, watery arm, gauntleted in swamps 



588 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and mud, spread out into a grasping hand," of which the 
fingers are the five passes, or mouths. 

At that time the mud brought down by the great river 
formed bars at each pass, which bars are always shifting, 
and require good pilots to keep account of their condition. 
In peace times the pilots are always at work, sounding 
and buoying, and the chances are that all the efforts of 
the "Delta Doctors" will only end in transferring the 
bars further out into the Gulf. 

New Orleans, on the left bank of the river, is about 
one hundred miles from its mouth, and was by far the 
wealthiest and most important city of the Confederacy. 
Loyall Farragut states that, in i860, it had about 170,000 
inhabitants ; while Charleston had but about 40,000 ; 
Richmond even a smaller population; and Mobile but 
29,000 people. 

Just before the war New Orleans had the largest export 
trade of any city in the world ; and this fact, together with 
the importance of its position from a military point of 
view, made it the most important object for any military 
expedition. 

There is a great bend in the Mississippi, thirty miles 
above the head of the passes, the lowest favorable locality 
for defence, where two forts had been erected by the 
United States Government, St. Philip on the left, or north 
bank, and a little further down, Fort Jackson, on the right 
bank. A single fort at this point had held a British 
fleet in check for nine days, in spite of a vigorous shelling 
by their guns and mortars. Fort St. Philip was originally 
built by the Spaniards, but had been completely recon- 
structed. It was a quadrangular earthwork, with a brick 
scarp, and powerful batteries exteriorly, above and below. 
Fort Jackson was more important, and rose twenty-five 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 589 

feet above the river and swamp, while St. Philip was only 
nineteen feet above them. 

The Confederates had taken possession of these works, 
and had put them in complete order; Jackson mounted 
seventy-five powerful guns, and St. Philip forty. Fourteen 
of Fort Jackson's guns were in bomb-proof casemates. 
The works were garrisoned by fifteen hundred men, 
commanded by Brigadier General Duncan ; St. Philip 
being commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Edward Hig- 
gins, formerly an officer of the United States Navy. 

Above the forts lay a fleet of fifteen vessels, under 
Commodore J. K. Mitchell, formerly of the United States 
Navy, which included the ironclad ram Manassas, and a 
huge floating battery, covered with railroad iron, called 
the " Louisiana." 

Just below Fort Jackson the river was obstructed by a 
heavy chain, brought from the Pensacola Navy-yard. 
This chain was supported by cypress logs, at short 
intervals ; the ends made fast to great trees on shore, 
and the whole kept from sagging down with the current 
by heavy anchors. 

This contrivance was swept away by a spring freshet, 
and was replaced by smaller chains, passed over eight 
dismasted hulks, anchored abreast, and partially by logs, 
as before. There was a battery at the end opposite 
Fort Jackson. 

A number of sharpshooters patrolled the banks below, 
to give notice of any movements of the United States 
forces. 

Farragut's task was to break through the obstructions, 
pass the forts, destroy or capture the Rebel fleet, and then 
to place New Orleans under the guns of his own ships, 
and demand its surrender. 

He had six sloops-of-war, sixteen gun-boats — all steam- 



590 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

vessels — and twenty-one schooners, each with a 13-inch 
mortar, and five sailing vessels, which were to act as 
magazines and store-ships. The fleet carried over two 
hundred guns, and was the largest that had ever been 
seen under our flag, up to that time; but was afterwards 
much exceeded by that which bombarded Fort Fisher. 

There was little opportunity for General Butler and 
his fifteen thousand troops to co-operate in the passage 
of the forts ; so they only held themselves ready to hold 
what Farragut might capture. 

Farragut hoped to have taken the Colorado, a most 
powerful frigate, up the river, but she drew entirely too 
much water to be got over the bar. Great difficulty was 
experienced in getting the Brooklyn, Mississippi, and 
Pensacola into the river. The Mississippi, although 
lightened in every possible way, had to be dragged 
through at least a foot of mud. 

When the arduous labor was finished, and the time for 
action arrived, Butler's troops were embarked on the 
transports, and Porter's mortar-schooners were placed 
on each bank, below the forts ; being protected from the 
view of those in the batteries by the forest trees, and by 
having great branches lashed at their mast-heads, which 
blended with the foliage on the banks. 

The mortars threw shells weighing two hundred and 
eighty-five pounds, and their fire was guided by a careful 
triangulation, made by Mr. Gerdes, of the Coast Survey. 
Fort Jackson received most of the shells, of which about 
a thousand a day were thrown, for six days. The Con- 
federates had a good many killed and wounded by this 
means, and much damage was done, but the forts were 
not silenced; and Lieutenant Weitzel reported, after their 
surrender, that they were as strong as before the first 
shell was fired. 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 591 

One schooner was sunk, and one steamer disabled by 
the return fire from the fort. 

In the course of the delay waiting for the result of the 
bombardment, many of Farragut's ships were damaged 
by collisions, caused by strong winds and currents, and 
by efforts to avoid the fire-rafts which the enemy sent 
down. Only one of the latter put the ships in any 
danger, and that was at last turned off. These fire-rafts 
were flatboats piled with dry wood, sprinkled with tar 
and turpentine. They were towed out of the way by the 
ships' boats. 

Farragut had issued orders to his commanding officers 
in regard to preparing their ships for this particular 
service. After providing for the top hamper, and dis- 
pensing with many masts and spars, he says, " Make 
arrangements, if possible, to mount one or two guns on 
the poop and top-gallant-forecastle ; in other words, be 
prepared to use as many guns as possible, ahead and 
astern, to protect yourself against the enemy's gun-boats 
and batteries, bearing in mind that you will always have 
to ride head to the current, and can only avail yourself 
of the sheer of the helm to point a broadside gun more 
than three points forward of the beam. 

" Have a kedge in the mizzen-chains (or any convenient 
place) on the quarter, with a hawser bent and leading 
through in the stern chock, ready for any emergency ; 
also grapnels in the boats, ready to hook on to and to 
tow off fire-ships. Trim your vessel a few inches by the 
head, so that if she touches the bottom she will not swing 
head down the river. Put your boat howitzers in the fore 
and main tops, on the boat carriages, and secure them 
for firing abeam, etc Should any accident occur to the 
machinery of the ship, making it necessary to drop down 
the river, you will back and fill down under sail, or you can 



592 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

drop your anchor and drift down, but in no case attempt 
to turn the ship's head down stream. You will have 
a spare hawser ready, and when ordered to take in tow 
your next astern, do so, keeping the hawser slack so long- 
as the ship can maintain her own position, having a care 
not to foul the propeller. 

" No vessel must withdraw from battle, under any 
circumstances, without the consent of the flao--ofricer. 
You will see that force and other pumps and engine hose 
are in good order, and men stationed by them, and your 
men will be drilled to the extinguishing of fires. 

" Have light Jacob-ladders made to throw over the side, 
for the use of the carpenters in stopping shot-holes, who 
are to be supplied with pieces of inch board lined with 
felt, and ordinary nails, and see that the ports are marked, 
in accordance with the ' ordnance instructions,' on the 
berth deck, to show the locality of the shot-hole's. 

" Have many tubs of water about the decks, both for 
the purpose of extinguishing fire and for drinking. Have 
a heavy kedge in the port main-chains, and a whip on the 
main-yard, ready to run it up and let fall on the deck of 
any vessel you may run alongside of, in order to secure 
her for boarding. 

"You will be careful to have lanyards on the lever of 
the screw, so as to secure the gun at the proper elevation, 
and prevent it from running down at each fire. I wish 
you to understand that the day is at hand when you will 
be called upon to meet the enemy in the worst form for 
our profession. You must be prepared to execute all 
those duties to which you have been so long trained in 
the Navy without having the opportunity of practicing. 
I expect every vessel's crew to be well exercised at their 
guns, because it is required by the regulations of the 
service, and it is usually the first object of our attention ; 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 593 

but they must be equally well trained for stopping shot- 
holes and extinguishing fire. Hot and cold shot will, no 
doubt, be freely dealt to us, and there must be stout 
hearts and quick hands to extinguish the one and stop 
the holes of the other. 

"I shall expect the most prompt attention to signals 
and verbal orders, either from myself or the Captain of 
the fleet, who, it will be understood, in all cases, acts by 
my authority." 

After the bombardment had continued three days Far- 
ragut, who had made up his mind to attempt the passage 
of the forts in any event, called a council of his Cap- 
tains, to obtain their opinion as to the best manner of 
doinsf so. 

Immediately after the council Farragut issued the fol- 
lowing general order : — 

"United States Flag-ship Hartford, 
Mississippi River, April 20th, 1862. 
"The Flag-Officer, having heard all the opinions ex- 
pressed by the different commanders, is of the opinion 
that whatever is to be done will have to be done quickly, 
or we shall be again reduced to a blockading squadron, 
without the means of carrying on the bombardment, as 
we have nearly expended all the shells and fuses and 
material for making cartridges. He has always enter- 
tained the same opinions which are expressed by Com- 
mander Porter ; that is, there are three modes of attack ; 
and the question is, which is the one to be adopted ? 
his own opinion is, that a combination of two should be 
made ; viz., the forts should be run, and when a force is 
once above the forts, to protect the troops, they should be 
landed at quarantine, from the Gulf side, by bringing them 
through the bayou, and then our forces should move 
38 



594 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

up the river, mutually aiding each other as it can be done 
to advantage. 

" When, in the opinion of the Flag-Officer, the propitious 
time has arrived, the signal will be made to weigh and 
advance to the conflict. If, in his opinion, at the time of 
arriving at the respective positions of the different divi- 
sions of the fleet, we have the advantage, he will make 
the signal for close action, number 8, and abide the result, 
conquer, or be conquered, drop anchor or keep under 
way, as in his opinion is best. 

" Unless the signal above mentioned is made, it will be 
understood that the first order of sailing will be formed 
after leaving Fort St. Philip, and we will proceed up the 
river in accordance with the original opinion expressed. 

"The programme of the order of sailing accompanies 
this general order, and the commanders will hold them- 
selves in readiness for the service as indicated. 

" D. G. Farragut, 

" Flag- Officer Western Gulf Blockading Squadron!' 

Having decided to run by the forts, he confided to 
Fleet-Captain Bell the dangerous mission of proceeding, 
with the gunboats Pinola and Itasca, to make a passage 
for his fleet through the chain obstructions. 

Lieutenant Caldwell, of the Itasca, and his party, with 
great coolness and bravery, boarded one of the hulks, 
and succeeded in detaching the chains. They were accom- 
panied by the inventor of a new submarine petard, which 
he placed under one of the hulks. But a movement of the 
Pinola in the swift current snapped the wires, and it could 
not be exploded. In spite of a very heavy fire directed 
upon them, the party at last succeeded in making a suffi- 
cient opening for the fleet to pass through. 

Farragut wrote, the next day: " * * * Captain 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 595 

Bell went last nig-lit to cut the chain across the river. I 
never felt such anxiety in my life, as I did until his return. 
One of his vessels got on shore, and I was fearful she 
would be captured. They kept up a tremendous fire on 
him ; but Porter diverted their fire with a heavy cannonade. 
:i: * * * g e ]l W ould have burned the hulks, but the 
illumination would have given the enemy a chance to 
destroy his gunboat, which got aground. However, the 
chain was divided, and it gives us space enough to go 
through. I was as glad to see Bell, on his return, as if he 
had been my boy. I was up all night, and could not sleep 
until he got back to the ship." 

Farragut had determined to run by the forts at the end 
of five days' bombardment; but he was detained for 
twenty-four hours by the necessity of repairing damages 
to two of his vessels. At first he had determined to lead, 
in the Hartford, but was dissuaded from that, and 
appointed Captain Bailey, whose ship, the Colorado, drew 
too much water to get up, to lead the column, in the gun- 
boat Cayuga, Lieutenant Commanding N. B. Harrison. 

Long before this — on the 6th of April — Farragut had 
himself reconnoitred the forts, by daylight, going up in the 
gun-boat Kennebec in whose cross-trees he sat, glass 
in hand, until the gunners in the fort began to get his 
range. 

On the night of the passage, April 23—24, the moon 
would rise about half-past three in the morning, and the 
fleet was ordered to be ready to start about two. 

In this, as in most other important operations during 
the war, the enemy were mysteriously apprised of what 
was to be done. 

At sunset there was a light southerly breeze, and a 
haze upon the water. Caldwell was sent up, in the Itasca, 
to see if the passage made in the obstructions was still 



596 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

open. At eleven at night he signalled that it was, and 
just at that time the enemy opened fire upon him, sent 
down burning rafts, and lighted immense piles of wood 
which they had prepared on shore, near the ends of the 
chain. 

Soon after midnight the hammocks of the fleet were 
quietly stowed, and the ships cleared for action. 

At five minutes before two, two ordinary red lights 
were shown at the peak of the flag-ship, the signal to get 
under way, but it was half-past three before all was ready. 
This was the time for the moon to rise, but that made little 
difference, with the light of the blazing rafts and bonfires. 

The mortar-boats and the sailing sloop Portsmouth 
moved further up stream, to engage the water battery, as 
the ships were going by. This they promptly did, and 
then Captain Bailey led off, with his division of eight 
vessels, whose objective point was Fort St. Philip. All of 
these passed safely through the opening in the cable. 

The forts opened on them promptly, but in five min- 
utes they had reached St. Philip, and were pouring grape 
and canister into that work. 

In ten minutes more the Cayuga had passed beyond 
range of the fort, to find herself surrounded by eleven 
Rebel gun-boats. Three of these attempted to board her 
at once. An i i-inch shot was sent through one of them, 
at a range of about thirty yards, and she was at once run 
ashore and burned up. 

The Parrott gun on the Cayuga's forecastle drove off 
another ; and she was preparing to close with the third, 
when the Oneida and Varuna, which had run in close to 
St. Philip, thus avoiding the elevated guns of that fort, 
while they swept its bastions with grape and shrapnel, 
came to the assistance of the Cayuga. S. P. Lee, in the 
Oneida, ran full speed into one of the enemy's vessels, 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 597 

cut her nearly in two, and left her floating down the 
current, a helpless wreck. 

She fired right and left into two others, and then went 
to the assistance of the Varuna, which had got ashore on 
the left bank, hard pressed by two Rebel gun-boats, one 
of which was said to be the Manassas. The Varuna was 
rammed by both of them, and fifteen minutes after, she 
sunk. In that time she had put three 8 -inch shells into 
the Governor Moore, besides so crippling her with solid 
shot that she surrendered to the Oneida. She also forced 
another to take to the bank by her 8-inch shell. The 
Varuna was commanded by Commander (now Admiral) 
C. S. Boggs. It is said that, before sinking, he also 
exploded the boiler of another small steamer. 

The Pensacola steamed slowly and steadily by, firing 
her powerful battery with great deliberation, and doing 
especial execution with her n-inch pivot gun and her 
rifled eighty-pounder. In return she received a heavy 
fire, and lost thirty-seven in killed and wounded ; the 
greatest number of any of the fleet. Her boats were 
lowered, and sent to assist the sinking Varuna. 

The Mississippi came up next in line to the Pensacola, 
but escaped with light loss of life. She it was that met 
the ram Manassas, and the latter gave her a severe cut, 
below the water, on the port-quarter, and disabled her 
machinery. But the Mississippi riddled her with shot, 
boarded her, and set her on fire, and she drifted down 
below the forts and blew up. 

The Katahdin ran close to the forts, passed them 
rapidly, got near the head of the line, and was engaged 
principally with the ironclad Louisiana. The Kineo ran 
by, close under St. Philip, and then assisted the Mississippi 
with the ram Manassas : but she was afterwards attacked 
by three of the enemy's gun-boats at once, and, having 



598 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

had her pivot-gun-carriage injured, withdrew, and con- 
tinued up stream. 

The Wissahickon, the last of the eight vessels of the 
first division, was less fortunate. She got ashore before 
she reached the forts, got off and passed them, and ran on 
shore again above. 

It must be remembered that these operations were 
carried on in the darkness and thick smoke, lighted only 
by the lurid flashes of more than two hundred guns. 

The second division of the fleet was led by Farragut 
himself, in the Hartford, followed by the Brooklyn and 
Richmond. These were three formidable vessels. The 
Hartford opened fire on Fort Jackson just before four in 
the morning, and received a heavy fire from both forts. 
Soon after, in attempting to avoid a fire-raft, she grounded 
on a shoal spot, near St. Philip. At the same time the 
ram Manassas pushed a fire-raft under her port-quarter, 
and she at once took fire. A portion of her crew went to 
fire-quarters, and soon subdued the flames, the working 
of her guns being steadily continued. Soon she backed 
off, into deep water; but this movement set her head down 
stream, and it was with difficulty that she was turned 
round against the current. When, at last, this was accom- 
plished, she proceeded up the river, firing into several of 
the enemy's vessels as she passed. One of these was a 
steamer, packed with men, apparently a boarding party. 
She was making straight for the Hartford, when Captain 
Broome's gun, manned by marines, planted a shell in her, 
which exploded, and she disappeared. 

During the critical period when she was slowly turning 
up river, the Admiral stood aft, giving orders, and occa- 
sionally consulting a little compass attached to his watch- 
chain. During most of the engagement, however, he was 
forward, watching the progress of the fight. 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 599 

The Brooklyn was also detained by getting- entangled 
with a raft, and running over one of the hulks which held 
up the chain, during which time she was raked by Fort 
Jackson, and suffered somewhat from the fire of St. Philip. 

Just as she was clear, and headed up stream, she was 
butted by the Manassas, which had not headway enough 
to damage her much, and slid off ao-ain into the dark- 
ness. Then the Brooklyn was attacked by a large steamer, 
but she gave her her port broadside, at fifty yards, and set 
her on fire. Feeling her way along, in a dense cloud of 
smoke from a fire-raft, she came close abreast of St. Philip, 
into which she poured such tremendous broadsides that 
by the flashes the gunners were seen running to shelter, 
and for the time the fort was silenced. The Brooklyn then 
passed on, and engaged several of the enemy's gun-boats. 
One of these, the Warrior, came under her port broad- 
side, when eleven five-second shells were planted in her, 
which set her on fire, and she was run on shore. The 
Brooklyn was under fire an hour and a half, but did not 
lose quite so many as the Pensacola. 

The Richmond, a slow ship, was the third and last of 
the centre division. She came on steadily, and without 
accident, working her battery with the utmost regularity. 
Her loss was not heavy, which her commander attributed 
mainly to a complete provision of splinter nettings. 

The gun-boat Sciota, carrying Fleet-Captain Bell, led 
the third division. She steamed by the forts, firing as 
she passed, and above them burned two steamboats. 
Then she sent a boat to receive the surrender of an 
armed steamboat, but the latter was found to be fast 
ashore. 

The Iroquois, Commander John DeCamp, had not such 
good fortune. She passed so close to Fort Jackson as to 
escape much injury, but received a terrible raking from 



600 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

St. Philip, and was also raked by the armed steamer 
McCrea, with grape. She drove off the McCrea with an 
eleven-inch shell and a stand of canister, and then went 
through a group of the enemy's gun-boats, giving them 
broadsides as she passed. The Iroquois' losses were heavy. 
The gun-boat Pinola passed up in line, firing her eleven- 
inch pivot and Parrott rifles at the flashes of the guns of 
the forts, which were all that Commander Crosby could 
see; then she emerged from the smoke cloud, steered 
towards St. Philip, and by the light of the blazing rafts, 
received the discharges of its forty guns. 

The Pinola was the last vessel which passed the forts, 
and she got up in time to fire a few shell at the enemy's 
flotilla. 

Of the other three gun-boats of the division, the Ken- 
nebec got out of her course, became entangled in the 
rafts, and did not get free until it was broad daylight, and 
too late to attempt a passage. The Itasca, upon arriving 
in front of Fort Jackson, received a shot in her boiler, 
incapacitating her, and she was obliged to drift down 
stream. 

The Winona got astray among the hulks, and when she 
came within range of Fort Jackson it was broad daylight, 
and the fleet had gone on. Fort Jackson opened upon 
her, and she soon lost all the crew of her rifled gun but 
one man. Still she kept on, to endeavor to get through, 
but St. Philip opening upon her, from her lower battery, 
at less than point blank range, the little Winona was 
forced to turn and descend the stream. 

Thus 'did Farragut accomplish a feat in naval warfare 
which had no precedent, and which is still without a parallel, 
except the one furnished by himself, at Mobile, two years 
later. 

Starting with seventeen wooden vessels, he had passed, 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 601 

with all but three of them, against the swift current of a 
river, there but half a mile wide, between two powerful 
earthworks, which had long been prepared for him, his 
course impeded by blazing rafts, and immediately there- 
after had met the enemy's fleet of fifteen vessels, two of 
them ironclad, and either captured or destroyed every 
one of them. 

All this was done with the loss of but one vessel from 
his own squadron. Probably few naval men would have 
believed that this work could have been done so effectually, 
even with ironclads. 

Captain Wilkinson, who was in this battle as executive 
officer of the Confederate iron-clad Louisiana, in his 
"Narrative of a Blockade Runner," says: "Most of us 
belonging to that little naval fleet knew that Admiral 
Farragut would dare to attempt what any man would ; 
and, for my part, I had not forgotten that while I was 
under his command, during the Mexican war, he had pro- 
posed to Commodore Perry, then commanding the Gulf 
Squadron, and urged upon him, the enterprise of captur- 
ing the strong fort of San Juan de Ulloa, at Vera Cruz, by 
boarding. Ladders were to be constructed, and triced 
up along the attacking ships' masts, and the ships to be 
towed alongside the walls by the steamers of the squad- 
ron. Here was a much grander prize to be fought 
for, and every day of delay was strengthening his adver- 
saries." 

The magnitude of Farragut' s novel enterprise was 
scarcely realized at the North when the first news was 
received. It was simply announced that he "had run by 
the forts." The Confederates knew too well what resist- 
ance and difficulties he had overcome, and what a loss 
they sustained in New Orleans. 

An officer who was in the engagement expressed an 



G02 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

opinion that if the passage had been attempted by day- 
light the fleet would have sustained a fearful loss. 

After the fleet had passed the forts Captain Bailey, in 
the Cayuga, preceded the flag-ship up the river, and at 
the quarantine station captured the Chalmette regiment, 
encamped upon the river bank. 

On the morning of the 25th, the Cayuga, still leading, 
encountered the Chalmette batteries, three miles below 
New Orleans. The Hartford and Brooklyn, with several 
others, soon joined her, and silenced these batteries. 
New Orleans was now fairly under Farragut's guns, and 
this had been effected at the cost of thirty-seven killed 
and one hundred and forty-seven wounded. 

Farragut appointed eleven o'clock of the morning of 
the 26th as the hour "for all the officers and crews of the 
fleet to return thanks to Almighty God for His great 
goodness and mercy, in permitting us to pass through 
the events of the last two days with so little loss of life 
and blood." 

The ships passed up to the city, and anchored imme- 
diately in front of it, and Captain Bailey was sent on 
shore to demand the surrender of it, from the authorities, 
to which the Mayor replied that the city was under martial 
law, and that he had no authority. General Lovell, who 
was present, said he would deliver up nothing, but, in 
order to "free the city from embarrassment, he would 
restore the city authorities, and retire with his troops, 
which he did. 

Farragut then seized all the steamboats which had not 
been destroyed and sent them down to the quaran- 
tine station, for Butler's troops. Among them was the 
Tennessee, which the blockaders had been so long watch- 
ing for, but which never got out. 

The levee at New Orleans was at this time a scene of 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 603 

perfect desolation, as ships, steamers, and huge piles of 
cotton and wool had been set on fire by the Confederates, 
and an immense amount of property was destroyed. A 
very powerful ironclad, called the Mississippi, was set on 
fire, and drifted down past the city, in flames. Another 
Was sunk directly in front of the Custom House, and 
others which had been begun at Algiers were destroyed. 

Several miles up the river, about Carrollton, were 
extensive fortifications — all taken possession of by Com- 
mander Lee — and an immense work, supporting chains, to 
prevent Foote's gun-boats from descending the river. 

Farragut had sent a party on shore to hoist the flag on 
the Custom House and Mint, beloneine to the General 
Government. The party acted with great firmness and 
discretion, in spite of insults from a large and excited 
crowd. At noon on the 26th, during the performance of 
divine service referred to before, the officers and crews 
of the vessels were startled by the discharge of a howitzer 
in the main-top of the Pensacola. The lookout aloft had 
seen four men mount to the roof of the Mint and tear 
down the United States flag, and he had instantly fired 
the gun, which was trained upon the flag-staff, and loaded 
with grape. 

The leader of these men, a desperado and gambler, 
who thus imperilled the lives and property of the whole 
of the citizens, was, by order of General Butler, tried for 
the offence afterwards, was found guilty, and hanged by 
a beam and rope thrust out of the highest window of the 
Mint. 

When Admiral Farragut arrived at the quarantine 
station, after passing the forts, he had sent Captain Boggs 
(whose vessel, the Varuna, was lost) in a boat, through the 
bayous, to inform General Butler and Commander Porter 
of his success. The Captain was twenty-six hours in 



G04 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

getting through. But General Butler, in the steamer 
Saxon, had followed the fleet up near the forts, and had 
witnessed the passage of the ships. He then hurried 
back to his troops, and they rendezvoused at Sable 
Island, twelve miles in the rear of Fort St. Philip, 
whence they were carried up in transports and landed at 
a point five miles above that work. At the same time 
Commander Porter had sent six of his mortar-boats to 
the bay behind Fort Jackson, where they arrived on the 
morning of April 27th, thus making a complete invest- 
ment. That night two hundred and fifty of the garrison 
of Fort Jackson came out and surrendered themselves to 
the Union pickets. 

While Farragut was passing the forts, Porter, with his 
mortar-boats, and their attendant steamers, continued the 
bombardment. On the 24th he demanded a surrender, 
but was refused, and for the three days following there 
was little or no firing. During these days the garrisons 
were occupied in re-mounting some of their dismounted 
guns, and transferred others to the floating battery 
Louisiana. 

On the 28th, General Duncan, the commander of the 
forts, learning that Farragut had possession of New 
Orleans, accepted the terms offered by Porter. While 
the articles of capitulation were being drawn up and 
signed, on board the Harriet Lane, and flags of truce 
were flying, the Confederate naval officers, after destroy- 
ing three of their four remaining vessels, set fire to the 
Louisiana, and cast her adrift. 

Fortunately her magazine exploded before she reached 
Porter's flotilla, or some of his vessels must have shared 
her fate ; and, not improbably, all of them. 

After the surrender had been consummated, he went up 
the river, and captured the naval officers who were sup- 



FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 605 

posed to have been guilty of this perfidious and most 
dishonorable, and murderous act, and put them in close 
confinement, to be sent North, and dealt with as the 
Government might see fit. John K. Mitchell, the 
Commodore of the Confederate flotilla, sent a letter to 
Farragut, justifying himself for destroying his vessels, and 
excusing his attempt to blow up Porter's vessels, in this 
wise : — 

"Lieutenant Whittle was sent in a boat with a flap- of 
truce to inform Commander Porter that in firing the 
Louisiana, her magazine had not been effectually drowned, 
and that, though efforts were made to drown the charges 
in the guns, they may not have succeeded. This informa- 
tion was given in consideration of the negotiations then 
pending under flag of truce between him and Fort Jack- 
son ; but while the message was on its way the explosion 
took place, a fact that does not affect the honorable purposes 
intended by it." 

This letter seems almost too childish and disingenuous 
to receive serious notice. It was almost the only instance 
during the war when naval officers did not act in good 
faith. 

The Confederate naval officers claimed, in justification 
of their action, that they were no party to the flag of 
truce, nor were they included in the terms of surrender 
of the forts, General Duncan treating only for the garri- 
sons under his command, and expressly disclaiming all 
connection with the navy. The whole was a pitiful 
commentary upon the jealousies and want of united 
conduct, which rendered Farragut' s task a little more 
easy. Mitchell had always been considered an "ill- 
conditioned" man, in the old navy, and the Government was 
disposed to treat him, and some of his officers, pretty 
rigorously; but matters were arranged, afterwards, in a 



606 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

correspondence which took place, upon their being sent 
North, between the Secretary of the Navy and Mitchell, 
that resulted in their treatment as ordinary prisoners. 

In writing to his family, after his capture of New 
Orleans, Farraoq.it said, "It is a strano-e thought, that I 
am here among my relatives, and yet not one has dared 
to say, 'I am happy to see you.' There is a reign of 
terror in this doomed city; but, although I am abused as 
one who wished to kill all the women and children, I still 
see a feeling of respect for me." 



ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 



607 



XLII. 



ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. JUNE 17TH, 186; 




N the latter part of the year 1861 an English 
steamer, named the Fingal, ran past the 
blockading vessels, and got safely into 
Savannah. 

That part was very well done, but the 
getting to sea again was another matter, for 
she was so closely watched that it was found 
impossible to do so. All sorts of stratagems 
were resorted to, and several starts made upon the 
darkest nights, but there was always found a Federal 
gun-boat, or perhaps more than one, ready to receive her, 
all the more that she was a valuable vessel, and would 
turn in plenty of prize-money to her captors. 

At last, in despair of any more use of her as a blockade- 
runner, the Rebel authorities determined to convert her 
into an ironclad ship-of-war. She was cut down, so as to 
leave her deck not more than two feet above the water; and 
upon this deck was built a very heavy casemate, inclining 
at an angle of about thirty degrees, and mounting four 
heavy rifled guns. The battery-deck was built of great 
beams of timber, a foot and a half thick. Her iron armor 
was four inches thick, then considered quite formidable, 
and was secured to a backing of oak and pine, eighteen 
inches thick. Her sides about and below the water line 
were protected by heavy logs or timbers built upon her, 
so that from being a slim and graceful blockade-runner, 



G08 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

she attained a breadth of forty-one feet, with a length of 
two hundred and four. The ports in her casemate 
were closed by iron shutters, of the same thickness as 
her armor. Her bow was formed into a ram, and also 
carried, at the end of a spar, a percussion torpedo. 

In fact, she was a very formidable craft, of the general 
style of those built by the Confederates during the war. 
The Merrimac was nearly all casemate, but the later built 
ones had as small a casemate as was consistent with the 
working of the guns they were intended to carry. 

Thicker armor than hers had not yet come into use, the 
English ironclad ships just then built, in consequence of 
the success of the Monitor and Merrimac, not being any 
more protected. 

The first contest between a monitor and fifteen-inch 
guns, and an ironclad with stationary casemate or turret 
and rifled guns, was now to take place. 

The Atlanta was commanded by an officer of energy 
and ability, named Webb, formerly a Lieutenant in the 
United States Navy. 

The Confederate authorities were certain that this latest 
production of their naval architects was to overcome the 
redoubtable monitors, and they fully believed that, while 
the Atlanta's armor would resist their heavy round shot, 
her heavy rifled guns, at close quarters, would tear the 
monitor turret to pieces, while the ram and torpedo would 
finish the work begun by the guns. 

The vessel, being ready, came down from Savannah, 
passed through the Wilmington, a mouth of the Savannah 
River, and so passed down into Wassaw Sound, improp- 
erly named, in many books and maps, Warsaw. 

Admiral Du Pont had taken measures to keep himself 
informed as regarded this vessel's state of preparation, 
and the monitors Weehawken and Nahant had been sent 



ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 609 

to meet her and some other armored vessels preparing 
at Savannah. 

Both the Nahant and Weehawken were at anchor when 
the strange vessel was seen. It was at daylight, and she 
was then about three miles from the Nahant, and coming 
down very rapidly. The Weehawken was commanded 
by that capable and sterling officer, John Rogers, and he 
at once slipped his cable, and made rapidly off, seaward, 
as if in headlong flight, but, in the meantime, making 
preparations for action. 

At about half-past four, on this bright summer morning, 
the Weehawken rounded to, and breasted the tide, ap- 
proaching her enemy. 

The Nahant had no pilot, and could only follow in the 
Weehawken's wake, through the channels of the Sound. 

The Atlanta fired the first shot, at about a quarter to 
five, being - then distant about a mile and a half. This 
passed across the stern of the Weehawken, and struck the 
water near the Nahant. The Atlanta seemed to belying 
across the channel, awaiting attack, and keeping up her fire. 

The Weehawken steadily came up the channel, and at 
a little after 5 a. m., having approached within about three 
hundred yards, opened her fire. She fired five shots, 
which took her fifteen minutes, and at the end of that time 
the Atlanta hauled down the Confederate colors, and 
hoisted a white flag. Such a rapid threshing is seldom 
recorded in naval history, and is the more remarkable 
when we remember that the commander of the Atlanta was 
a cool and experienced officer, trained in the United States 
Navy, and an excellent seaman. 

Two passenger steamers, loaded down with ladies and 
non-combatants, had followed the Atlanta down from 
Savannah, to witness the capture of the Yankee monitors. 
These now made the best of their way back to that city. 

39 



610 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The Atlanta had a crew of twenty-one officers and one 
hundred and twenty-four men. Landsmen often wonder 
why ships have so many officers in proportion to men, 
but it is necessary. 

The officers of the Confederate vessel stated her speed 
to be ten knots, and they confidently expected to cap- 
ture both the monitors, after which, as it appeared from 
the instruments captured on board of her, she expected to 
proceed to sea, and try conclusions with the Charleston 
fleet. Her engines were first-rate, and her hull of a good 
model, and there is no reason why she should not have 
gone up to Charleston and broken the blockade there, 
except the one fact that she turned out not to be equal 
to the monitors. 

The action was so brief that the Nahant did not share 
in it, and of the five shots fired by the Weehawken, four 
struck the Atlanta, and caused her surrender. The first 
was a fifteen-inch shot, which, though it struck the case- 
mate of the Atlanta at a very acute angle, smashed 
through both the iron armor and the wooden backing, 
strewed the deck with splinters, prostrated some forty 
officers and men by the concussion, and wounded several 
by the splinters and fragments of armor driven in. We 
can imagine the consternation of a crew which had 
come down confident of an easy victory. In fact, this one 
shot virtually settled the battle. The Weehawken fired an 
eleven-inch shot next, but this did little damage. The 
third shot was from the fifteen-inch gun, and knocked off 
the top of the pilot-house, which projected slightly above 
the casemate, wounded the pilots, and stunned the men 
at the wheel. The fourth shot carried away one of 
the port-stoppers. Sixteen of her crew were wounded. 

The Atlanta was valued by the appraisers, for prize- 
money, at three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, a sum, 



ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 611 

as Boynton remarks, easily won in fifteen minutes, with 
only five shots, and without a loss of a single man on the 
other side. More than this, it settled the value of that 
class of vessels, as compared with monitors. 

"As the fight of the Merrimac with the Cumberland, 
Congress and Minnesota virtually set aside as worthless 
for war purposes the vast wooden navies of Europe," so 
it showed that great changes and improvements were 
necessary in the broadside ironclads, if they were to be 
opposed to monitors armed with guns of great power. 
The result was a great increase in the thickness of armor, 
which went on, as the power of the guns increased, until 
now it is a question whether armor may not be abandoned, 
except for certain purposes. 



612 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XLIII. 

KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. JUNE 19TH, 

1864. 




'URING the summer of 1864, while Grant 
and his army were fighting the terrible 
battles which opened his way to the James, 
through Virginia; and the whole country 
was upon the very tenter-hooks of anxiety, 
a piece of news came across the water 
which gave more satisfaction to the country 
at large than many a hard-won battle has 
given, where a , thousand times the numbers were 
engaged. It was the intelligence that the Alabama was 
at the bottom of the sea. 

We may borrow the words of Boynton, in his "History 
of the Navy during the Rebellion," to put the reader in 
possession of a part of the career of the notorious Ala- 
bama, previous to her meeting with the Kearsarge. 

No event of the great civil war excited such deep 
indignation, such bitter resentment, as the career of the 
Alabama. It was not alone because she committed such 
havoc with our commerce — burning our merchantmen in 
great numbers; nor was it because she had sunk the 
Hatteras — a merchant steamer converted into a gun- 
boat; but it was because England had sent out a British 
ship, with British guns, and seamen trained in her own 
practice-ship, a vessel English in every essential but her 
flag, to lay waste the commerce of a country with which 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 613 

she professed to be at peace. To add to the provocation, 
this vessel was originally called the "290," to show, by 
the large number who had contributed to fit her out, how 
widespread was English sympathy for the cause she was 
to support. The Alabama was not regarded as a Con- 
federate vessel of war, but as an English man-of-war, 
sent forth under the thin veil of another flag, to sink and 
destroy our merchantmen. The short-lived triumph in 
which England indulged turned out to be about as costly a 
pleasure as she could well have taken ; and deeply mortified 
as we were that the successful rover should escape our 
watchful cruisers, and so long pursue, unmolested, her 
work of destruction, in the end the pride of England was 
more deeply and bitterly wounded than our own, while at 
the same time she was held responsible for the destruction 
of our property. England will probably have reason tc 
remember the Alabama quite as long as the Americans. 

The successful movements of this vessel were such as 
to attract the attention of Europe as well as America. 
Semmes, her commander, seemed to have been adopted 
as a sort of English champion, and judging from the 
expressions of most of the English papers, and what 
Americans believed to be the effective though quiet 
support of the English Government, the governing class, 
at least, in Great Britain were as much pleased with the 
success of the Alabama as were the people of the South. 
There was enough of mystery connected with the oper- 
ations to excite the imagination, and scarcely was any 
phantom ship ever invested with a more unreal character 
than was this modern highwayman of the sea. 

She seemed to be everywhere, and yet nowhere to be 
found when sought for by our ships ; and some were 
inclined to think that our naval officers were not very 
anxious to find her. The result showed how little reason 



614 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

there was for such an injurious suspicion. There could 
be no more difficult task than to overtake a single 
fast steamer to which all seas were open, and which 
constantly shifted her cruising ground. She seldom 
entered a port, getting coal and provisions from captured 
vessels, and so could not readily be traced. She burned 
or sunk the captured vessels, and then disappeared. 
The public naturally magnified her size, speed and power, 
but the Navy Department was well informed about her, 
and knew just what sort of vessel to send in pursuit of her. 

Early in 1862 Captain John A. Winslow, of the United 
States Navy, was sent, in command of the steam-sloop 
Kearsarge, to cruise on the coast of Europe for the 
Alabama and her associate vessels. 

He blockaded the Florida for some time, but was 
forced to give her a chance to escape, by the necessity 
of going for coal and stores. He lay two months off 
Calais, where the Rappahannock was found, and at last, 
in despair of getting to sea, the Rebel cruiser was dis- 
mantled and laid up. 

Soon after this he learned that the Alabama was at 
Cherbourg, and he immediately sailed for that port, and 
took up a position off the famous breakwater. 

Semmes was now, for the first time, placed in a position 
where he would either have to fight the Kearsarge, or 
submit to be blockaded by a ship in every way a fair 
match for him. 

If he declined battle he would be disgraced in the eyes 
of all Europe. Should he succeed, his victory would have 
a great moral effect, especially from the scene of action 
attracting general attention. People of all nations would 
hear of it, and augur well for the Confederate cause, 
whose attention would never be drawn by such a combat, 
if it occurred on the other side of the Atlantic. 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 615 

Putting a bold face upon his situation, he challenged 
Winslow. Considering that his ship was somewhat 
larger than the Kearsarge, that she carried one more gun, 
and that he had trained English gunners, of whom much 
was expected ; more than that, that his men were con- 
fident, from success, and had the sympathies of most of 
those about them, he had good reason to hope for success. 

Winslow and his crew well knew the consequences 
involved in the battle. They were indignant, as all 
Northerners were, at the manner in which the Alabama 
had been fitted out, quite as much as at her depredations 
upon our commerce, and death would have been prefer- 
able to them, to being towed, a prize, into Cherbourg 
harbor. 

The news of the approaching battle soon spread, and 
was telegraphed in every direction. Crowds came down 
from Paris, yachts collected, and bets were freely made 
upon the result. 

The writer was in Cherbourg some time after this 
fight, and photographs of the Kearsarge, her officers, her 
battery, and the state of her decks after the action, were 
in many of the shop windows still. The Cherburgeois 
seemed glad that the Alabama and her English crew- 
had been conquered off their town. At any rate, it was 
their interest to appear so, after the event. It was rather 
curious that no photographs of Semmes or his officers 
appeared in the windows. 

At length, on Sunday morning, June 19th, 1864, the 
Alabama, having made all her preparations, steamed out 
of Cherbourg, accompanied by the French ironclad frigate 
Couronne. The morning was a very fine one; the sea 
calm, and with a light haze upon the water, not suffi- 
cient to obscure the movements of the ships. The French 
frigate accompanied the Alabama only so far as to make 



61.6 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

it certain that she would not be attacked until beyond 
the marine league, or line of French jurisdiction. A 
small steamer bearing an English yacht flag came out at 
the same time, but attracted no particular attention. 

The Alabama was first seen by the Kearsarge at about 
half-past ten, and the latter immediately headed seaward, 
not only to avoid all questions of jurisdiction, but to draw 
Semmes so far from shore that, in case his vessel was 
partially disabled in the coming fight, she could not 
escape by running into French waters. 

The Kearsarge then cleared for action, with her guns 
pivoted to starboard. Having reached a point about 
seven miles from shore, the Kearsarge turned short on 
her heel, and steered straight for the Alabama. 

The moment the Kearsarge came round the Alabama 
sheered, presenting her starboard battery, and slowed her 
engine. 

Winslow's intention was to run his adversary down, if 
opportunity presented, and he therefore kept on his 
course. When about a mile distant the Alabama fired 
a broadside, which did only very trifling damage to the 
Kearsarge's rigging. Winslow now increased his speed, 
intending to strike his enemy with full force, and in the 
next ten minutes the Alabama fired two more broadsides. 
Not a shot struck the Kearsarge, and she made no 
reply; but, as the vessels were now. not more than seven 
hundred yards apart, Captain Winslow did not deem it 
prudent to expose his ship to another raking fire, and the 
Kearsarge accordingly sheered and opened fire. The 
ships were thus brought broadside to broadside ; but it 
soon became evident that Semmes did not intend to fight 
a close action, and Winslow began to fear that he would 
make for the shore and escape. 

To prevent this, Winslow kept his vessel at full speed, 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 617 

intending- to run under the stern of the Alabama and 
secure a raking position. 

To avoid this the Alabama sheered, so as to keep her 
broadside to the Kearsarge, and as both vessels were 
under a full head of steam, they were forced into a circu- 
lar movement, steaming in opposite directions round a 
common centre, with the current setting them to the west- 
ward. Had they fought on parallel lines, with the 
Alabama heading inshore, she would have reached the 
line of French jurisdiction, and thus escaped. But, being 
thus compelled to steam in a circle, she was about five 
miles from the shore when, at the close of the action, she 
attempted to run into Cherbourg. 

The firing of the Alabama was, throughout the action, 
very rapid, but also very wild. During the first eighteen 
minutes not a man was injured on board the Kearsarge. 
Then a 68-pound Blakely shell passed through the star- 
board bulwarks, about the main rigging, and exploded 
on the quarter-deck, wounding three men at the after 
pivot-gun, one of whom afterwards died of his wounds. 
This was the only casualty among the crew of the Kear- 
sarge during the whole engagement. 

The firing of the Kearsarge was very deliberate, and 
especial pains were taken with the aiming of the two 
1 1 -inch pivot-guns. At the distance at which they were 
fired, about half a mile, they were terribly effective. One 
shell disabled a gun on board the Alabama, and killed 
and wounded eighteen men. Another exploded in her 
coal-bunker, and completely blocked the engine room. 
Other shells tore great gaps in the Alabama's sides, and it 
was soon evident that her race was run. For an hour 
this fire was exchanged, the Kearsarge suffering little, 
while almost every shot of hers struck the Alabama. The 
vaunted English gunners, with their Blakely guns, did not 



618 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

seem to get the range. The Kearsarge's shell came with 
due deliberation, but as certain as fate, crashing- through 
her sides, exploding within her or upon her decks, and 
sweeping away her crew, many of whom were literally 
torn to pieces by the fearful missiles. She was rapidly 
reduced to a wreck; her decks were strewn with the dead 
and wounded, and the water was pouring in the gaps in 
her sides. 

Semmes now made one desperate effort to escape, and 
suddenly bore up for the land, and made all sail that he 
could. But he was too late. The Alabama was sinking, 
and the water which poured into her soon put out her 
fires. 

One or two more shot brought down her flag. For a 
moment it was uncertain whether it had been hauled 
down or shot away, but soon a white flag was exposed, 
and the Kearsarge's fire ceased. 

In a moment more another gun was fired from the 
Alabama, and this was at once returned. The Kearsarge 
now steamed ahead, and was laid across the Alabama's 
bows, with the intention of sinking her, but as the white 
flag was still flying, the fire was reserved. Then it was 
seen that the Alabama's boats were being lowered, and 
an officer came alongside, to inform Captain Winslow 
that the Alabama had surrendered, and was rapidly 
sinking. Only two boats were in a condition to be sent 
to the assistance of these people. These were promptly 
lowered and manned, but before they could reach her 
they saw the Alabama settle by the stern, raise her bows 
high in air, shake her mizzen-mast over the side, and 
plunge down to the bottom of the channel. The crew 
were left struggling in the water, and the boats of the 
Kearsarge picked up as many as they could, and hailed 
the small English yacht steamer, which had come out of 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 619 

Cherbourg in the morning, giving him permission, and 
requesting him to assist in saving the prisoners. Both 
parties saved such as they could reach, and when no more 
were to be seen floating, the Americans, to their surprise, 
found the yacht making off, instead of delivering the 
prisoners she had picked up. 

Winslow was astonished that such a thing should be 
done, and, supposing some mistake, and that they were 
disturbed by the catastrophe which had just occurred, did 
not fire into them, as he should have done. Among the 
rest, this Englishman, whose name was Lancaster, had 
picked up the Captain of the Alabama. 

The officer of the Alabama who came to surrender 
himself and the ship had permission to return, with his 
boat, to assist in saving life. He went to the English 
yacht and escaped in her. None of them seemed to feel 
any disgrace in making off in this way while the Kearsarge 
was engaged in saving life. The saddest sight of all was, 
that England was not ashamed of this man Lancaster, 
and associated him with Semmes, in the banquets and 
other recognition which the latter received in England. 

It was afterwards understood that this Lancaster was 
a " nouveau-riche" who had a yacht, and who was glad 
to be seen and identified with any notorious person. 
Many persons in England shared his feelings, and when 
the Alabama was sunk, she was much regretted by the 
rich men of Birmingham and Manchester, as well as by 
those of the higher nobility, who would not, on any 
account, speak on equal terms to those with whom they 
were in complete sympathy in the matter of our war. 
We must also consider that the man Lancaster had no 
experience in any kind of warfare, and that he probably 
knew no better, and even thought he was doing a clever 
thing. 



620 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

In his letter acknowledging Captain Winslow's des- 
patch announcing the result of this action, Mr. Welles, 
the Secretary of the Navy, says : " The Alabama repre- 
sented the best maritime effort of the best English 
workshops. Her battery was composed of the well-tried 
32-pounders of fifty-seven hundred weight, of the famous 
68-pounder of the British navy, and of the only successful 
rifled 100-pounder yet produced in England. The crew 
were .generally recruited in Great Britain, and many of 
them received superior training on board her Majesty's 
gunnery-ship, the Excellent. The Kearsarge is one of 
the first gun-boats built at our navy yards at the com- 
mencement of the Rebellion, and lacks the improvements 
of the vessels now under construction. 

* * * " The President has signified his intention to 
recommend that you receive a vote of thanks, in order 
that you may be advanced to the grade of Commodore. 
Lieutenant-Commander James S. Thornton, the execu- 
tive officer of the Kearsarge, will be recommended to the 
Senate for advancement ten numbers in his grade." * * 

Thornton was well known in the navy for his firmness, 
ability and courage. 

In regard to the conduct of the English yacht, the 
Secretary says, " That the wretched commander * * * 
should have resorted to any dishonorable means to escape 
after his surrender ; that he should have thrown over- 
board the sword that was no longer his ; that before 
encountering an armed antagonist the mercenary rover 
should have removed the chronometers and other plunder 
stolen from peaceful commerce, are not matters of surprise, 
for each act is characteristic of one who has been false to 
his country and flag. You could not have expected, how- 
ever, that gentlemen, or those claiming to be gentlemen, 
would, on such an occasion, act in bad faith, and that, 




GROSSER KURFUERST — " The Great Elector." 

(First-class Ironclad, German Imperial Navy. Sunk by an Accidental Collision with the 

" Kcenig Wilhelm," in the English Channel, May 31st, 1878.) 




THE "NEW IRONSIDES." 

(The heaviest Ironclad in the U. S. Navy.} 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA, 621 

having - been called upon or permitted to assist in res- 
cuing- persons and property which had been surrendered 
to you, they would run away with either." * * * * 

"The Alabama was an English built vessel, armed and 
manned by Englishmen; has never had any other than 
an English register; has never sailed under any recog- 
nized national flag since she left the shores of England; 
has never visited any port of North America ; and her 
career of devastation since she went forth from England 
is one that does not entitle those of her crew who were 
captured to be paroled. This Department expressly 
disavows that act. Extreme caution must be exercised, 
so that we in no way change the character of this Eng- 
lish-built and English-manned, if not English-owned, 
vessel, or relieve those who may be implicated in sending 
forth this robber upon the seas from any responsibility to 
which they may be liable for the outrages she has com- 
mitted." 

The sagacity and far-sightedness of Mr. Welles in 
preventing the English Government from having any 
technical ground for escaping responsibility has since 
been triumphantly approved by the action of the Geneva 
Convention, in the damages brought in against England 
for the actions of this vessel. Unfortunately the English 
masses had to help to pay these damages, as well as the 
classes which had in every way fostered the Rebellion. 

It was stated in the English newspapers that the 
Kearsarge was an ironclad in disguise; and much more 
powerful, in every way, than the Alabama. Let us look 
at the facts. 

In the first place, the two vessels were much the same 
in size, the Alabama being a little longer, and about one 
hundred tons larger. 

Captain Winslow covers the whole ground in the 



622 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

following- statement: "The Kearsarge's battery consists 
of seven guns, two ii-inch Dahlgrens, four 32-pounders, 
one light rifled 28-pounder. 

"The battery of the Alabama consisted of one 100- 
pounder, rifled; six 32-pounders, that is, one more gun 
than the Kearsarge. 

"In the wake of the engines on the outside the Kear- 
sarge had stopped up and down her sheet chains. 

" These were stopped by marline to eyebolts, which 
extended some twenty feet, and this was done by the 
hands of the Kearsarge ; the whole was covered by light 
plank, to prevent dirt collecting. It was for the purpose 
of protecting the engines when there was no coal in the 
upper part of the bunkers, as was the case when the 
action took place. The Alabama had her bunkers full, 
and was equally protected. The Kearsarge went into 
action with a crew of one hundred and sixty-two officers 
and men. The Alabama, by report of the Deerhound's 
officers, had one hundred and fifty. * * * * The 
action lasted one hour and two minutes, from the first to 
the last shot. The Kearsarge received twenty-eight 
shots above and below, thirteen about her hull; the best 
shots were abaft the mainmast, two shots, which cut the 
chain stops, the shell of which broke the casing of wood 
covering; they were too high to damage the boilers had 
they penetrated. The Kearsarge was only slightly 
damaged, and I supposed the action for hot work had just 
commenced when it ended. 

"Such stuff as the Alabama firing when she was going 
down, and all such talk, is twaddle. 

"The Alabama, toward the last, hoisted sail to get away, 
when the Kearsarge was laid across her bows, and would 
have raked her had she not surrendered, which she had 



KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 623 

done, and was trying to get her flags down, and showing 
a white flag over the stern. 

"The officers of the Alabama on board the Kearsaree 

o 

say that she was a complete slaughter-house, and was 
completely torn to pieces. This is all I know of the 
Alabama. 

"Of the one hundred and sixty-three officers and men 
of the Kearsarge, one hundred and fifty-two were native 
Americans, and two of the remaining eleven were 
Englishmen." 



624 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT' AND MODERN. 



XLIV. 

MOBILE BAY. AUGUST 5, 1864. 




ARRAGUT had returned to New York, after 
arduous service in the Mississippi, which 
cannot be told here, and had received 
the hearty congratulations and hospitalities 
of not only public bodies, but of all grate- 
ful citizens. He had been made Rear 
Admiral, a new rank in the United States, 
and had been thanked by Congress for 
his achievements. 
But, after about four months of rest and relaxation he 
was called to duty again, and early in January, 1864, he 
once more hoisted his flag upon the Hartford and sailed 
for the Gulf. His flag-ship had received much needed 
repairs, and, on examination, it was found that she had 
been struck two hundred and forty times by shot and 
shell. 

After a short stay at New Orleans, to settle naval 
matters there, he visited Ship Island and Pensacola, the 
established depots for supplies. 

He was now preparing for the long desired attack 
on Mobile Bay and its defences, which he had long con- 
templated, and was only prevented from carrying out 
before by the necessity of carrying out joint operations on 
the Mississippi River. 

It was impossible to prevent vessels from occasionally 
entering Mobile, no matter how vigilant the blockaders 



MOBILE BAY. 625 

were. Forts Morgan, Powell and Gaines protected the 
principal channels, and the light blockade-runners would 
creep along the shore, under cover of the night, under 
charge of experienced pilots, and soon be under the 
protecting guns of the forts. Now and then some 
adventurous craft would suffer for her temerity, by being 
captured, or driven on shore and riddled with shot and 
shell ; but, still, too many got in. Most of these vessels 
had clearances for Matamoros, a Mexican town on the 
Rio Grande. 

A steamer was captured off Mobile which was evidently 
a blockade-runner. The Captain was sent on board the 
flag-ship, to be interrogated by the Admiral. Farragut 
recognized him as an old acquaintance, and one of the 
most experienced merchant captains in the Gulf trade. 
The Admiral asked him what in the world he was doine 

o 

close in with Mobile, when he was three hundred miles out 
of his course for Matamoros. The Captain entered into a 
long story about having been swept in shore by a north- 
east gale. When he had finished, Farragut smiled and 
said, "How could you be blown to the northward and 
eastward by a northeast gale ? I am* very sorry for you, 
but we shall have to hold you for your thundering bad 
navigation. Among the articles captured in this vessel 
were one thousand copies of a caricature of General 
Butler, who has certainly had notoriety conferred upon 
him in that way as often as any one who ever lived. 

Personal reconnoissances and skirmishes with the 
different forts about Mobile occupied the Admiral for some 
time, and he recognized the importance of having light 
draft ironclads to fight those which the enemy were pre- 
paring. 

He wrote, "I feel no apprehension about Buchanan's 
raising the blockade at Mobile, but with such a force as he 
40 



626 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

has in the Bay, it would be unwise to take in our wooden 
vessels, without the means of fighting the enemy on an 
equal footing. By reference to the chart you will see 
how small a space there is for the ships to manoeuvre." 

On the 2d of March he wrote, "I saw the Mobile ram 
Tennessee yesterday. She is very long, and I thought 
moved very slowly." 

He was most anxious to make the attack upon Mobile, 
as every week's delay rendered the work more dangerous. 
But he was delayed by the necessity of awaiting ships. 

In the meantime stirring work was going on inland, and 
the armies grappling in the fight of giants. Farragut's 
letters show that he was keenly alive to all that was going 
on, although the mental strain upon him in keeping up 
the blockade and in preparing for the undertaking he had 
in view, was very great. 

In a letter written in May he says, "We have the 
Southern papers of the 17th, and yet they contain no 
news. All is dark with respect to Grant and Lee. Grant 
has done one thing. He has gone to work making war 
and doing his best, and kept newsmongers out of his 
army. The only comfort I have is, that the Confederates 
are more unhappy, if possible, than we are." 

"We started with few good officers of experience, but 
shall end with some of the best in the world. Our fellows 
are beeinninof to understand that war means ficrhtingr" 

To Admiral Bailey, at Key West, he writes, "I am 
watching- Buchanan, in the ram Tennessee. She is a 
formidable looking thing, and there are four others, and 
three wooden gun-boats. They say he is waiting for the 
two others to come out and attack me, and then raid upon 
New Orleans. Let him come. I have a fine squadron 
to meet him, all ready and willing. I can see his boats 
very industriously laying down torpedoes, so I judge that 



MOBILE BAY. 627 

he is quite as much afraid of our going in as we are of 
his coming out." 

On June 21st he writes, "I am tired of watching 
Buchanan and Page, and wish from the bottom of my 
heart that Buck would come out and try his hand upon 
us. This question has to be settled, iron versus wood, 
and there never was a better chance to settle the question 
as to the sea-going qualities of ironclad ships. We are 
to-day ready to try anything that comes along, be it wood 
or iron, in reasonable quantities. Anything is preferable 
to lying on our oars. But I shall have patience until the 
army has finished its campaign in Virginia and Georgia. 
I hope it will be the close of the war." 

On the 6th of July, he writes, "My birth-day; sixty- 
three years old. I was a little down in the mouth, 
because I thought we had not done as well as we oueht 
to, in destroying a blockade-runner that tried to force her 
way by us. But Dyer, in the Glasgow, ran her on shore 
under the guns of Fort Morgan, and I had been trying 
to get the gun-boats to destroy her, but they did bad 
work, and the Rebels were at it, night before last, trying 
to get her off. I determined to send a party to board 
and set her on fire. Watson volunteered for the work, 
and I sent him, with Tyson, Ensign Dana, Whiting, 
Glidden, and Pendleton, and Master's Mate Herrick. 
Jouett and McCann covered the party. Well, as you may 
suppose, it was an anxious night for me ; for I am almost 
as fond of Watson as yourself, and interested in the 
others. I thought it was to be a hand-to-hand fight, if 
any. I sat up till midnight, and then thought they had 
found the enemy in too great force, and had given it up ; 
so I laid down to rest. About half an hour later the 
Rebel was reported to be on fire, and I was happy, 
because I had heard no firing, and I knew the surprise was 



628 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

perfect. And so it turned out. The Rebels scampered 
off as our fellows climbed on board. The boats returned 
about 2 o'clock a. m., all safe, no one hurt. I was anxious 
until their return. But no one knows what my feelings 
are; I am always calm and quiet." 

"I have never seen a crew come up like our's. They 
are ahead of the old set in small arms, and fully equal to 
them at the great guns. They arrived here a new lot 
of boys and young men, and have now fattened up, and 
knock the nine-inch guns about like 24-pounders, to the 
astonishment of everybody." 

One more extract — for these show the man : — 

On July 20th, he wrote, "The victory of the Kearsarge 
over the Alabama raised me up. I would sooner have 
fought that fight than any ever fought on the ocean. 
Only think! it was fought like a tournament, in full view 
of thousands of French and English, with a perfect confi- 
dence, on the part of all but the Union people, that we 
would be whipped. People came from Paris to witness 
the fight. Why, my poor little good-for-nothing Hatteras 
would have whipped her (the Alabama) in fifteen minutes, 
but for an unlucky shot in the boiler. She struck the 
Alabama two shots for one, while she floated. But the 
triumph of the Kearsarge was grand. Winslow had my 
old First Lieutenant of the Hartford, Thornton, in the 
Kearsarge. He is as brave as a lion, and as cool as a 
parson. I go for Winslow's promotion!" 

On the 31st of July all the monitors sent to Farragut 
had arrived, except the Tecumseh, and she was at Pensa- 
cola, to be ready in a day or two. 

The preparations for the attack upon the Mobile 
defences were now about completed, and Farragut had 
apprised each of his Commanders of his plans for passing 
into the Bay. 



MOBILE BAY. 629 

Generals Canby and Granger had visited the Hartford, 
and in this interview it was agreed that all the troops that 
could be spared should be sent to co-operate with the 
fleet in the attack upon Forts Morgan and Gaines. 

Subsequently Canby found he had not force sufficient 
to invest both forts ; so, at Farragut's suggestion, he 
sent a body of troops to land on Dauphin Island, near 
Fort Gaines. The Admiral appreciated the assistance 
of the army in this case, and the responsibility of his 
position. He was not the man to begin the attack without 
having taken every precaution to insure success. He said 
he was ready to take the offensive the moment the troops 
were ready to act with him ; that there was no doing any- 
thing with these forts so long as their back doors were open. 
More than that, his communications had to be kept open 
for supplies, which required a force of troops to cut off 
all the enemy's land communications with Mobile. 

The 4th of August had been fixed as the day for the 
landing of the troops and the entrance into the Bay, but 
the Tecumseh was not ready. General Granger promptly 
landed his troops on Dauphin Island at that date. As it 
turned out, all was for the best, for the Confederates were 
busily engaged, during the 4th, in throwing troops and 
supplies into Fort Gaines, all of which were captured a 
few days afterward. 

The attack was then postponed until the 5 th, and 
Farragut wrote a letter to his wife that night, which is a 
model of its kind, and shows he fully appreciated the 
desperate work before him. 

For it we must refer 1 the reader to his Life, by his son, 
from which this account is principally taken. 

The battle of Mobile Bay was, very properly the 
crowning achievement of Farragut's naval career, for it 
was the most brilliant action in which he ever took part. 



630 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The defences of the Bay, at the time of his attack, 
consisted mainly of three forts, Morgan, Gaines and 
Powell. Fort Morgan was one of the old brick forts, 
with a wall four feet eight inches thick. It is on the west 
end of a peninsula which encloses the Bay, called Mobile 
Point, and forms, with Gaines, the principal defence of 
the main ship ,channel to the Gulf. It was armed with 
eighty-six guns, of various calibre, some very heavy, and 
in exterior batteries were twenty-nine additional guns. 
The water battery had two rifled 32s, four 10-inch Co- 
lumbiads, and one 8-inch Brookes rifle. The garrison, 
officers and men, numbered six hundred and forty. 

Fort Gaines is three miles northwest from Fort Morgan, 
at the eastern extremity of Dauphin Island. This is also 
a brick fort, and mounted thirty guns, with a garrison of 
forty-six officers and eight hundred and eighteen men. 

On the flats south and east of Fort Gaines innumerable 
piles were driven, to obstruct the passage of vessels, and 
from these, two lines of torpedoes extended towards Fort 
Morgan, terminating at a point a few hundred yards from 
that fort, marked by a red buoy. This portion of the 
passage was left open for the use of blockade-runners, 
and vessels using it had to pass within easy range of the 
guns of the fort. 

Six miles northeast of Fort Gaines is another narrow 
channel, only fit for light draught vessels, called Grant's 
pass. There was a redoubt there, mounted with four 
very heavy guns. 

Auxiliary to this land defence the iron-clad steamer 
Tennessee lay about five hundred yards north of Fort Mor- 
gan. She was two hundred and nine feet long and forty 
feet wide, with an iron prow projecting two feet below the 
water line. Her sloping sides were covered with armor 
varying in thickness from five to six inches. She carried 



MOBILE BAY. 631 

six rifled guns in casemate, two of which were pivot, and 
the others broadside guns, throwing solid projectiles of 
one hundred and ten and ninety-five pounds respectively. 
The ports, of which there were ten, were so arranged 
that the pivot guns could be fought in broadside, sharp 
on the bow, and in a direct line with her keel. Her great 
defect was in the steering-gear, which was badly arranged 
and much exposed. Near her were anchored three 
wooden gun-boats, the Morgan, Gaines and Selma. The 
first carried one 63 cwt. eight-inch gun, and five 57 cwt. 
32-pounders; the Gaines, one eight-inch Brooke rifle and 
five 57 cwt. 32-pounders; the Selma, three eight-inch 
Paixhans and one old-fashioned heavy thirty-two, con- 
verted into a rifle and banded at the breech, throwing a 
solid shot of about sixty pounds. 

Farragut had long before issued general orders in 
regard to the attack, and made no secret of his intention 
to attack. They were as follows : — 

'' Strip your vessels and prepare for the conflict. Send 
down all your superfluous spars and spare rigging. Put 
up the splinter-nets on the starboard side, and barricade 
the wheel and steers-men with sails and hammocks. Lay 
chains or sand bags on the deck, over the machinery, to 
resist a plunging fire. Hang the sheet chains over the 
side, or make any other arrangement for security that 
your ingenuity may suggest. Land your starboard boats, 
or lower and tow them on the port side, and lower the 
port boats down to the water's edge. Place a leadsman 
and the pilot in the port quarter-boat, or the one most 
convenient to the Commander. 

" The vessels will run past the forts in couples, lashed 
side by side, as hereinafter designated. The flag-ship 
will lead and steer from Sand Island N. by E., by compass, 



632 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

until abreast of Fort Morgan, then N.W., half N., until 
past the middle ground, then N. by W., and the others, 
as designated in the drawing, will follow in due order, 
until ordered to anchor ; but the bow and quarter line 
must be preserved, to give the chase guns a fair range, 
and each vessel must be kept astern of the broadside of 
the next ahead ; each vessel will keep a very little on the 
starboard quarter of his next ahead, and when abreast of 
the fort will keep directly astern, and as we pass the 
fort, will take the same distance on the port quarter of 
the next ahead, to enable the stern guns to fire clear of 
the next vessel astern. 

"It will be the object of the Admiral to get as close to 
the fort as possible before opening fire; the ships, how- 
ever, will open fire the moment the enemy opens upon 
us, with their chase and other guns, as fast as they can be 
brought to bear. Use short fuses for the shell and 
shrapnel, and as soon as within 300 or 400 yards, give 
them grape. It is understood that heretofore we have 
fired too high, but with grape-shot, it is necessary to 
elevate a little above the object, as grape will dribble 
from the muzzle of the orin. 

"If one or more of the vessels be disabled, their 
partners must carry them through, if possible; but if they 
cannot, then the next astern must render the required 
assistance ; but as the Admiral contemplates moving 
with the flood tide, it will only require sufficient power to 
keep the crippled vessels in the channel. 

"Vessels that can, must place guns upon the poop and 
top-gallant forecastle, and in the tops on the starboard 
side. Should the enemy fire grape, they will remove the 
men from the top-gallant forecastle and the poop to the 
guns below, until out of grape range. 

"The howitzers must keep up a constant fire from the, 



MOBILE BAY. 633 

time they can reach with shrapnel until out of its range." 
* * * * "There are certain black buoys placed by 
the enemy across the channel, from the piles on the west 
side of the channel towards Fort Morgan. It being 
understood that there are torpedoes and other obstruc- 
tions between the buoys, the vessels will take care to pass 
eastward of the easternmost buoy, which is clear of all 
obstructions. The Admiral will endeavor to remove the 
others before the day of attack, as he thinks they support 
that which will otherwise sink, and at least to destroy 
them for guides to the demons who hope to explode them. 
So soon as the vessel is opposite the end of the piles, it 
will be best to stop the propeller of the ship, and let her 
run in with her headway and the tide, and those having 
side-wheel gun-boats will continue on with the aid of 
their paddles, which are not likely to foul with their drag- 
ropes. 

D. G. Farragut, 
Rear- Admiral, Commander Western Gulf Squadron. 
P. S. — Carry low steam. 

D. G. F. 

As has been already mentioned, Farragut had fully 
determined to run into the bay, on the 4th of August, but 
had been prevented from doing so by the non-arrival of 
the monitor Tecumseh. But on the afternoon of the 4th 
she arrived, and took up her anchorage behind Sand 
Island, with the others of her class — the Winnebago, 
Manhattan, and Chickasaw. 

On the morning of the 5th, long before daylight, all 
hands were called "up hammocks," and while the Admiral, 
his Fleet-Captain and Fleet-Surgeon were having breakfast, 
daylight was reported, with weather threatening rain. It 
was Friday, a day of bad omen for sailors ; but the clouds 



634 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

worked round, and the day came fair, which was, on the 
other hand, a good omen. The wind was west-southwest, 
too, just where the fleet wanted it, for it would blow the 
smoke upon Fort Morgan. 

At four o'clock the wooden ships formed in double 
column, lashed securely in pairs, in the following order, 
the first mentioned of each pair being the starboard vessel, 
or that next the fort. (The Admiral had concluded to let 
another ship lead, and he was second.) Here is the 
order : — 

f Brooklyn, Captain James Alden. 

( Octorara, Lieutenant-Commander Green. 
Hartford (flag-ship), Fleet-Captain Drayton. 
Metacomet, Lieutenant-Commander Jouett. 

f Richmond, Captain Thornton Jenkins. 

( Port Royal, Lieutenant-Commander Gherardi. 

f Lackawanna, Captain Marchand. 

1 Seminole, Commander Donaldson. 

f Monongahela, Commander J. H. Strong. 

( Kennebec, Lieutenant Commander McCann. 

J Ossipee, Commander Wm. E. LeRoy. 

( Itasca, Lieutenant-Commander George Brown. 

J Oneida, Commander Mullany. 

( Galena, Lieutenant-Commander Wells. 

The Brooklyn was appointed to lead, because she had 

four chase guns and apparatus for picking up torpedoes. 

At half-past five, while at the table, still sipping his 

tea, the Admiral quietly said, " Well, Drayton, we might 

as well get under way." 

Immediately the answering signals were shown from 
every vessel, and the wooden vessels promptly took up 
their respective stations, while the monitors came out 
from under Sand Island and formed on the right of the 
wooden ships, as follows : Tecumseh, Commander T. A. 



MOBILE BAY. 635 

M. Craven; Manhattan, Commander J. W. A. Nicholson; 
(these were single-turreted, Eastern built, or sea moni- 
tors). The Winnebago, Commander T. A. Stevens; 
and the Chickasaw, Lieutenant-Commander Perkins, fol- 
lowed. The two last were double-turreted, Western 
built monitors, from the Mississippi river. 

The leading monitor was abreast of the leading wooden 
ship. 

The Confederate vessels took up position in single 
line, in echelon, across the channel, with their port bat- 
teries bearing- to rake the advancing fleet. The ram 
Tennessee was a little westward of the red buoy spoken 
of already, and close to the inner line of torpedoes. 

Farragut had ordered six light steamers and gun-boats 
to take up a position outside, and open a flank fire on 
Fort Morgan, but they could not get near enough to be 
of much service. 

And now the attacking fleet steamed steadily in. At 
6.47 the first gun was fired by the monitor Tecumseh, 
and Fort Morgan at once replied. As the wooden 
vessels came within shorter range Farragut made signal 
for "closer order," which was promptly obeyed, each 
vessel closing up to within a few yards of the one ahead, 
and a little on the starboard quarter, thus enabling such 
ships as had chase guns to bring them to bear. 

The battle had opened, but at that time the enemy had 
the advantage, and the fleet now received a raking; fire 
from the fort, battery, and Confederate vessels. This 
they had to endure for fully half an hour, before they 
could bring their batteries to bear with any effect. At the 
end of that time the Brooklyn and Hartford were enabled 
to open their broadsides, which soon drove the gunners 
of the fort from the barbette guns and water batteries. 

The scene on the poop of the flag-ship was now par- 



636 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

ticularly interesting, as all were watching eagerly the 
movements of the leading monitor, Tecumseh. The 
Admiral stood in the port main rigging, a few ratlines 
up, where he could see all about him and at the same 
time communicate easily with the Metacomet, lashed 
alongside. Freeman, his trusty pilot, was above him, in 
the top. Captain Drayton was on the poop, with the 
officers of the Admiral's staff, while Knowles, the Signal 
Quartermaster, attended to the signals. This petty officer, 
with the three seamen at the wheel, McFarland, 
Wood and Jassin, had been in every engagement of the 
ship, and steadily and coolly they now attended to their 
most important duties. All these were nearly stationary. 
The men at the wheel merely gave a spoke or two of 
helm, from time to time, in response to a short order. 

On the deck below, the gfun crews were workine with 
a will, and all was animation and bustle. 

As the smoke increased and obscured his view, the 
Admiral ascended the rigging, ratline by ratline, until he 
was up among the futtock shrouds, under the top. 
Captain Drayton, seeing him in this position, and fearing 
that some slight shock might precipitate him into the sea, 
ordered Knowles to take up a line, and make his position 
secure. Knowles says, 'T went up with a piece of lead- 
line, and made it fast to one of the forward shrouds, and 
then took it round the Admiral to the after shroud, 
making- it fast there. The Admiral said, 'Never mind, I 
am all right,' but I went ahead and obeyed orders, for I 
feared he would fall overboard if anything should carry 
away or he should be struck." Here Farragut remained 
until the fleet entered the bay. 

Loyall Farragut gives a striking extract from the 
journal of one of the Hartford's officers, as follows : "The 
order was, to go slowly, slowly ; and receive the fire of 



MOBILE BAY. 637 

Fort Morgan. * * * * The fort opened, having 
allowed us to get into such short range that we appre- 
hended some snare ; in fact, I heard the order passed for 
our guns to be elevated for fourteen hundred yards some 
time before one was fired. The calmness of the scene was 
sublime. No impatience, no irritation, no anxiety, except 
for the fort to open ; and after it did open full five minutes 
elapsed before we answered. 

"In the meantime the guns were trained as if at a 
target, and all the sounds I could hear were, 'Steady! 
boys, steady ! Left tackle a little ; so ! so ! ' Then the 
roar of a broadside, and an eager cheer, as the enemy 
were driven from their water battery. Don't imagine 
they were frightened; no man could stand under that iron 
shower ; and the brave fellows returned to their guns as 
soon as it lulled, only to be driven away again. 

"At twenty minutes past seven we had come within 
range of the enemy's gun-boats, which opened their fire 
upon the Hartford, and as the Admiral told me afterward, 
made her their special target. First they struck our 
foremast, and then lodged a shot of 1 20 pounds in our 
mainmast. By degrees they got better elevation, and I 
have saved a splinter from the hammock netting to show 
how they felt their way lower. Splinters, after that, came 
by cords, and in size, sometimes, were like logs of wood. 
No longer came the cheering cry, ' nobody hurt yet' 
The Hartford, by some unavoidable chance, fought the 
enemy's fleet and fort together for twenty minutes by 
herself, timbers crashing, and wounded pouring down — 
cries never to be forgotten." 

By half-past seven the Tecumseh was well up with the 
fort, and drawing slowly by the Tennessee, having her 
on the port beam, when she suddenly reeled to port and 
went down, with almost every soul on board, destroyed 



638 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

by a torpedo. Commander Craven, in his eagerness to 
engage the ram, had passed to the west of the fatal buoy. 
If he had gone but the breadth of his beam to the east- 
ward of it, he would have been safe, so far as the torpedoes 
were concerned. 

This very appalling disaster was not immediately 
realized by the fleet. Some supposed the Tennessee 
had been sunk, or some signal advantage gained over the 
enemy, and cheers from the Hartford were taken up and 
echoed along the line. But the Admiral, from his lofty 
perch, saw the true state of things, and his anxiety was 
not decreased when the leading ship, the Brooklyn, just 
ahead of him, suddenly stopped. Hailing the top, above 
him, he asked Freeman, the pilot, " What is the matter 
with the Brooklyn ? She must have plenty of water 
there." "Plenty, and to spare, Admiral," the pilot 
replied. Alden had seen the Tecumseh suddenly en- 
gulfed, and the heavy line of torpedoes across the channel 
made him pause. 

The Brooklyn then began to back ; the vessels in the 
rear pressing on those in the van soon created confusion, 
and disaster seemed imminent. " The batteries of our 
ships were almost silent," says an eye-witness, "whil'j the 
whole of Mobile Point was a living flame. 

"What's the trouble?" was shouted, through a trumpet, 
from the flag-ship to the Brooklyn. "Torpedoes !" was 
shouted back, in reply. " Damn the torpedoes !" said 
Farragut. " Four bells ! Captain Drayton, go ahead ! 
Jouett, full speed !" And the Hartford passed the 
Brooklyn, assumed the head of the line, and led the fleet 
to victory. It was the one only way out of the difficulty, 
and any hesitation would have closed even this escape 
from a frightful disaster. Nor did the Admiral forget 
the few poor fellows who were struggling in the water 



MOBILE BAY. 039 

when the Tecumseh went down, but ordered Jouett, of 
the Metacomet, to lower a boat and pick them up. This 
was done, the boat being- commanded by a mere boy, an 
Acting Master's mate, by the name of Henry Clay 
Nields, a native of Chester County, Pennsylvania, who 
lately died, a Lieutenant-Commander. This gallant fellow 
and his small boat's crew pulled coolly into a perfect flurry 
of shot and' shell, and while doing so (remembering the 
standing orders about boats showing flags), he coolly 
got his out and hoisted it, and then took his seat again, 
and steered for the strug-crling- survivors of the Tecumseh. 
This was as conspicuous an act of gallantry as was per- 
formed on that eventful day. 

A Confederate officer, who was stationed in the water 
battery at Fort Morgan, says the manoeuvring of the 
vessels at this critical juncture was a magnificent sight. 
At first they appeared to be in inextricable confusion, and 
at the mercy of their guns, and when the Hartford dashed 
forward, they realized that a grand tactical movement 
had been accomplished. 

The Hartford had passed nearly a* mile ahead before 
the line could be straightened, but the vessels were soon 
able to pour in a storm of shell, shrapnel and grape, that 
completely silenced the batteries ; not, however, before 
they had all suffered more or less. The Oneida, having 
the most exposed position, at the rear of the column, was 
severely handled. The wisdom of lashing the vessels 
two-and-two was now manifest ; for this ship, though in a 
helpless condition, was easily towed along by her consort, 
the Galena, with the flood-tide. The Admiral's theory, 
"that the safest way to prevent injury from an enemy is 
to strike hard yourself," was exemplified in his warning to 
his captains, to run close to Fort Morgan, and use shell, 
shrapnel and grape freely. It is said that the Richmond 



G40 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and Brooklyn were saved from destruction at the time 
the line was being straightened, by the rapid broadsides 
of shrapnel which those ships poured into the water 
battery. The aim of the artillerists on shore was discon- 
certed by the dense smoke which enveloped the ships, 
and they were driven from their guns by the rapid firing. 
An officer who was in the engagement remarks, that it 
was " painfully apparent, judging from the number of 
shot that passed over the rail of my ship, that a few yards 
to the west would have increased the damage and 
casualties." 

As soon as the Hartford had crossed the torpedo- 
ground and was steaming rapidly up the channel, Bu- 
chanan, on the Tennessee, saw the blue flag of Farragut. 
He made a dash to ram the latter's flag-ship, but failed 
to do so, the ships merely exchanging shots. By 
this time the Brooklyn and Richmond had passed safely 
over the obstructions, and were following in the wake of 
the Hartford. The Tennessee now turned her attention 
to the Brooklyn, making for her starboard bow ; but 
when within about -one hundred yards of that ship, she 
starboarded her helm and passed within two hundred 
feet of her, pouring in a broadside which went through 
and through her, doing great damage. Passing on, she 
attempted the same manoeuvre with the Richmond, the 
next in line, apparently first attempting to ram, and then 
sheering off. Captain Jenkins saw her approaching, and 
placed marines on the forecastle, with orders to fire into 
the great ram's ports whenever the iron shutters opened, 
at the same time giving orders to use solid shot in his 
heavy guns, and to aim at the Tennessee's water-line. 
The two vessels passed each other at their best speed. 

Whether from the rapidity of the movement or the 
precaution taken by Captain Jenkins to disconcert the 



MOBILE BAY. 641 

aim of the gunners, the Tennessee's shot passed over the 
Richmond. 

She also missed the Lackawanna, but the fire from her 
heavy guns created sad havoc when they struck, while 
the shot from the Union fleet failed to make any impres- 
sion on her mailed sides. 

Captain Strong, in the Monongahela, now attempted 
to ram her, but she avoided the blow, and the two vessels 
collided at an acute angle, the ram swinging alongside of 
the Monongahela's consort, the Kennebec, whose sharp 
cutwater sheared her barge in two. A shell from the 
Tennessee exploded on the Kennebec's berth-deck, and 
came near setting her dangerously on fire ; but, by the 
cool conduct of the officers, confidence was quickly 
restored. 

The ram then attacked the crippled Oneida, running 
under her stern and delivering two broadsides in rapid 
succession, destroying her boats and dismounting a 
twelve-pound howitzer upon her poop. Captain Mullany 
was severely wounded at this time, after having escaped 
injury off the forts, where he had borne so heavy a fire. 

The Tennessee then returned to her anchorage under 
the guns of Fort Morgan. 

As soon as he was clear of the fire of the forts, Farra- 
gut had turned his attention to the enemy's gun-boats. 
Their heavy raking fire had been a source of great 
annoyance. One shot from the Selma, alone, had killed 
ten men and wounded five. After the fleet had passed 
the obstructions these vessels had continued the contest, 
keeping up with the leading ships and exchanging shots, 
thus separating themselves widely from the Tennessee. 

Soon the Gaines was in a sinking condition, and her 
commander ran her aground, under the guns of Fort 
Morgan, where she was afterwards set on fire. 
41 



642 . NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

A few minutes after she had quitted the fight, the Selma 
and Morgan, seeing the hopelessness of the encounter, 
also retreated, the former up the bay, and the latter 
down towards Navy Cove, some distance to the east- 
ward. 

It was then that the Admiral made the signal, "Gun- 
boats chase enemy's gunboats." In a moment the Meta- 
comet had cut the lashings which confined her to the flag- 
ship, and was off. 

The Metacomet was the fastest of all the smaller 
vessels, and so it came that she encragfed the Morgan. 
Just then firing was interrupted by a thick rain-squall. 
During the squall the Morgan, as was learned afterwards, 
grounded upon a long spit which runs out for about a 
mile from Navy Cove. 

In the meantime the Metacomet, Port Royal, Kenne- 
bec, and Itasca had started after the Selma, and the 
Metacomet captured her, three or four miles up the bay. 
The Morgan backed off the shoal, and proceeded to Fort 
Morgan; and that same night, under a starlit sky, her 
captain, Harrison, made a hazardous but successful 
retreat up to Mobile, being pursued and fired at by 
several of the Union gun-boats. 

Farragfut's fleet now came to anchor about three miles 
up the bay, with anchors hove short. They had scarcely 
done so when they saw the ram Tennessee steering 
directly for the flag-ship. Buchanan had anticipated 
Admiral Farragut, for the latter had intended to attack 
the ram the moment it was dark enough for the smoke 
to prevent Page, the commander of the fort, from dis- 
tinguishing friend from foe. He had already made a 
plan to go in with the three monitors, himself in the 
Manhattan, and board her, if it was found feasible. He 
now accepted the situation, and signalled the fleet to 



MOBILE BAY. 643 

"attack the ram, not only with their guns, but bows on, at 
full speed." 

The Monongahela was under way at the time, and 
Strong immediately dashed off for the ram at full speed ; 
but the Tennessee paid no attention to her, merely 
putting her helm aport, which caused the Monongahela 
to strike her obliquely. The ram also fired two shots at 
the Monongahela, which pierced her through and through, 
while Strong's shot glanced harmlessly from her sloping 
sides. 

The Chickasaw at this time hit the ram with a solid 
bolt, which merely penetrated her armor, without doing- 
serious damage. 

The next vessel to bear down on the Tennessee was 
the Lackawanna, and she suffered more than the ram. 
She had a fair stroke at her, and stove her bow in for 
some feet above and below the water-line, while the shock 
to the Tennessee was slight, and she quickly righted, and 
moved steadily for the Hartford. The latter now took 
the aggressive, and, following in the wake of the Lacka- 
wanna, struck the ram a fearful blow, and then poured 
in a broadside, but all without effect. 

The ram had one great advantage. She was sur- 
rounded by enemies, and could fire continually, while the 
Union vessels had to use the utmost care not to fire into 
or collide with one another. This did happen to the 
flag-ship, just as she was preparing to attack a second 
time, for the Lackawanna ran into her, and cut her down 
nearly to the water's edge. 

In the meantime the monitors, Manhattan, Winnebago 
and Chickasaw, had been pounding the ram with their 
heavy shot, and her steering apparatus and smoke-stack 
were shot away, and her port-shutters jammed, while one 
15-inch shot had found a weak spot, and penetrated her 



644 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

armor. Admiral Buchanan was wounded, and the Ten- 
nessee showed a white flag and surrendered. 

The success was complete, but had cost the Union fleet 
three hundred and thirty-five men. 

Of one hundred and thirty souls in the Tecumseh, 
seventeen were saved, and one hundred and thirteen 
drowned. The other casualties, fifty-two killed and 
one hundred and seventy wounded, were distributed 
as follows : Hartford, twenty-five killed, twenty-eight 
wounded ; Brooklyn, eleven killed, forty-three wounded ; 
Lackawanna, four killed, thirty-five wounded; Oneida, 
eight killed, thirty wounded ; Monongahela, six wounded ; 
Metacomet, one killed, two wounded ; Ossipee, one killed, 
seven wounded; Richmond, two slightly wounded ; Galena, 
one wounded ; Octorara, one killed, ten wounded ; Ken- 
nebec, one killed, six wounded. 

Knowles, the Signal Quartermaster already mentioned, 
says that the Admiral came on deck just as the poor 
fellows who had been killed were being- laid out on the 
port side of the quarter-deck. He says, "It was the only 
time I ever saw the old gentleman cry, but the tears came 
in his eyes, like a little child." 

The losses among the enemy's vessels were confined 
to the Tennessee and Selma — ten killed and sixteen 
wounded. The loss in the forts is not known. 

Next morning Farragut published the following : — 

(GENERAL ORDER No. 12.) 

United States Flag-ship Hartford, 

Mobile Bay, August, 6, 1864. 
" The Admiral returns thanks to the officers and crews 
of the vessels of the fleet for their gallant conduct during 
the fight of yesterday. 

" It has never been his good fortune to see men do 



MOBILE BAY. 645 

their duty with more courage and cheerfulness ; for, 
although they knew that the enemy was prepared with 
all devilish means for our destruction, and though they 
witnessed the almost instantaneous annihilation of our 
gallant companions in the Tecumseh by a torpedo, and 
the slaughter of their friends, messmates and gun-mates 
on our decks, still there were no evidences of hesitation in 
following - their Commander-in-chief through the line of 
torpedoes and obstructions, of which we knew nothing, 
except from the exaggerations of the enemy, who had 
given out, 'that we should all be blown up as certainly as 
we attempted to enter.' 

" For this noble and implicit confidence in their leader, 
he heartily thanks them. 

" D. G. Farragut, 

" Rear- Admiral Commanding TV. G. B. Sqitadron." 

The gallantry of Acting Ensign Nields, in going to the 
rescue of the survivors of the Tecumseh has been alluded 
to. In connection with that lamentable event it is related 
that when the monitor was going down, Commander 
Craven and the pilot, whose name was Collins, met at 
the foot of the ladder leading to the top of the turret ; 
Craven, knowing that it was through no fault of the 
pilot, but by his own order, that the course had been 
changed to the other side of the buoy, stepped back, 
saying, "After you, Pilot." "There was nothing after 
me," said Mr. Collins, in relating the event, " for when I 
reached the top round of the ladder the vessel seemed to 
drop from under me." Among those who went down 
with Craven was Chief Engineer Faron, who rose from 
a sick bed, in the hospital at Pensacola, to go on board 
the Tecumseh. 

Admiral Farragut highly complimented Fleet-Surgeon 



646 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Palmer, for certain extra service. It happened that the 
Admiral's steam barge came into the bay, under the 
port side of the Seminole. Fleet-Surgeon Palmer, having 
attended to the wounded on board the flag-ship, and 
leaving them in the hands of his assistants, wished to visit 
the wounded of the other vessels, and the Admiral gave 
him the steam barge. He had just shoved off when the 
Tennessee was seen steaming for the Hartford. The 
Admiral beckoned to Palmer, just before he made the 
general signal, and desired him to "go to all the monitors, 
and tell them to attack that Tennessee." Afterwards 
he wrote to Dr. Palmer, and expressing some opinions 
in regard to war duty, says, * * * "I am happy to 
say that, from my own experience, war is the time when I 
have always found the medical officers ready and willing 
to do their duty without regard to personal risk." * * * 

When a shot perforated the starboard boiler of the 
Oneida, scalding thirteen men, one gun's crew wavered 
for a moment as the steam rushed out, but, at the order 
of Commander Mullany, " Back to your quarters, men !" 
they instantly returned to their gun. Mullany soon after 
lost his arm, and was wounded in several other places. 

The incident of Farragut's being lashed aloft has 
created much controversy. The fact of his being lashed 
in the futtock shrouds was shown in a picture by Page, 
which was afterwards presented to the Emperor of 
Russia. The fact was, that the Admiral did not remain 
long anywhere. While the fleet was entering the bay, 
he was in the port main rigging, where he was secured 
by Knowles, the Quartermaster, as has been mentioned. 
But when the ram made her attack he had come down 
on deck, and, as the Hartford was about to ram the 
Tennessee, he got into the port mizzen rigging, where, 
as his Flag-Lieutenant, J. Crittenden Watson, says, "I 



MOBILE BAY. 647 

secured him by a lashing passed with my own hands, 
having first begged him not to stand in such an exposed 
place." 

Surgeon General Palmer writes : "The Richmond waved 
to me as I passed in the Loyall (the steam-barge), and 
told me that Admiral Farragut had partly signalled for 
me to return, which I did immediately. When I got near 
enough to the Hartford, the Admiral himself hailed, and 
directed me to go on board the captured ram and look 
after Admiral Buchanan, who was wounded. It was 
difficult, even from a boat, to get on board the Tennessee, 
and I had to make a long leap, assisted by a strong man's 
hand. I literally scrambled through the iron port, and 
threaded my way among the piles of confusion, to a ladder, 
by which I mounted to where Admiral Buchanan was 
lying, in a place like the top of a truncated pyramid. 
Somebody announced me, and he answered (tone polite, 
but savage) T know Dr. Palmer;' but he gave me his 
hand. I told him I was sorry to see him so badly hurt, 
but that I should be glad to know his wishes. He 
answered, T only wish to be treated kindly, as a prisoner 
of war.' My reply was, 'Admiral Buchanan, you know 
perfectly well you will be treated kindly.' Then he said, 
T am a Southern man, and an enemy, and a rebel.' I 
felt a little offended at his tone, but rejoined carefully that 
he was at that moment a wounded person and disabled, 
and that I would engage to have his wishes fulfilled. As 
to the present disposal of his person, that Admiral Far- 
ragut would take him on board the Hartford, or send him 
to any other ship he might prefer. He said he didn't 
pretend to be Admiral Farragut' s friend, and had no right 
to ask favors of him, but that he would be satisfied with 
any decision that might be come to. Dr. Conrad, lately 
an assistant Surgeon in our Navy, told me he was Fleet- 



648 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Surgeon, and desired to accompany Buchanan wherever 
he might go. (It had been proposed by Dr. Conrad to 
amputate the injured leg of the Confederate Admiral, but 
Palmer dissented from his opinion, and declined to have 
the operation performed, and for his skillful management 
of the case received grateful acknowledgments, in after 
life, from Buchanan.) "I promised that he should, and 
returned to the Hartford, and reported to Admiral 
Farragut, circumstantially. This generous man seemed 
hurt at Buchanan's irritated feeling, and said he (Bu- 
chanan) had formerly professed friendship for him. I 
saw there must be some embarrassment in bringing them 
together, and therefore proposed that I should have a 
steamer to take all the wounded to Pensacola, and another 
one to send all ordinary invalids to New Orleans." 

To carry out this suggestion Farragut addressed a 
note to Brigadier-General R. L. Page, commanding Fort 
Morgan (formerly of the United States Navy), informing 
him that Admiral Buchanan and others of the Tennessee 
had been wounded, and desiring to know whether he 
would permit one of our vessels, under a flag of truce, 
to convey them, with or without our wounded, to Pen- 
sacola, on the understanding that the vessel should take 
out none but the wounded, and brings nothino- back that 
she did not take out. This was acceded sto, and all the 
wounded sent. 

In his official report to the Navy Department, Admiral 
Farragut, after awarding praise to many of the officers, 
mentioning them by name, says, " The last of my staff to 
whom I would call the attention of the Department is not 
the least in importance. I mean Pilot Martin Freeman. 
He has been my great reliance in all difficulties, in his 
line of duty. During the action he was in the main-top, 
piloting the ships into the bay. He was cool and brave 



MOBILE BAY. 649 

throughout, never losing his self-possession. This man 
was captured, early in the war, in a fine fishing-smack, 
which he owned, and though he protested he had no 
interest in the war, and only asked for the privilege of 
fishing for the fleet, yet his services were too valuable to 
the captors, as a pilot, not to be secured. He was ap- 
pointed a first-class pilot, and has served us with zeal and 
fidelity, and has lost his vessel, which went to pieces on 
Ship Island. I commend him to the Department." 

The importance of Farragut's success was fully appre- 
ciated, both North and South, while an English Service 
paper named him as " the first naval officer of the day, as 
far as actual reputation, won by skill, courage and hard 
fighting, goes." 

General Granger's troops, after Forts Gaines and 
Powell had surrendered, had been transferred to the rear 
of Fort Morgan, and that work was invested on August 9th. 

Page was summoned to surrender, but firmly refused, 
and seemed disposed to hold out stubbornly. It then 
became a question of time. Troops were poured in, 
heavy siege guns placed in position, and the investing 
lines drawn closer and closer. Even the captured Ten- 
nessee's formidable battery was turned against the fort. 
A battery of four nine-inch Dahlgren guns, manned by 
seamen from the fleet, and under the command of 
Lieutenant Tyson, of the Navy, also took part in the 
siege. General Granger, in his report of the operations, 
compliments them highly, not only for their faithful work 
"in getting their guns into the difficult position selected 
for their batteries," but for "their distinguished skill and 
accuracy during the bombardment." 

After a furious cannonade, on August 2 2d, which was 
gallantly responded to by Morgan, that fort surrendered 
unconditionally on the 23d. 



650 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The total number of prisoners captured in the defences 
of Mobile was one thousand four hundred and sixty-four, 
with one hundred and four guns. 

Mobile forts being once secured, Farragut next turned 
his attention to the dangerous work of taking up torpe- 
does, twenty-one of which were picked up in the main 
ship channel, from which many beside had been swept 
away, and many had sunk. 

On September ist despatches arrived from the North, 
marked 'Important' These proved to be from the Navy 
Department, warning him not to attempt an attack upon 
the Mobile defences unless he was sure that he had a 
sufficient force, as powerful reinforcements would be sent 
to him as soon as possible. We can imagine his satisfac- 
tion in looking round him, and feeling that the work was 
done. 

In his congratulatory letter to Admiral Farragut, 
Secretary Welles said: "In the success which has attended 
your operations, you have illustrated the efficiency and 
irresistible power of a naval force led by a bold and 
vigorous mind, and the insufficiency of any batteries to 
prevent the passage of a fleet thus led and commanded. 

"You have, first on the Mississippi, and recently in the 
bay of Mobile, demonstrated what had been previously 
doubted, the ability of naval vessels, properly manned and 
commanded, to set at defiance the best constructed and 
most heavily armed fortifications. In these successive 
victories you have encountered great risks, but the 
results have vindicated the wisdom of your policy and the 
daring valor of your officers and seamen." 

The further operations about the City of Mobile need 
not be gone into. 

Farragut' s health had somewhat failed, with the strain 
of the previous two years' work and a long stay in the 



MOBILE BAY. 



651 



Gulf climate, and he was ordered home in November, 
1864. Upon his arrival in New York great preparations 
were made for his reception, and formal congratulations 
were presented to him from the City of New York ; the 
Chamber of Commerce, and other bodies. 

On December 2 2d a bill creating the rank of Vice- 
Admiral was introduced into Congress, and passed both 
houses. On the 23d the President signed it, and named 
Farragut for the office, which nomination was immediately 
confirmed by the Senate. 

On July 25th, 1866, Congress passed a law creating the 
grade of Admiral, which had never before existed in our 
Navy, and, as a matter of course, the office was immedi- 
ately conferred upon Farragut. 

Thus was gratified his most legitimate ambition. When 
there was a talk of making him a candidate for the Presi- 
dency he said, "I am greatly obliged to my friends, but 
am thankful that I have no ambition for anything but 
what I am, an Admiral." 




le solferino (a. Efieron), 1865. 
(First-class French Ironclad, with Ram.) 



652 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XLV. 

CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. OCTOBER, 

1864. 




HE Sounds and waters of North Carolina 
were early the scenes of important enter- 
prises by the combined Army and Navy 
of the United States. The Hatteras forts, 
Roanoke Island, Newbern, Plymouth and 
other places were early captured, some of 
them after regular actions. A position was 
gained from which the important inland 
communication was threatened, which was vital to the 
Confederacy, while the commerce of the Sounds was 
entirely put a stop to. 

It was important for them to regain what they had lost, 
and to this end they put forth every effort. 

Among other means they commenced and hastened to 
completion a formidable iron-clad vessel. In June, 1S63, 
Lieutenant-Commander C. W. Flusser, an excellent and 
thoroughly reliable officer, had reported that a battery 
was building at Edward's Ferry, near Weldon, on the 
Roanoke River, to be cased with pine sills, fourteen 
inches square, and plated with railroad iron. The slanting 
roof was to be made of five inches of pine, five inches of 
oak, and railroad iron over that. 

Unfortunately, the light-draught monitors, which should 
have been on hand to meet this vessel, turned out failures, 
and the light wooden gun-boats and "double enders" 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 653 

employed in the Sounds had to encounter her. She was 
accompanied by a ram, which the Union fleet had no 
vessel fit to meet. 

In April, 1864, the Albemarle being completed, the 
Confederates were ready to carry out their plan of 
attack, which was first to recapture Plymouth, by the 
assistance of the ram, and then send her into Albemarle 
Sound, to capture or disperse our fleet. A force of ten 
thousand men, which they had collected, made an advance, 
and gained possession of the town. 

Lieutenant-Commander Flusser was then at Plymouth, 
with four vessels, the Miami, a "double-ender," and three 
ferry-boats, armed with nine-inch guns, and exceedingly 
frail in structure, called the Southfield, Ceres and White- 
head. At half-past nine, on the evening of April 18th, 
he wrote to Admiral Lee that there had been fighting- 
there all day, and he feared the enemy had had the best 
of it. "The ram will be down to-night or to-morrow. 
* * * I shall have to abandon my plan of fighting the 
ram lashed to the Southfield. * * * I think I have 
force enough to whip the ram, but not sufficient to assist 
in holding the town, as I should like." 

Six hours after writing this, Flusser lay dead upon the 
deck of his ship. 

Very early on the morning of the 1 9th of April the 
Whitehead, which had been stationed up the river, reported 
that the ram was coming: down. 

The Whitehead was in a critical position when she 
discovered the ram, for she was between her and a rebel 
battery. Some obstructions had been placed to stop the 
Albemarle, but she passed them easily. A narrow passage 
or " thoroughfare " led down to Plymouth beside the 
main channel, and the Whitehead managed to run into 
this, unperceived by the ram, and so got down ahead of 



654 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

the Confederate vessel, which did not attack until half- 
past three in the morning. When the ironclad was 
seen comine down, the Miami and Southfield were lashed 
together, and Flusser, from the Miami, ordered them to 
meet her, at full speed. 

The Albemarle came on silently, with closed ports, and 
struck the Miami a glancing blow on her port bow, doing 
some damage, but causing no leak. She then crushed 
the side of the Southfield, so that she at once began to 
sink. As she passed between the two vessels, the forward 
lashings parted, and the Miami swung round. The after 
lashings were cut, and, after a number of the Southfield's 
men had succeeded in reaching the Miami that vessel 
steamed off down the river, leaving her consort to sink. 
The officer left in command by Flusser's death thus speaks 
of this unfortunate affair : — 

" As soon as the battery could be brought to bear upon 
the ram, both steamers, the Southfield and Miami, com- 
menced firing solid shot from the ioo-pound Parrott rifles 
and 1 1 -inch Dahlgren guns, they making no perceptible 
indentations in her armor. Commander Flusser fired the 
first three shots from the Miami personally, the third being 
a ten-second Dahlgren shell, 1 1 -inch. It was directly 
after that fire that he was killed by pieces of shell ; several 
of the gun's crew were wounded at the same time. Our 
bow hawser being stranded, the Miami then swung round to 
starboard, giving the ram a chance to pierce us. Necessity 
then required the engine to be reversed in motion, to 
straighten the vessel in the river, to prevent going on 
the bank of the river, and to bring the rifle-gun to bear 
upon the ram. During the time of straightening the 
steamer the ram had also straightened, and was making 
for us. From the fatal effects of her prow upon the 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. Q55 

Southfield, and of our sustaining injury, I deemed it 
useless to sacrifice the Miami in the same way." 

The gun-boats being driven off, the Confederates cap- 
tured Plymouth on April 20th. As it was expected that 
the Albemarle would at once enter the Sound, and attack 
the squadron there, all possible preparations were made 
to meet her. 

Four of the squadron were "double enders," the Miami, 
Mattabesett, Sassacus and Wyalusing. The smaller 
vessels were the Ceres, Commodore Hull, Seymour and 
Whitehead. They were all armed with 9-inch guns and 
100-pound rifles. 

The Senior Officer in the Sounds, Captain M. Smith, 
ordered the large vessels to pass as close as possible to 
the ram, delivering their fire, and rounding to immediately 
for a second discharge. He also suggested the vulnerable 
points of the ram, and recommended that an endeavor be 
made to foul her propeller, if possible. 

He also directed, among other things, that a blow of 
the ram should be received as near the stern as possible, 
and the vessel rammed was to go ahead fast, to prevent 
her from withdrawing it, while the others attacked the 
propeller. If armed launches accompanied the ram they 
were to be met by the smaller vessels, with shrapnel, 
when approaching, and hand grenades when near. He 
leaves the question of ramming to each commander, on 
account of the peculiar construction of the " double- 
enders." 

Small steamers were placed on picket, at the mouth of 
the Roanoke, and on the 5 th of May the ram made its 
appearance, and chased the picket boats in. Signals were 
made, and the vessels got under way, and stood up to 
engage the ironclad. The Albemarle was accompanied 
by a small steamer which she had captured not long 



656 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

before. At about half-past four in the afternoon the 
Albemarle opened the battle by a shot which destroyed 
a boat and wounded several men on board the Mattabe- 
sett. The second shot damaged the same vessel's rig- 
ging. By this time the Mattabesett was very near the little 
steamer, which immediately surrendered. The Mattabe- 
sett then gave the ram a broadside, at about one hundred 
and fifty yards, then rounded to under her stern, and 
came up on the other side. Her shot either broke, or 
glanced off the ram's armor, without any effect. She had 
the muzzle knocked off of one of her two guns, by a shot 
from the ram, but continued to use it during the remainder 
of the action. 

The Sassacus came gallantly on, in like manner, deliv- 
ering her fire at the Albemarle. The latter then 
attempted to ram the Sassacus, but the latter crossed her 
bows, by superior speed. 

At this time the ram had partially turned, and exposed 
her side to the Sassacus, when the wooden double-ender 
rushed at her, under full steam, in hope of either crushing 
in her side, or of bearing her down until she should sink. 
The Sassacus struck the ironclad fairly, and received, at 
the same moment, a ioo-pounder rifle shot, which went 
through and through her. She struck the Albemarle a 
heavy blow, careening her, and bearing her down till the 
water washed across her deck. 

The Sassacus kept her engines going, in the attempt 
to push the ram down, while many efforts were made to 
throw hand grenades down her deck hatch, and powder 
down her smoke stack, but without success, as there was 
a cap upon the stack. 

Soon the ram swung round, and as soon as her guns 
would bear, another ioo-pound rifle shot went through 
the side of the Sassacus, through her coal bunker, and 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 657 

crashed into her starboard boiler. Instantly the whole 
ship was filled with steam, which scalded and suffocated 
her crew. All her firemen were scalded, and one was 
killed; and twenty-one men were instantly placed hors 
de combat. She was forced to withdraw from action. 

The other gun-boats continued the fight, and the 
Miami endeavored to explode against the ram a torpedo 
which she carried. But the Albemarle was skillfully 
handled, and succeeded, each time, in avoiding the blow, 
iwo of the other gun-boats endeavored to foul the pro- 
peller of the ram by laying out seines in her track. 
Although the nets seemed all about her, she escaped 
them. An observer from the shore has likened this 
curious scene to a number of wasps attacking a large, 
horny beetle. 

In fine, the Albemarle proved invulnerable to the guns 
of the gun-boats, even when discharged almost in contact 
with her sides. 

The action lasted for three hours, or until night came 
on. Everything that brave men could do to destroy the 
enemy it was their duty to encounter was done by the 
gun-boats, but the ironclad went back to Plymouth with- 
out serious damage, and without the loss of a man, after 
being the target, at short range, for more than, two 
hundred shot from n-inch and 9-inch guns, and more 
than one hundred shot from 100-pounder rifles. 

The gun-boats, other than the Sassacus, were very much 
damaged, and it was plain that they were unfit to meet 
the Albemarle, however ably handled or gallantly fought. 

The ram came out again on the 24th of May, but did 
not enter the Sound, apparently fearing torpedoes. The 
next day a party left the Wyalusing in a boat, with two 
torpedoes, to endeavor to destroy the Albemarle, as she 
lay at Plymouth. 
42 



658 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

They carried the torpedoes across the swamps on a 
stretcher, and then two of the party swam across the 
river with a line, and hauled the torpedoes over to the 
Plymouth shore. These were then connected by a* bridle, 
so that they should float down and strike on each side 
of the ram's bows. Unfortunately, they were discovered, 
and the plan failed. 

Lines of torpedoes were then placed at the mouth of 
the Roanoke, to destroy the ram if she should come 
down again, and as this proceeding could not be kept 
secret, the ironclad did not again venture down. She lay 
quietly at Plymouth until the latter part of October, a 
constant threat to our fleet in the Sounds, and preventing 
any attempt to recapture the town. She was very 
securely moored to a wharf, and a guard of soldiers was 
placed on board, in addition to her crew. 

Every night fires were made on shore, to prevent the 
approach of an enemy unseen. More than this, she was 
surrounded by large logs, moored some thirty feet from 
her hull, all round, to keep off any boat which might 
approach with a torpedo. From the mouth of the Roan- 
oke to where the Albemarle lay is about eight miles, and 
the stream there about two hundred yards wide. 

The banks were well picketed by the enemy. 

About a mile below Plymouth was the sunken wreck 
of the Southfield, and about her were some schooners, 
which also formed a picket-station in mid-stream. 

It seemed impossible for a boat to get up the river and 
not be discovered, and yet Lieutenant William B. Cush- 
ing, of the United States Navy, not only undertook to 
do so, but succeeded in destroying this formidable craft, 
"the terror of the Sounds." 

Admiral Ammen, of the Navy, has given a capital sketch 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 659 

of Cushine, in the United Service Magazine, from which 
we shall borrow freely. 

"William B. Cushing was born in Wisconsin, in Novem- 
ber, 1842, and entered the Naval Academy in 1857, but 
resigned in March, 1861, entering the naval service 
afloat, as an Acting Master's Mate. His disposition and 
temperament would not permit him to remain at a naval 
school in time of war, as he would not have been able to 
give a single thought to theoretical study. 

"In October, 1861, he was restored to his rank as 
Midshipman, and on the 16th of July following he was, 
with many other young officers, made a Lieutenant, owing 
to the exigencies of the service growing out of the civil 
war. 

"Henceforth, for nearly three years, his career was 
singularly conspicuous in deeds of daring, in a service 
where a lack of gallantry would have brought disgrace. 
It is plain, therefore, that it was the sagacity of his plans 
and his boldness in carrying them out that distinguished 
him. 

"At the close of the war he was barely twenty-two and 
a half years of age, rather slightly built, about five feet 
in height, and boyish looking. He had large, gray eyes, 
a prominent, aquiline nose, yellowish hair, worn quite 
long, and withal, a rather grave expression of counte- 
nance. When speaking his face would light up with a 
bright and playful smile. A comrade likened his springy, 
elastic step, high cheek bones and general physiognomy 
to that of an Indian. The first impression of a stranger 
who heard him speak, either of what he had done or hoped 
to do, would be that he was a boaster — but with those who 
knew him best there was no such idea ; his form of speech 
was a mere expression, frankly uttered, of what he had 
done, or what he intended to do." 



660 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The foreo-oingf is Admiral Ammen's estimate of the 
man. To some of it the writer must dissent. He accom- 
panied Cushing on a short journey soon after the Albe- 
marle affair, while the country was still ringing with his 
brilliant exploit, and when steamboats, railroads and hotels 
were refusing to accept any money from either him or his 
chance companions ; and all sorts and conditions of men 
were being introduced to him, to have the honor of shaking 
his hand ; and yet a more simple, boy-like, unassuming 
manner no one placed in such a position ever had. 

He early received command of a small steamer, engaged 
in blockading, and would make expeditions in the inland 
waters, in his boat, sometimes lying concealed all day, but 
always having some definite object commensurate with 
the risks involved. He more than once obtained 
important information in this way. 

Not only did he have frequent engagements, in his 
little vessel, with field batteries of the enemy, but was 
successful in destroying schooners with supplies, salt- 
works, and other things which tended to cripple his enemy. 

In the winter of 1864, when blockading the Cape Fear 
River, Cushing determined to pay a visit to Smithville, in 
a boat, with only six men. In entering the river he had 
to pass Fort Caswell, and at Smithville, two miles above, 
he knew there was a battery of five guns, and a consider- 
able garrison. 

About eleven o clock at night he landed, one hundred 
yards above the battery, came into the village, and into 
a large house with a piazza, which was the headquarters 
of General Hebert. 

A Major and Captain, of the General's staff, were 
about going to bed, in a room on the piazza, when, hearing 
footsteps, and supposing his servant was there, the Major 
threw up a window, and a navy revolver was at once 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. G61 

thrust in his face, with a demand for surrender. He 
pushed the pistol aside, and escaped through the back 
door, calling to his companion to follow, as the enemy 
were upon them. The latter failed to understand, and 
was taken prisoner by Cushing, and carried off. He 
pushed off down the river, knowing that an immediate 
alarm would be given. It ,was a beautiful moonlight 
night, but Cushing escaped unharmed. 

This audacious effort to capture General Hebert was 
characteristic of Cushing, and was only frustrated by the 
fact that the General happened to spend the night in 
Wilmington, instead of his own quarters. 

At the capture of Newbern, Cushing distinguished him- 
self, in command of a battery of navy howitzers. 

In landing in the marsh Cushing had lost his shoes, 
and, while pressing on, he encountered the servant of a 
Captain Johnson, of the army, who had a pair of spare 
boots slung over his shoulder. Cushing asked who was 
the owner of the boots, and said, "Tell the Captain that 
Lieutenant Cushing, of the Navy, was barefooted, and has 
borrowed them for the day," and then, in spite of the 
remonstrances of the servant, put on the boots in haste, 
and pursued his way to the fight. 

In the destruction of the Albemarle we see Cushing in 
another, and a truly heroic light. The newspaper cor- 
respondents had managed to make his task as difficult 
as possible, for they had, for several weeks, apprised the 
public, and of course the enemy, that Cushing was on his 
way from the North, with a torpedo-boat, to blowup the 
Albemarle. No method could have been taken to 
render the enemy more watchful, and the destruction of 
the ironclad impossible. 

We have already spoken of the "cordon" of logs, 
enclosing her as in a pen ; the extra guards and fires, the 



662 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

howitzers ready loaded, and the pickets down the river. 
The enemy was very vigilant, and Cushing's approach 
was discovered. Yet we find him perfectly cool amidst 
a heavy fire from small arms and howitzers, standing 
forward in his launch, pushing his way at full speed over 
the logs, and only intent upon lowering his torpedo and 
striking the enemy's vessel at the proper time. He did 
this most effectually, but, at the very moment of doing 
so, a shell from one of the heavy guns of the Albemarle 
struck the torpedo-boat, and she went down, swamped 
by the column of water and spray which rose high in the 
air when the torpedo exploded. 

Nothing could be more graphic or characteristic than 
Cushing's report of the affair, as follows : — 

"Albemarle Sound, N. C, 
October 30th, 1864. 

" Sir : — I have the honor to report that the Rebel iron- 
clad "Albemarle" is at the bottom of the Roanoke river. 
On the night of the 27th, having prepared my steam- 
launch, I proceeded up towards Plymouth with thirteen 
officers and men, partly volunteers from the squadron. 
The distance from the mouth of the river to the ram was 
about eight miles, the stream averaging in width some 
two hundred yards, and lined with the enemy's pickets. 

"A mile below the town was the wreck of the South- 
field, surrounded by some schooners, and it was under- 
stood that a gun was mounted there to command the 
bend. I therefore took one of the Shamrock's cutters in 
tow, with orders to cast off and board at that point, if we 
were hailed. 

"Our boat succeeded in passing the pickets, and even 
the Southfield, within twenty yards, without discovery, 
and we were not hailed until by the lookouts on the ram. 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 663 

The cutter was then cast off, and ordered below, while 
we made for our enemy under a full head of steam. The 
Rebels sprung their rattle, rang the bell, and commenced 
firing, at the same time repeating their hail, and seeming 
much confused. 

"The light of a fire ashore showed me the ironclad 
made fast to the wharf, with a pen of logs around her, 
about thirty feet from her side. 

"Passing her closely, we made a complete circle, so as 
to strike her fairly, and went into her, bows on. By this 
time the enemy's fire was very severe, but a dose of 
canister, at short range, served to moderate their zeal 
and disturb their aim. 

"Paymaster Swan, of the Otsego, was wounded near 
me, but how many more I know not. Three bullets 
struck my clothing, and the air seemed full of them. In a 
moment we had struck the logs just abreast of the quarter 
port, breasting them in some feet, and our bows resting 
on them. The torpedo-boom was then lowered, and by 
a vigorous pull I succeeded in diving the torpedo under 
the overhang, and exploding it, at the same time that the 
Albemarle's gun was fired. A shot seemed to go 
crashing through my boat, and a dense mass of water 
rushed in from the torpedo, filling the launch, and com- 
pletely disabling her. 

"The enemy then continued his fire, at fifteen feet 
range, and demanded our surrender, which I twice 
refused, ordering the men to save themselves, and, 
removing my own coat and shoes, springing into the 
river, I swam with others into the middle of the stream, 
the Rebels failing to hit us. The most of our party were 
captured, some were drowned, and only one escaped 
besides myself, and he in another direction. Acting 
Master's Mate Woodman, of the 'Commodore Hull,' I 



664 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

met in the water half a mile below the town, and assisted 
him as best I could, but failed to get him ashore. 

Completely exhausted, I managed to reach the shore, 
but was too weak to crawl out of the water until just at 
daylight, when I managed to creep into the swamp, close 
to the fort. While hiding, a few feet from the path, two 
of the Albemarle's officers passed, and I judged, from their 
conversation, that the ship was destroyed. 

" Some hours' travelling in the swamp served to bring 
me out well below the town, when I sent a negro in to 
gain information, and found that the ram was truly sunk. 
Proceeding to another swamp I came to a creek, and 
captured a skiff belonging to a picket of the enemy, and 
with this, by eleven o'clock the next night, had made my 
way out to the ' Valley City.' 

"Acting Master's Mate William L. Howarth, of the 
' Monticello,' showed, as usual, conspicuous bravery. He 
is the same officer who has been with me twice in 
Wilmington harbor. I trust he may be promoted when 
exchanged, as well as Acting Third Assistant Engineer 
Stotesbury, who, being for the first time under fire, handled 
his engine promptly and with coolness. 

"All the officers and men behaved in the most gallant 
manner. I will furnish their names to the Department 
as soon as they can be procured. 

" The cutter of the Shamrock boarded the Southfield, 
but found no gun. Four prisoners were taken there. 
The ram is now completely submerged, and the enemy 
have sunk three schooners in the river, to obstruct the 
passage of our ships. I desire to call the attention of 
the Admiral and Department to the spirit manifested by 
the sailors on the ships in these Sounds. But few men 
were wanted, but all hands were eager to go into action, 
many offering their chosen shipmates a month's pay to 



CUSHING AND THE ALBEMAKLE. 665 

resign in their favor. I am, sir, very respectfully, your 
obedient servant, W. B. Gushing, 

Lieutenant, U. S. JV." 
" Rear-Admiral D. D. Porter, 
" Commanding N. A. Squadron. 

" The name of the man who escaped is William Hoft- 
man, seaman on the ' Chicopee.' He did his duty well, 
and deserves a medal of honor. 

" Respectfully, W. B. Cushing, U. S. N." 

Cushing, for this daring piece of service, was himself 
advanced to the rank of Lieutenant-Commander. 

Such men are never mere imitators, and his unvarying 
success in whatever he undertook was due to his clever 
planning and admirable execution. Attempts by those 
of inferior qualities in such respects would end in their 
capture or death. 

Admiral Ammen goes on to say, in summing up the 
character of Cushing, " that, notwithstanding his extra- 
ordinary qualities, he perhaps lacked that attention to the 
practical and laborious details of his profession without 
which no officer can attain eminence or usefulness, even, 
in the higher grades. His ability to comprehend was 
undoubtedly of a high order, but possibly a deficient 
training when a mere youth left him apparently averse to 
acquiring the practical details of his profession. 

"The fact is, that Cushing had such pre-eminent quali- 
ties, that those who appreciated him felt a certain chagrin 
or disappointment that he did not seem to possess those 
ordinary qualities through which he could acquire the 
knowledge necessary to extraordinary success as the 
leader of large forces. 

"Cushing's life in war was active and heroic in the 
extreme ; in peace he seemed to suffer, as it were, from 



666 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

inanity, or more properly speaking, from the apparent 
lack or absence of a strong purpose. 

" After the close of the war he was for some two years 
Executive Officer of the ' Lancaster,' a position which 
required close attention and study, to fulfill its duties in 
the best manner. 

"Afterwards he served three years in command of the 
'Maumee,' on the Asiatic station. He was promoted, in 
the regular order of vacancies, to Commander, January 3 1 , 
1872, and soon after was ordered to the command of the 
'Wyoming,' on the home station, and was relieved at the 
end of a year, the vessel being put out of commission. 

"In the spring of 1874 he was ordered to the Wash- 
ington Navy Yard, and the following August was detached, 
at his request. He then seemed in impaired health, and 
expressed a desire to go South ; after the lapse of a few 
days he showed signs of insanity, and was removed to 
the Government Hospital, where he died, December 1 7, 
1874, at the age of thirty-two years and thirteen days. 

" His becoming insane was a great regret and surprise 
to his many friends and admirers, in and out of the naval 
service ; it was, however, a consolation for them to know 
that it was not the result of bad habits or of causes within 
his control. His misfortune, and that of the naval service 
to which he belonged, was seemingly a lack of rigid, early 
training, necessary to healthful thought in ordinary times, 
and to a continued development of those points in naval 
education which are so useful in peace, and so essential 
to success in the higher grades, whatever nature may have 
done to fit the man for action. 

" There are few Cushings in the histories of navies; 
they can have no successful imitators ; they pass away, as 
it were, before they reach their destined goal, regretted 
and admired." 



FORT FISHER. 



667 



XLVI. 



FORT FISHER. DECEMBER, 1864, JANUARY, 

1865. 




FTER the fall of the forts at Mobile, Wil- 
mington alone remained a port where 
blockade-runners could enter and escape 
again, with their return cargoes. Having 
two entrances, one north of Cape Fear, 
at New Inlet, shoal and tortuous, and 
commanded by the extensive fortifications 
on Federal Point, called Fort Fisher, and 
the other the main channel of the Cape Fear River, and 
these two entrances requiring about sixty miles of blockade, 
it was almost impossible to prevent swift vessels from 
running in with important supplies for the Confederate 
Army, and from getting to sea again, with cotton. 

Sherman was now preparing for his march to the sea, 
which, if successful, would insure the fall of Charleston 
and Savannah, without further effort from the Navy. 

Grant was beleaguering Lee, at Petersburg and Rich- 
mond, and the latter was dependent upon Wilmington for 
many indispensable articles brought into that port, for his 
army, by the English blockade-runners. Many of these 
had been captured or destroyed, but the temptation was 
great to try again, and greedy and desperate men, with fast 
steamers, took their lives in their hands, and by audacity 
and good seamanship, favored by a dark night, often 
succeeded. 



668 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

It was certain that the principal Confederate Army 
remaining could not long be kept in the field if important 
articles not produced in the Confederacy could not be 
continuously imported from England. Indeed, after the 
capture of Fort Fisher, a telegram from Lee was found 
there, which declared that he could not hold Richmond if 
Fort Fisher should be captured. 

While Grant, therefore, was ready to follow Lee, either 
north or south, and Sherman was about making his bold 
manoeuvre, and the captured harbors were closely held, 
and the lesser ports and coasts closely watched, it seemed 
more than ever necessary to capture Wilmington; and to 
do this, Fort Fisher must be taken. 

The writer participated in both attacks upon Fort 
Fisher, and has contributed a paper to the United Service 
Magazine upon the operations there ; but for the sake of 
conciseness, will follow the official report, and the account 
of Boynton, adding some reminiscences. 

In September, 1864, the Navy Department received 
assurances from the Secretary of War, that the necessary 
land force for the reduction of Fort Fisher and the other 
Wilmington forts would be supplied in due season, and 
preparations for the naval part of the expedition were 
begun at once. A very powerful naval force was assem- 
bled in Hampton Roads, and the command offered to 
Admiral Farragut. But the Admiral's health had been 
much impaired by the anxieties, and exposures, and 
constant strain upon his nervous system, in consequence 
of his service of two years in a climate not very favorable 
to health. He, therefore, declined the command, to the 
great regret of the public, as well as the Navy Department. 

The Secretary of the Navy then naturally turned to 
Admiral Porter, who had shown, in the very trying service 
on the Western rivers, great energy and skill. He 



FORT FISHER. 669 

accepted, with alacrity, and was at once put in com- 
mand of the lamest fleet which ever sailed under the 
American flapf. 

Causes into which it is now not worth while to enter 
delayed the expedition, as the co-operating land force was 
not at once forthcoming, and a bombarding force of thirty- 
seven vessels, and a reserve squadron of nineteen, lay in 
Hampton Roads, awaiting orders to proceed. 

The season was almost over when fine weather might 
be expected, and the time was near when those storms 
which had given the name to Cape Fear might be expected 
in that locality. Before the war it was considered fool- 
hardy to dally in that vicinity at all, and yet our blockaders 
staid there, night and day, winter and summer, shine or 
storm, for nearly four years, and even our monitors laid 
out gales there, at anchor, with the whole Atlantic ocean 
to the eastward of them. 

The Secretary of the Navy became anxious at the delay 
in the movements of the military part of the expedition, 
and addressed a letter to President Lincoln, which was as 
follows : — 

"Navy Department, 

October 28th, 1864. 

"Sir: — You are aware that, owing to shoal water at 
the mouth of the Cape Fear River, a purely naval attack 
cannot be undertaken against Wilmington. Had there 
been water enough for our broadside ships, of the Hart- 
ford class, the naval attacks of New Orleans, Mobile, and 
Port Royal would have been repeated there. I have, as 
you are aware, often pressed upon the War Department 
the importance of capturing Wilmington, and urged upon 
the Military authorities the necessity of undertaking a 
joint operation against the defences of Cape Fear River ; 
but until recently there never seems to have been a period 



670 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

when the Department was in a condition to entertain the 
subject. 

"Two months ago it was arranged that an attack should 
be made on the ist of October, but subsequently post- 
j:>oned to the 15th, and the naval force has been ready- 
since the 15th instant, in accordance with that agreement. 
One hundred and fifty vessels of war now form the North 
Atlantic Squadron. The command, first offered to Rear- 
Admiral Farragut, but declined by him, has been given 
to Rear-Admiral Porter. 

"Every other squadron has been depleted, and vessels 
detached from other duty to strengthen this expedition. 
The vessels are concentrated at Hampton Roads and 
Beaufort, where they remain, an immense force lying idle, 
awaiting the movements of the army. The detention of 
so many vessels from blockade and cruising duty is a most 
serious injury to the public service; and if the expedition 
cannot go forward for want of troops, I desire to be 
notified, so that the ships may be relieved and dispersed 
for other service. 

"The importance of closing Wilmington is so well 
understood by you that I refrain from presenting any new 
arguments. I am aware of the anxiety of yourself, and 
of the disposition of the War Department to render all 
the aid in its power. The cause of the delay is not from 
the want of a proper conception of the importance of the 
subject; but the season for naval coast operations will 
soon be gone. 

"General Bragg has been sent from Richmond to Wil- 
mington, to prepare for the attack; and the autumn 
weather, so favorable for such an expedition, is fast 
passing away. The public expect this attack, and the 
country will be distressed if it be not made. To pro- 
crastinate much longer will be to peril its success. 



FORT FISHER. 671 

"Of the obstacles which delay or prevent military 
co-operation at once I cannot judge; but the delay is 
becoming exceedingly embarrassing to this Department, 
and the importance of having the military authorities 
impressed with the necessity of speedy action has 
prompted this communication to you. 

" I have the honor to be, etc., etc., 
The President. " Gideon Welles." 

At length the .War Department supplied the much 
needed land force. General Butler was placed in com- 
mand of it, and General Weitzel, an engineer officer, was 
sent with him. 

The long delay had enabled the enemy to gain informa- 
tion of the object of all this preparation, and they placed 
additional troops within supporting distance of the forts. 

Fort Fisher is situated on a neck of land between the 
ocean and the Cape Fear River, called Federal Point. 
The plan was to land the troops some distance above the 
fort, and intrench across the Point to Cape Fear River, 
so as to prevent reinforcements being sent from Wilming- 
ton, and then to attack both by land and water. 

The fort and its connected batteries mounted about 
seventy-five guns, while the armament of all the works 
erected for the purpose of guarding the approaches to 
Wilmington was about orte hundred and sixty guns, 
many of them of the largest calibre then used in forts. 
Among them were some 150-pounder Armstrongs. 
Admiral Porter, who had been at Sebastopol, says, in an 
official report, "that Fort Fisher was much stronger than 
the famous Malakoff." 

A novel idea was to be carried out in this attack, which 
was popularly attributed to General Butler. 

A vessel with a very large quantity of powder on 



672 NAVAL isATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

board was arranged as a huge torpedo, to be carried in 
as close as possible to the fort, and then exploded. It 
was supposed that it would level the walls, explode the 
magazine, and kill or stun the garrison. 

The explosion produced no result of importance, as we 
shall see hereafter. 

The attack was decided upon for the 24th of December, 
although General Butler had not arrived with his troops. 
The larger vessels of the fleet and the ironclads had 
anchored twenty miles east of New Inlet, literally at sea, 
and in a position where it would have been thought fool- 
hardy, in peace times, to have remained at that season. 
Here they rode out some heavy weather, the monitors, at 
times, being completely submerged by the huge seas, with 
only the tops of the smoke-stacks and turrets visible. 

The powder boat was a purchased gun-boat, called the 
Louisiana. She had about two hundred tons of powder 
on board, and was commanded by Commander A. C. 
Rhind. The vessel was painted lead color, and she 
had a false smoke-stack erected abaft the real one, and 
in general appearance and color resembled the ordinary 
blockade-runners. She was sent in on the night ot the 
23d, or rather, at two o'clock on the morning of the 24th. 
So little was the explosion considered an act of war by 
the garrison that they supposed it a blockade-runner 
which had been chased ashore and blown up, to prevent 
her from falling- into the blockaders' hands. 

The attacking fleet carried nearly five hundred guns. 
Among these were some of the largest guns then in use. 
The three monitors mounted 1 5-inch guns ; the battery 
of the New Ironsides was of 11 -inch guns; there were 
many 11 -inch guns, and 100- and 150-pounder Parrott 
rifles on board the smaller vessels while the heavy 
frigates ? Minnesota, Wabash and Colorado, mounted each 



FORT FISHER. 673 

forty 9-inch guns. No such armament had ever been 
brought to bear upon a fort ; and probably no fort was 
better able to resist it, for it was an immense bank of 
earth, with the guns far apart, and huge traverses of earth 
built up between them. This arrangement had a double 
advantage ; for it was more difficult to reduce the work than 
if the guns had been contained in a smaller space, while 
their fire, thus distributed, was more effective against ships. 

But, extensive and formidable as these great earthworks 
were, they were overmatched by the guns afloat. No 
men could stand to guns, and no guns could long con- 
tinue serviceable, under such a storm of shot and shell as 
was poured upon them. 

On the 24th of December, early in the morning, the 
ships stood in, the grim and ponderous Ironsides leading 
the way, followed by the monitors. They took position 
about three-quarters of a mile from the fort, opening fire 
as soon as in station. Then came the great frigates, 
sloops and gun-boats, and all opened a most rapid and 
terrible fire. 

In about an hour the fort was silenced, the garrison 
being driven to cover. There were one or two explosions 
of magazines, and some buildings were set on fire. Un- 
fortunately, during this day no less than six of the ioo- 
pounder rifles burst, killing and wounding more men than 
the guns of the enemy, and destroying confidence in these 
pieces, which had hitherto done good work, and had been 
rather favorites. The ships sustained very little damage. 

On the next day, Christmas, the transports arrived with 
the troops, and the latter were landed about five miles 
above the fort, under cover of the gun-boats, while the 
ironclads and other vessels renewed their fire upon the 
fort, but more deliberately than the day before. General 
Weitzel reconnoitred the fort, and some soldiers actually 

43 



674 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

entered a part of it, but the General reported a successful 
assault impracticable, and the troops were re-embarked. 
The Navy was naturally indignant at this, but there was 
no help for it. The commentary upon the opinion of the 
Engineer is that the fort was taken by assault, a fortnight 
afterwards. 

On December 29th, the Secretary of the Navy, after 
consultation with the President, sent a telegram to 
General Grant, at Petersburg, stating his belief that 
the works could be taken by a suitable land force, to 
co-operate with the Navy, and asking for the necessary 
troops. General Grant sent about eight thousand men, 
under General Terry, and they reached the neighborhood 
of Fort Fisher on January 13th. 

In the meantime the fleet had ridden out some very bad 
weather and one severe southeast gale, most of the large 
vessels lying in the bight under Cape Lookout. 

On January 12th the fleet, with the transports with 
troops in close company, sailed again for New Inlet, all 
being - in fair fightingf condition, and not damaged or 
dispersed by the gale, as the enemy had hoped. 

On the 13th the fleet was pounding away at the 
earthworks again, the Ironsides being within one thousand 
yards of the northeast angle, and the monitors much 
closer, as they drew less water. The wind was off shore, 
and light, and the water smooth, or they could not have 
gone in so close, there being but a few inches of water 
under the keels of the ironclads. The fire was continued 
all that day, and at intervals during the night. 

The fire of the ironclads was directed, during the whole 
of the second bombardment, at the land face of the main 
fort, where the assault by the troops was to be made; 
and although they were nearly concealed by the high 
traverses, which made an angle with the line of fire, it 



FORT FISHER. 675 

was seen that many guns were struck and disabled, but 
the full extent of the damage was not known till after 
the surrender. Then it was found that every gun on 
that face of the fort had been disabled, principally by the 
heavy shot and shell of the ironclads, which lay so near 
the fort, and fired deliberately, and in perfect security. 

It was the northeastern face which was to be assaulted 
by the troops of General Terry. The sea front had been 
under the fire of the wooden ships, which had to lie further 
off, and their fire was less effective, and the face less 
injured. It was decided to assault this face with the 
sailors and marines of the fleet. There were seventeen 
guns on the land face, with immense hills for traverses, 
extending a third of a mile. The other face, that to 
be assaulted by the sailors and marines, was about one 
mile in length, terminating on the right flank in a mound 
fifty-three feet high, mounted with two very heavy guns. 

The arrangement of guns and traverses was such that, 
in an assault, each would have to be taken separately. 

On the morning of the 15 th the ships went once more 
into position, and fired rapidly. The soldiers and sailors 
made arrangements for the assault; throwing up breast- 
works and rifle-pits towards the fort. From 1 1 a. m. to 
about half-past two, a tremendous fire was kept up, and 
the heavy embankments crumbled under the shot and 
shell, while more guns were disabled. 

Still, the garrison, of about 2300 men, lay sheltered in 
their bomb-proofs, ready to come out and repel the 
assault as soon as the fire of the fleet should cease. 

At half-past two the naval column was ready to advance, 
and the fire from the fleet, at a given signal, suddenly 
ceased, the quiet seeming quite unnatural after the con- 
tinuous roar of artillery. 

The naval column then moved along the beach, to as- 



676 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

sault the sea-face of the main work. This was defended by 
palisades, as was the land face, and was about forty feet 
high, and very steep — difficult for an armed man to climb. 

As the fire from the fleet ceased, the garrison came out 
of the bomb-proofs, and, manning the parapet of the sea- 
face, began to shoot down the assaulting sailors and 
marines. Loaded pieces were handed up to those on the 
parapet, so the fire was very rapid. The beach was 
soon strewn with dead and wounded, many staggering 
into the water and falling there. 

A few of the men, with many of the officers, reached 
the foot of the mound, but they could get no further, and 
the bulk of the naval force retreated down the beach 
again, entirely exposed, and losing heavily from the 
deliberate musketry fire of the garrison. Those who had 
reached a place of partial shelter, about the foot of the 
mound, were obliged to remain there until approaching 
darkness and hard fio-htino- on the other face grave them 
an opportunity to get away. The loss in this attempted 
assault was very heavy, twenty-one officers of the navy 
having been killed or wounded, with a proportionate 
number of sailors and marines. 

The lives lost were not utterly thrown away, however, 
for the naval attack made a diversion, distracting atten- 
tion from the movements of the troops. 

Soon after the naval advance, and about the time that 
it was evident that it had failed, the veteran troops from 
the James River assaulted, with the determination, steadi- 
ness and dash which they had learned at Petersburg, 
Cold Harbor, Spottsylvania, and a dozen other scenes 
of hard fighting. The guns on the land face were all 
disabled, but there was a howitzer fire from a sally-port, 
which did much damage, although it did not stay the 
advance of those well-dressed lines an instant. Reaching 



FORT FISHER. 677 

the foot of the lofty earthworks, the pioneers' axes soon 
cleared away the palisade, and the troops entered the two 
western traverses. An entirely novel and fierce combat 
now took place, as each mound was captured in turn. 

For more than five hours this hand-to-hand struggle, 
a fight to the death, went on in those traverses. There 
was nothing exactly like it during the whole war. The 
Ironsides fired into the traverses ahead of our troops until 
this was rendered, by the darkness, as dangerous to friend 
as foe. Night came, and still the struggle went on. 
Shouts and yells, shrieks and groans, musket-shot and 
clash of bayonet, with the flash of small arms, marked the 
centre of the fight. Thus traverse after traverse was 
won, until about ten o'clock at nieht the last one, at the 
mound, was taken ; then was heard a tremendous peal of 
cheers, and the garrison poured, pell-mell, down to Federal 
Point. Here they laid down their arms and surrendered. 
The fact was at once telegraphed to the fleet, by signal 
lanterns, and round after round of hearty cheers went up 
from every ship. 

The " impregnable " Fort Fisher was taken. The Cape 
Fear River, the great port of the blockade runners, was 
closed, and the Confederacy at last completely isolated. 

The next morning the light-draught vessels at once 
began to work in over the New Inlet Bar, and for some 
days they were busy in capturing forts, and in sweeping 
the Channel for torpedoes, and removing obstructions. 

About seven o'clock in the morning there was a 
tremendous explosion within the Fort, which threw masses 
of earth and timber, and bodies of men, high into the air ; 
while a dense balloon-shaped cloud of powder smoke and 
dust hung in the air for a long time. 

It was the main magazine which had blown up. It was 
never known how it happened. Many officers and sea- 



678 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

men of the fleet, as well as soldiers, lost their lives by 
this explosion. 

Upon landing from the men-of-war, to see what this 
celebrated place might be like, we met, in the first place, 
boats conveying* the wounded of the Navy to the Hos- 
pital ship, while upon the beach parties were collecting 
for burial those who had been killed, and ranging- them in 
rows. This beach, as well as the whole of the land front 
of the fort, was strewn with an immense number of frag- 
ments of shell, muskets, musket-balls, bayonets, cartridge 
boxes and belts, articles of clothing and dead bodies. 

As we approached the land face, we began to find the 
bodies of soldiers, instead of those of sailors, lying in the 
strangest attitudes, just as they happened to be when the 
death bullet struck them. The faces of some still showed 
the deadly purpose of battle, while others were as peace- 
ful as if they had died in their beds. Many of these 
bodies had rolled down the steep earthwork after being 
shot, and were lying against the palisades, covered with 
dust and powder grime. Upon gaining a point of view 
from one of the traverses, one was struck by the great 
extent of the fort. Before us lay the huge smoking 
crater caused by the morning's explosion, while fatigue 
parties of soldiers were engaged in collecting the wounded 
and the dead, and in piling up, in great stacks, the small 
arms of the captured garrison, as well as those of our 
own dead and wounded. Peeping into the bomb-proofs, 
which were full of dead, and filthy beyond description, 
from long occupation during the bombardment, the next 
sight was the guns. These were, many of them, not only 
dismounted, but partially buried in the earth and sand, by 
the terrible explosions of the eleven- and fifteen-inch 
shells. In many cases the gun's crew were buried with 
them, as an occasional hand or foot, peeping out, testified. 



FORT FISHER. 679 

At the northeastern angle of the fort, in two huge 
embrasures, were two very heavy guns, a 68-pounder, 
and an 8-inch Blakeley rifle, both of English make. These 
two guns had fired principally at the ironclads, and the 
latter had returned the compliment. Our fire often caused 
the gunners to leave them, but they generally returned 
at the first slacking of the fire. Just before the assault, 
one of them had the carriage disabled, and it was now 
slewed round with its muzzle to the westward. 

At Battery No. 4 was found an Armstrong 1 50-pounder, 
marked with the "broad arrow," and mounted on an 
elegantly made and polished carriage, with Sir Wm. 
Armstrong's name on the trunnion of the gun, in full. 
This piece was said to have been presented to the Con- 
federacy by some English admirers. But Armstrong 
guns, of less calibre, were found in all the fortifications 
about Cape Fear. 

These latter works were evacuated by the Confederates 
in great consternation and hurry ; in some instances they 
only spiked very fine guns. 

Fort Anderson, on the right bank, held our flotilla for 
some time. Just abreast of it were two lines of torpedoes, 
both floating and sunken, and this fort was not evacuated 
until after a heavy bombardment of thirteen hours, and 
an expenditure of about five thousand shell. 

It was very natural for the Confederates to suppose 
that Fort Fisher would come off victoriously from the 
second attack, as she was much better garrisoned and 
armed, and prepared in every way, than at the time of 
the first attack, in December. 

The success in the second attack was considered to be 
due to the change in the commanding officers ; the troops 
who carried the muskets were the same. 

All the forts in the river were of the most approved 



680 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

and careful construction, and they contained, in all, about 
1 70 heavy guns ; while lines of piles, and torpedoes to 
be fired by electricity, filled the approaches to them. 

It was remarked by an officer high in authority, that 
the engineers who built such works, at the expense of so 
much time and labor, must have had an abiding faith in 
the Confederacy. Fort Fisher was nearly four years in 
course of construction. 

After the capture of the forts the armed cruiser 
Chickamauga, which had already created such havoc 
among our coasters, and which was ready for sea again, 
and watching an opportunity to slip out, was run high up 
the river, and, in a small creek, destroyed by her own crew. 

Even in the most eventful and tragical occurrences 
there are some humorous sides. 

After the capture some fine blockade-running steamers 
came into Smithville, quite ignorant of the change in 
affairs, as they always arrived "in the dark of the moon.'' 
Lights were shown from the regular stations, to guide 
them in, and when they anchored they were quietly taken 
possession of. 

They were generally from Bermuda, and loaded with 
arms, blankets, shoes and medicines for the Confederate 
army. On board one of them were found some English 
army officers, who had come over from Bermuda on a 
" lark," and to try what blockade-running was like. When 
the vessel was boarded these gentry were found at supper, 
with champagne opened, to toast their successful run 
and their escape from serious damage from some shot 
which had struck the vessel as she was passing the outside 
blockaders. Their disgust may be imagined at being 
shipped to New York, in confinement, and thence back to 
Bermuda, by the first opportunity. 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 



681 



XLVII. 



SOME NAVAL ACTIONS BETWEEN BRAZIL, THE 
ARGENTINE CONFEDERATION AND PARA- 
GUAY. 1865-68. 




HE first naval event of importance in this 
long and deadly struggle (which began, as 
all the later South American wars have 
begun, about a question of boundary), was 
the battle of the Riachuelo. 

The river Parana, the southern boundary 
of Paraguay, enters the river Paraguay 
between the Paraguayan fort of Humaita, 
and the town of Corrientes, in the Argentine Confedera- 
tion; and just below Corrientes is the Riachuelo, which 
has given its name to this battle. 

Riachuelo means a streamlet or brook. The channel 
of the main river is here about five hundred yards wide. 
It is much broader both above and below. The Para- 
guayans had invaded the territory of Entre-Rios, and 
just north of the "streamlet" had established a position, 
where they had a strong battery of flying artillery, upon 
the bank of the main river. 

In April, 1865, the first Brazilian naval division ascended 
the river, towards Corrientes. The Brazilian Admiral, 
Tamandare, did not come with them, being occupied in 
Buenos Ayres, as was notorious, in imitating the conduct 
of Nelson at Naples, and of Marc Antony at Alexandria. 
The fleet was under the command of Commandante 



682 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Gomensoro, who was soon afterwards superseded by 
Vice-Admiral Barroso. 

The fleet anchored almost in sight of Corrientes, on the 
Chaco, or western bank. It consisted of nine steamers, 
all sea-going. They were the Amazonas (flag-ship), a 
heavy paddle-ship, of six guns ; the Jequitinhonha, Bel- 
monte, Mearim, and Beberibe, each of eight guns ; the 
Paranahyba, of six guns; Iparanga, seven; Iguateme, of 
five, and the Araguay, of three guns, fifty-nine in all. 

Lopez, the President and absolute Dictator of Paraguay, 
determined to try to capture this fleet. 

His soldiers all were devoted to him, and those of the 
higher classes who were not so, he kept under, by a system 
of terrorism worthy of his father's predecessor, Dr. 
Francia. Anything which he determined should be done 
had to be done, or the offender suffered imprisonment 
and torture, followed by death. Driven in this way by 
fear, his officers accomplished wonderful things. He 
seldom conferred upon any one a higher rank than that of 
Captain, and officers of that grade frequently commanded 
regiments and brigades. The men were brave and 
patient, and satisfied with the scantiest food and clothing. 
They despised the Brazilians, many of whom were negroes 
or mulattoes, calling them "cambas" and "macacos'' 
— niggers and monkeys. Some of the most wonderful 
instances of daring, devotion, and calm courage were 
exhibited by these Indians during this long war; and 
when it closed, nearly all the men in the country, and 
many of the boys, were dead, killed in battle. 

As an instance of their heroic devotion we may mention, 
that of a Paraguayan soldier, solitary and alone, and 
surrounded by overwhelming numbers of armed enemies. 
Being called upon to surrender, he coolly replied, " No 
tengo orden " — I have no orders — and continued to fight 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 683 

until pinned to the ground by a dozen bayonets. Nor 
was this by any means a solitary case. 

Having- determined to try to capture the Brazilian vessels, 
Lopez adopted in part a plan formed by an English Chief 
Engineer in his fleet. This man had formerly served in 
the Brazilian Navy, and understood them thoroughly. 

Lopez' vessels were to run down with the current and 
reach the Brazilian squadron just at daylight. Each 
Paraguayan vessel was to select her antagonist, run at 
her, and board, with plenty of men, armed with their 
favorite swords and knives. 

Lopez, who was personally a coward, and who never 
took part in any action himself, thought he had great 
military genius, and would interfere upon this occasion, 
as upon many others. The plan of Watts, the English- 
man, would have caught the Brazilians asleep, and with 
their fires banked, so that they could not move. 

Lopez gave instructions for his vessels to run past the 
Brazilians, then turn, come up stream, and board. He 
detailed eight hundred men, in addition to the crews of 
the vessels, as boarders. These he harangued, and told 
them to go and bring him back the fleet and the prisoners 
of the "Cambas." "No!" cried the Paraguayans, in 
reply, "What do we want with prisoners? We will kill 
them all." 

Lopez smiled, distributed cigars, their one great luxury, 
and sent them away. 

He sent on this expedition nine steamers, river boats, 
about all he had. They were the Tacuari (flag-ship), 
Paraguari, Igurey, Marquis Olinda (captured early in the 
war), Salto-Oriental, Ipora, Peribebui, Jejui and Ibera. 
These carried thirty-four guns. They were to tow down 
some of the " chatas " or flat-boats used by the Para- 
guayans, which each mounted one heavy gun, and carried 



684 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

a number of men. These boats were very low in the 
water, of light draught, and very hard to hit. 

Pedro Mesa was the Captain of the Paraguayan Navy. 
He was fat, and sick, and old, and had no knowledge 
whatever of naval warfare. He tried to decline the com- 
mand of the expedition, which, as the whole navy was in 
service, naturally fell to him. But Lopez would not 
listen to it, and ordered him on board ; and the instruc- 
tions of Lopez must be obeyed, on peril of death. 

Finally the flotilla got off. But there was much delay 
from defective machinery, and one of the steamers, the 
Ibera, had to be left behind. Owing to this it was broad 
daylight before they came down near the Brazilians, and 
there was consequently no surprise. Mesa carried out 
his orders literally, as it behooved any one to do who 
served Lopez, and ran past the Brazilians a very consid- 
erable distance, having received their fire as he passed. 
The latter slipped their cables and got under way, so that 
it was ten o'clock in the morning before the fleets came 
in contact. In spite ot the bad manoeuvre of going down 
the stream first, the fight opened well for the Paraguayans. 
The Jequitinhonha, which carried, among other guns, two 
68-pounders and a Whitworth rifle, grounded, and was 
abandoned, after being well peppered by the Paraguayan 
battery of Bruguez, on the left bank. The Paranahyba 
had her wheel shot away, and was boarded and taken ; 
and the Belmonte, riddled with shot, had to be run on 
shore, to keep her from sinking. 

In this battle the difficulty was for the Paraguayans to 
hold on to the Brazilian vessels after they got alongside 
them, for the latter, being screws, managed to slide away 
from them. Strange to say, grappling irons had been 
forgotten. 

Colonel Thompson says that whenever the Paraguayans 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 685 

boarded, a portion of the Brazilian crew would jump 
overboard, some of whom were drowned, and some swam 
ashore, all the latter being killed as soon as thev landed. 

Burton remarks that the failure to bring grappling irons 
on an expedition where boarding the enemy was to be a 
feature, reminded him of an English attack upon some 
Sikh batteries, where the English engineers forgot to 
bring spikes. 

The Paraguayan launches, which had been towed down 
below the Brazilians, got adrift, and as they could not get 
up again, against the current, were eventually captured. 

At the end of the first period of the action the Brazilians 
had lost three vessels in a very few minutes, and their 
case seemed very doubtful. 

Just then a man of ability came to the front, and saved 
the day. The chief pilot of the Brazilian fleet was the 
son of an Italian emigrant, named Gastavino. This man, 
seeing that the Brazilian commanding officers had entirely 
lost their self possession, and were doing nothing, and 
giving no orders, took matters into his own hands. He 
drove the Amazonas at the Paraguayan flag-ship,.- cleared 
her deck with grape, and ran her down. Next he finished 
the Salto and Olinda, in the same manner ; the Amazonas 
being so high out of water that the Paraguayans could 
not board her as she came in contact with them. He 
wound up by sinking the Jejui with his guns. The Mar- 
quis Olinda had previously had a shot in her boilers, and 
almost all her crew were either scalded, or killed or 
wounded by grape- The other Paraguayan vessels, 
Tacuari, Igurey and Salto, also suffered in their boilers, 
and had nearly all their crews killed or wounded. 

During the height of the engagement, the Brazilian 
Paranahyba and the Paraguayan Tacuari fouled. The 
Paraguayans boarded, sword in hand ; at sight of them, 



686 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

most of the crew of the Paranahyba jumped overboard. 
Her decks were filled with the desperate Paraguayans, 
and the other Brazilian vessels were afraid to use their 
guns upon her, for fear of injuring the few of their people 
who were bravely resisting. These few brave men made 
so good a resistance that the Paraguayan commander, 
Mesa, became alarmed for his own safety, and endeavored 
to retire to his cabin. In so doing he was mortally 
wounded by a musket ball. The next officer in command 
to Mesa was hopelessly drunk, and the Brazilians 
succeeded in backing the Paranahyba away, and she 
escaped, after much slaughter. 

The battle lasted eight hours; and at last the four 
remaining Paraguayan steamers slowly and sullenly 
retreated up the stream. 

These must also have been taken or destroyed if Vice- 
Admiral Barroso had done his duty, and pursued with 
vigor. For his very equivocal conduct on this occasion 
he was made a Baron. The pilot, who really fought the 
battle, and saved the day to the Brazilians, was made a 
Lieutenant. 

The English Engineer, Watts, by his ability and good 
conduct secured the retreat of the four Paraguayan 
vessels, it is confidently asserted. For this Lopez gave 
him the lowest order of his Legion of Honor, and, three 
years afterwards, towards the close of the war, he had 
him arrested and shot, as a traitor. 

Mesa died of his wound in a few hours. He would 
have been shot by Lopez, if he had returned unwounded, 
at any rate; and not undeservedly. 

Both sides claimed a victory; but the Brazilians cer- 
tainly had the best of it, and had put a stop to the offen- 
sive campaign of Lopez ; as they could now blockade the 
river above Corrientes, and their presence there compelled 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 687 

the withdrawal of the Paraguayan advance corps in Entre 
Rios, and the evacuation of Uruguayana. Had Lopez' 
squadron been successful he would have had command 
of the whole river, and must have held it until the 
Brazilians got their iron-clads down. 

The Brazilians were unable to raise their sunken 
vessels, being driven off by the flying batteries of Bruguez, 
until such time as they were not worth working at. 

Parts of the crews of the destroyed Paraguayan vessels 
got on shore on the Chaco side of the river. The Brazil- 
ians sent an armed boat to take them off, but the Para- 
guayans killed all the crew, and seized the boat. These 
men were in the desert Chaco for three days and a half, 
without food, and at last, when the Brazilians left the 
river free, crossed over safely to their own side. 

Their desperate devotion was something wonderful. 
The Paraguayan captain of the Olinda was wounded, and 
taken, a prisoner, on board the Amazonas, where he had 
his arm amputated. Rather than remain a prisoner, and 
thus be declared by Lopez a traitor, fce tore off the band- 
ages and ligatures, and died. 

On the thirteenth of the month the Brazilian fleet ran 
down the river, past the field batteries at Riachuelo, and 
operations ceased for the time. 

The Brazilian officers confessed that at one time it was 
"touch and go" with them. 

Had the Paraguayans carried grappling irons, and gone 
straight alongside at first, it is altogether probable that 
they would have captured the whole Brazilian fleet. 
But the screw steamers, having been allowed time to 
get up steam, slipped away from their opponents, who 
were inexperienced as watermen, and who were baffled 
by the high sides and boarding- nettings of their man- 
of-war-built enemies. 



G88 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

It is a curious fact that not one of the Brazilian 120 
and 150-pounder Whitworth shot hit a Paraguayan 
vessel ; and the Paraguayans only knew that they had them 
by afterwards finding the shot, some of them five miles 
inland. 

A large picture of the Amazonas at the battle of Ria- 
chuelo was exhibited in the Brazilian department of the 
Centennial Exhibition, at Philadelphia. 

THE BATTLE OF THE BANK. 

When the land forces of the Allies at last invaded 
Paraguay, they reached the Parana, after some prelim- 
inary skirmishing; and, with 50,000 men, and 100 guns, 
prepared to cross that river, to effect a lodgment on 
Paraguayan soil. Lopez had a force of two or three 
thousand men in observation at Encarnacion, and seeing 
these ready to oppose a crossing, the Allies altered their 
plans, and marched down the Parana, intending to cross 
at Paso la Patria. 

On March 21st, 1866, the Allied fleet came up to 
Corrientes, and anchored, in line-of-battle, extending from 
.Corrales to the mouth of the Paraguay. 

Their fleet was now an imposing one for river warfare. 
They had eighteen steam gun-boats, carrying from six to 
eight guns each, four iron-clad vessels, three with case- 
mates, and one, the Bahia, a monitor, with revolving 
turret, and two 1 50-pounder Whitworth guns, in all one 
hundred and twenty-five guns. 

Two of the steamers and the ironclad Tamandare were 
sent up the Parana, to reconnoitre, but soon returned, 
after getting on shore and being in some jeopardy. 
There was a work on the right or Paraguayan bank, some 
distance from the confluence, called Itapiru. In the 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 689 

Allied reports it is designated as a fortress. It was really 
a dilapidated battery, of about thirty yards internal 
diameter; and at that time armed with one rifled, 12- 
pounder field gun. 

The Parana is here quite deep, except in one place, 
where there was only twelve feet of water in the northern 
channel, and here some scows, loaded with stones, had 
been sunk, which closed that channel. The Paraguayans 
had, at this point, the steamer Gualeguay, armed with two 
1 2-pounders, and two flat-bottomed boats, with an 8-inch 
gun mounted in each. 

On the 2 2d the Gualeguay towed one of these boats 
down half a mile below Itapiru, and moored her close in 
under the right bank. The scow at once opened upon 
the Brazilian fleet, and, in a short time, had put four 
eight-inch shot into the Admiral's ship. 

Three ironclads were sent up as soon as possible, and 
approached the scow, keeping up an incessant fire. The 
Paraguayans made excellent practice, in the meantime, 
with their eight-inch guns, seldom failing to hit one of 
their opponents. At last the ironclads approached within 
about one hundred yards, and the crew of the scow 
left and took to the woods. The Brazilians then lowered 
and manned three boats, and sent them to take possession 
of the scow and her gun. As they reached her, some 
infantry, numbering about one hundred, who were con- 
cealed in the woods, gave the boats a volley, which killed 
or wounded about half of their crews ; the rest made off 
and returned to their vessels. 

The ironclads then continued to fire at the abandoned 
scow, and at last blew up the magazine, and she sunk. 
The gun was not injured, and was recovered by the 
Paraguayans. 

On the 27th they towed the other gun-boat to the same 

44 



690 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

place, and opened upon the Brazilian fleet again, and the 
ironclads renewed the same tactics as before. This time 
the Paraguayans had their boat very close in to the bank, 
and kept their cartridges on shore, to avoid being blown 
up. Most of their 68-pound shot struck the ironclads, 
but flew in pieces. Some penetrated, however. One 
struck the Tamandare at the edge of a port, broke in 
pieces, and the fragments entered, killing every one in 
that part of the casemate, including the first and second 
Captains, three other officers, and eighteen men killed, 
and fifteen wounded. The Tamandare was driven off 
by this shot. The two other ironclads kept up the fire, 
responded to by the Paraguayan musketry from the 
woods, and at nine o'clock at night the Brazilians retired, 
having effected nothing. Next day four ironclads and 
four wooden gun-boats came up to engage this doughty 
Paraguayan 8-pounder. On this day the ironclad Barroso 
got four holes through her plates, and all the rest of them 
were more or less damaged, until, at last, the Paraguayan 
gun was struck, and fairly broken in two. Strange to 
say, not a Paraguayan was hurt. 

On the night of the 29th, these irrepressible people, 
having recovered the 8-inch gun from the first scow, 
endeavored to bring a boat from Humaita, to mount it 
upon. Their audacity was such that they towed it, with 
canoes, down the Paraguay to the confluence, and then 
up the Parana, and all this under a bright moonlight. At 
last the Brazilians saw them, before they had reached 
their goal, and the gun-boats steamed up, to capture an 
empty scow. The men had made off, in the canoes, up 
the Parana. 

These Paraguayan gun-boats thus constantly engaged 
the whole Brazilian fleet. But it must be remembered 
that a mere float, of this kind, bearing a gun, was very 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 691 

difficult to hit. For a week after this, the steamer Guale- 
guay went out every afternoon, and fired at the Brazilian 
fleet with her two 12-pounders. This was done princi- 
pally for Lopez' amusement, and he, at a safe distance, 
had excellent long glasses mounted, with which he watched 
the performances. The Brazilian fleet would dash up 
the water, all about the Gualeguay, with every kind of 
missile, from a 68 to a 150-pounder, and yet this steam- 
boat never received any damage but one hole in her 
smoke-stack. 

In some of the subsequent bombardments, Lopez would 
take up his quarters in a secure bomb-proof, and receive 
exact reports of every gun fired ;. what it had effected, and 
so forth. But he never exposed himself for a moment. 

The Allied artillery, on the left bank of the Parana, kept 
up a heavy fire upon the post of Itapiru. But there was 
nothing there to receive any damage, the 1 2-pounder 
being snugly stowed away for an occasion. This con- 
tinued for some time ; until, at last, the Brazilians occupied 
a sand bank, or bar, in the river, opposite Itapiru, and 
mounted eight guns there, with two thousand men in 
trenches. From this point they reopened a fire upon the 
work, which seemed a perfect bugbear to them. 

On the 10th of April the Paraguayans attacked this 
bank, or bar; and the naval part of the enterprise consisted 
in their coming in canoes. 

Nine hundred men were embarked, in divisions of four 
hundred and fifty each ; with a reserve of four hundred 
at Itapiru. It was a dark night, and the canoes, propelled 
by paddles, arrived at the bank, or bar, at four o'clock in 
the morning. It was a complete surprise ; and the Para- 
guayans delivered one volley, and then charged with the 
bayonet, taking the trenches. They were soon driven 
out of them again, however, by overwhelming numbers ; 



692 NAVAL BATTLES ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

retook them, and were again driven out. The Brazilian 
guns opened with canister, and the Paraguayans lost 
heavily from this source. Two hundred of them were 
dismounted cavalrymen, armed only with their swords, 
but they did great execution, charging up to the guns, and 
taking them ; but being again driven off by heavy 
musketry fire. 

As soon as the firing was heard below several gun- 
boats and ironclads came up, and surrounded the island, 
while the garrison was reinforced from the left bank. 

At last the Paraguayans were almost all killed or 
wounded, and those who could move pushed off in their 
canoes, some paddling with one arm who had the other 
one wounded. The daylight had appeared, and they were 
forced to stem a heavy current, under the fire of the 
Brazilian vessels, at close quarters; and yet fifteen 
canoes got back to their own shore. 

The Paraguayans lost fourteen officers killed, and seven 
wounded. Gf the soldiers three hundred returned, almost 
all wounded, and they left five hundred men on the bank, 
or bar. Among the prisoners taken by the Brazilians was 
a Lieutenant Romero ; and Lopez forced his wife to write 
a letter disowning him as a traitor to Paraguay, because 
he had allowed himself to be taken alive. 

In this affair the Brazilians lost about a thousand, killed 
and wounded, many more than the whole attacking force. 
The fire of their own steamers destroyed a number of 
these. 

Six Brazilians were afterwards tried for cowardice in 
this enorag-ement, and were shot. 

In February, 1868, the Brazilian iron-clad vessels suc- 
ceeded in passing Humaita, the extensive works above 
the confluence of the rivers, which had so long kept them 
in check. 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 693 

On the 13th three new monitors had arived from Rio 
Janeiro, and joined their squadron. They were built in 
Rio Janeiro, and had twin screws, with four inches of iron 
on the hull, which was only one foot out of the water, 
when prepared for action in fresh water. They had each 
one revolving turret, six inches thick, with one heavy 
Whitworth gun in each. The circular port for the gun 
was barely larger than the muzzle, and when run out was 
flush with the face of the turret. Elevation and depres- 
sion of a gun so placed was obtained by means of a 
double carriage, which raised or lowered the trunnions. 

On February 18th everything was ready, and at half- 
past three in the morning the Brazilians began to bombard 
the Paraguayan works most furiously. 

The large casemate ironclads, each with a monitor 
lashed alongside, then steamed up to the batteries at 
Humaita. The fire of these batteries was well sustained, 
and true, as the Paraguayan fire had always been, but 
their cast-iron shot flew to pieces on the armor of the 
ironclads, which passed without serious damage. After 
passing the works they continued straight on, past more 
batteries, at Timbo, to Tayi. The batteries at Timbo 
were water batteries, and injured the ironclads more than 
all the others they had passed. In this passage one of 
the Brazilian monitors received no less than one hundred 
and eighty shot; and another one was hit one hundred 
and twenty times. Their plates were dented and bent, 
and the bolts started, but there was little or no loss of 
life on board them. 

If one or two of the Brazilian ironclads had remained 
between Humaita and Timbo, instead of all running by 
the latter place, the works of the former would have been 
really closely invested ; and as the object of running the 
batteries was to cause the surrender of Humaita, the 



694 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

movement was to that extent a failure. The Paraguayans 
evacuated their works at their leisure, taking guns and 
stores. 

THE RIVER FIGHT AT TAYI. 

Twice, in the year 1868, the Paraguayans attacked the 
Brazilian monitors lying off Tayi, just above the influx 
of the river Bermejo. 

These desperate attacks showed the most heroic 
bravery and devotion, but were never successful. 

Upon one occasion the iron-clad vessels Lima-Barros 
and Cabral were attacked, and on another the Barroso 
and the monitor Rio Grande. 

After the last attack, in July, the Brazilians threw a 
boom across the stream, which would detain their enemies, 
descending in their canoes, long enough to give time 
for preparation. 

These Paraguayan boats were admirably adapted for 
navigating those waters, where there was a rapid current 
and many sand-bars, constantly shifting, with channels, 
more or less deep, between them. 

The canoes were built so that only a part of the central 
section was borne by the water, and they were conse- 
quently easily turned, while they glided over the water, 
propelled by spoon-shaped paddles. Some of these craft 
were very large, and would carry a cargo of many tons. 

On the first occasion that the ironclads were attacked 
by means of these canoes, an expedition consisting of 
twelve hundred men was organized, under the command 
of a Captain Xenes, and armed with swords and hand- 
grenades only. 

The men were all paraded before Madame Lynch, the 
mistress of Lopez, who, after distributing cigars among 
them, with great condescension, told them to "go, and 




SHIPS GETTING UNDER WEIGH. 

BARQUE UNDER CLOSE-REEFED TOP-SAILS. 

BARQUE THROWN ON ONE SIDE. 

MANAGEMENT OF VESSELS, No. 2. 



BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 69r> 

bring me back my ironclads." The men answered her 
with "vivas," and went contentedly off upon their des- 
perate undertaking. 

It was a dark night. The canoes were lashed in pairs, 
with eighteen or twenty feet of slack rope between each 
pair. By this means they hoped to make sure of board- 
ing, the canoes of each pair swinging round on opposite 
sides of the bows of the Brazilians. 

There were forty-eight canoes, each carrying twenty-five 
men. The Lima-Barros and Cabral were in advance ol 
the main body, up the stream. Many of the canoes were 
carried past them by the current, into the midst of the 
Brazilian fleet. But about half of them hit the advanced 
vessels, and the Paraguayans sprang on board, unper- 
ceived. The crews were sleeping on the decks, outside, 
and some fifty were at once killed by the boarders. The 
remainder rushed below, and into the turrets, and secured 
the ports and hatches. The Paraguayans attempted to 
throw hand-grenades into the, port-holes, and "ran about 
seeking ingress, like a cat attacking a trapped mouse," 
in the meantime loading the Brazilians with all sorts of 
epithets, and daring them to come out and fight with the 
sword, like men. 

The Lima-Barros and Cabral were thus virtually cap- 
tured, but by this time the rest of the fleet were aroused, 
and soon two more ironclads came steaming up to their 
relief. They swept the Paraguayans from the decks with 
grape and canister, and those who were not blown to 
pieces in this manner were obliged to take to the water, 
and swim for life. Very few of them survived to tell the 
tale. 

It is surprising that people so utterly fearless and 
devoted never made very serious attempts to blowup the 
Brazilian ironclads, especially as there were so many ways 



G9G 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



of doing so, and plenty who were ready to attempt it, 
even at the sacrifice of their own lives. 

The best informed foreigners who were in Paraguay 
at this time think that they wanted the vessels themselves 
so much that they hesitated to destroy them, hoping that 
an opportunity to board them successfully would occur at 
some time. The same persons thought that if they had 
even had one fairly good ironclad they would have com- 
pletely cleared the river of the Brazilians. On the part of 
Paraguay the war was premature. Lopez had ordered 
armored vessels and rifled guns of heavy calibre in 
Europe, but so late that the war was upon him, and the 
river blockaded, before they could be delivered. 




THE DREADNOUGHT. 

(The most powerful Ironclad of the English Navy.) 



HUASCAR. 



697 



XLVIII. 



THE CAPTURE OF THE HUASCAR. OCTOBER 

8TH, 1879. 




HIS recent and important action between 
iron-clad vessels, at sea, is remarkable in 
many ways, and is especially interesting to 
naval men, as armored vessels had, with 
perhaps a single exception, not come 
together before, upon the high seas. 

Fortunately, we have accounts of the 
battle from Lieutenants Mason and Ingfer- 
soil, of the United States Navy, Clements Markham, 
Lieutenant Madan, R. N., and others — of whose accounts 
this article will be a condensation. 

The action took place in the forenoon, off Mexillones 
de Bolivia. 

The " Huascar," a Peruvian man-of-war, was of the old 
type of English turret ships, and had been employed 
continuously, at sea, for many months, so that her bottom 
was very foul, while her boilers were not in condition to 
make steam properly. These two causes had very much 
reduced her speed. Her commander, Admiral Grau, 
had wished to overhaul her, but his representations were 
overruled, from considerations of policy, and she was 
despatched to the south, upon what proved to be her last 
cruise under the Peruvian flag. 

When in order, she was known to be much faster than 
the Chilian vessels which she was to encounter, and her 



698 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

loss may fairly be put down to this disregard of profes- 
sional advice and warning. 

The Chilian ironclad, " Almirante Cochrane," her prin- 
cipal opponent, as well as the " Blanco Encalada," which 
participated in the latter part of the action, were nearly 
new casemated vessels ; and their constructor, Mr. Reed, 
had said that they ought to sink the "Huascar" in five 
minutes. 

This latter vessel had done good service in the war 
between Peru and Chili, in interfering with the only 
transportation possible for the Chilians, who were the 
aggressors, and who carried the war into the Peruvian 
boundaries. Her commander, Rear- Admiral Grau, was 
an excellent officer, and rendered himself quite famous by 
his sudden dashes into Chilian ports, capturing transports 
and lighters, and interfering with the submarine cable, so 
necessary for the success of the Chilian operations. 

The "Huascar" had made four successful cruises, or 
rather " raids," to the southward, in one of which she had 
captured the " Rimac," a fine steamer, having on board a 
fully-equipped battalion of cavalry and a large amount of 
military stores. Among other curious things which came 
under the latter head was a complete outfit of water-skins, 
which were being sent to the Chilian Army at Antofa- 
gasta, to enable it to carry water, in crossing the desert 
of Atacama, to operate upon the province of Tarapaca. 

This desert had been discovered to contain an immense 
deposit of nitrate of soda, and the struggle which had 
been impending for some years between the two nations 
was precipitated by the desire of Chili to possess this 
source of wealth. 

Soon after this success the " Huascar" appeared off the 
harbor of Antofagasta, at night, and with a "Lay" torpedo 
attacked a Chilian wooden corvette lying there. Instead 



HUASCAR. 699 

of striking the enemy's vessel, the torpedo made a half 
circle, and came back upon the "Huascar." A lieutenant 
of the latter vessel, seeing the imminent danger, jumped 
overboard, and swam to meet the torpedo, which was 
moving slowly, and diverted it from its course, saving the 
" Huascar." The name of this lieutenant was Firmin Diaz 
Canseco. 

The hext day after this unsuccessful attempt she had 
an engagement with the shore batteries and two corvettes, 
in which she did much damage, and received some 
herself. She, at this time had exchanged a native crew for 
one composed mostly of foreigners, and men trained as 
gunners, who could give a better account of the 300- 
pound shells thrown by her guns. 

In September, 1879, there had been a very considerable 
change in the officers of the Chilian squadron, and a 
change of policy, as well. The " Almirante Cochrane," 
and "Blanco Encalada" (the latter the flag-ship of 
Commodore Riveros), proceeded north, accompanied by 
the wooden corvettes " O'Higgins " and "Covadonga," 
and the armed transports "Loa " and " Mathias Cousiiio." 
They expected to find the "Huascar" in Arica, but arrived 
there only to find that she had sailed for the south ; and 
they at once returned to Mexillones Bay, where they 
coaled, and awaited instructions and events. 

On the morning of October 5th the "Huascar" appeared 
in the harbor of Coquimbo, in company with the corvette 
"Union." There were a number of foreign men-of-war 
lying there, and their officers were much struck by the 
handling of the Peruvian vessels; so quiet, able, and 
seamanlike, opposed to the usual noisy manner of carrying 
on duty to be observed in South American men-of-war. 
They did not even blow off steam when slowing down. 

There was corresponding quiet on shore, where were 



700 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN 

batteries armed with the heaviest modern guns ; and the 
Peruvians were allowed to retire unscathed, after thor- 
oughly searching the harbor. They went out again before 
daylight, but hung about to the southward of the port, 
getting news, from mail steamers, of the Chilian vessels 
comingf to the northward. 

During the next two days they moved up the coast ; 
and Admiral Grau determined to look into Arica, where 
the Chilian squadron was supposed to be. Leaving the 
"Union" on the look-out, the " Huascar" ran in towards 
the anchorage of Antofagasta, at about half-past one, on 
the morning of October 8 th. Finding nothing there, she 
ran out, and joined the "Union" again, in about two 
hours. Both vessels now headed north. Soon after they 
made out the smoke of three vessels comingf down the 
coast, southward, and about six miles distant. These 
were quickly recognized as vessels of war, and the 
"Huascar's" course was changed, at about 3.30 a. m., to 
southwest. 

The Chilian squadron at Mexillones, having coaled, 
put to sea on the night of the 7th, in two divisions. The 
first division, consisting of the slower vessels, the 
"Blanco," "Covadonga," and "Mathias Cousino," sailed 
at 10 p. m., and steered down the coast, towards Anto- 
faeasta; the second division, under commander La Farre, 
consisting of the "Cochrane," "O'Higgins," and "Loa," 
sailing on the morning of the 8th, before daylight, with 
orders to cruise twenty-five miles off Point Angamos. 
This was done in consequence of telegraphic instruction 
from the Chilian authorities. The Commodore had 
intended to move south, along the coast, in similar divi- 
sions, the first skirting the coast, and looking in at the 
bays, while the second kept pace with them, about forty 
miles off shore. 



HUASCAR. 701 

The result was the same, whichever plan had been 
followed. 

At half-past three in the morning of the 8th of Octo- 
ber, the weather being fine and clear, the smoke of two 
vessels approaching, under Point Letas, and distant 
about six miles, was reported from the top of the 
"Blanco." 

At daylight the enemies recognized each other. 

The " Huascar" ran to the southwest for an hour, under 
full speed, making nearly eleven knots; the "Blanco" 
and "Covadonga" following, and making less than eight 
knots. The "Mathias Cousino" was first sent in towards 
Antofagasta, but, later, turned and followed her consorts. 
Riveros, the Chilian Commodore, soon saw that such a 
chase was hopeless ; but still, on the chance of an acci- 
dent to the machinery of the " Huascar," or her consort, or 
of their turning to the northward, and being cut off by 
his second division, he determined to continue it. 

The Peruvians could not afford to run any risks with 
their ships. If the "Huascar" was lost, it would entail 
serious consequences to the Peruvian cause; and it was 
therefore proper for Grau to attempt escape. Finding 
that he could outrun his pursuers, he reduced his speed, 
and turned his ships' heads to the northward. Not very 
long after this, smoke was seen to the northwest, and, 
having diverged a little from her course, to reconnoitre, 
the "Huascar" recognized the Chilian "Cochrane," and 
her consorts. At about the same time the "Huascar" 
was seen from the "Cochrane," and the "Loa" was sent 
to reconnoitre. 

Grau had supposed that the "Cochrane" only steamed 
eight knots, and thought he could easily run away from 
her, so he stood toward the "Loa," for a short time, 
Finding, however, that the "Cochrane" was changing hei 



702 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

bearings more rapidly than he had anticipated, he stood 
more to the eastward, and ordered "full speed." 

The "Union," which had been on the "Huascar's" 
port quarter, now, at about 8 a. m., crossed her stern, and 
passed to starboard of her, at full speed. This vessel 
made the best of her way to Arica ; followed, until dark, 
by the Chilian ships "O'Higgins" and "Loa." 

There appears to have been a good deal of criticism 
upon the commanding officers of these three ships — the 
first for not engaging, and the others for not continuing 
the pursuit. 

The three ironclads were now comparatively close to 
each other, and Grau saw that his only chance of escape 
lay in his speed. There were but three courses open to 
him. 

First — to turn boldly and meet the " Cochrane," and, 
though inferior in gun power, endeavor to ram or cripple 
her, before the " Blanco" could come up. 

Secondly — to endeavor to escape to the northeast, 
between the " Cochrane " and the shore, trusting to have 
superior speed. 

Thirdly — to turn round and engage, or escape past, 
the " Blanco." 

Grau chose the second course. 

At nine a. m., the " Cochrane " having approached with- 
in about four thousand yards, and it being evident that 
she could cross his bows, Grau ordered his crew to quar- 
ters and entered his iron-cased conning tower, where he 
was alone. In going to quarters, on board the " Huas- 
car," an accident took place, in shifting the steering-gear 
from the usual situation to the protected one, in the tur- 
ret chamber, under the conning tower. 

While a make-shift tackle was being rove the " Huas- 
car" yawed considerably. 



HUASCAR. 703 

At half-past nine, the " Cochrane " being about 3000 
yards distant, the " Huascar " opened fire with her turret 
guns. The second shot ricochetted, and entered the 
" Cochrane's " unarmored bow, doing some damage, but 
not exploding. At this time the Chilian " Blanco " was 
about six miles astern. The " Cochrane " did not answer 
the " Huascar's " two shots ; but stood on until within two 
thousand yards, when she opened fire. The first shot 
penetrated the " Huascar's " armor on the port side, 
entered the turret-chamber, and exploded, set fire to the 
wood-work, killed or wounded twelve men, and jammed 
the wheels on which the turret revolved, for the time 
being. The " Huascar" fired a 300-pound Palliser chilled 
shell, and struck the " Cochrane's " side armor, at an 
angle of about thirty degrees. The plate struck was 
six inches thick, and was indented, and scored out to a 
depth of three inches, the bolts started, and the backing 
forced in. 

The " Huascar" soon after stood a little to port, with 
the intention of ramming the " Cochrane," but the latter 
avoided this, by turning an equal amount to port, and 
keeping parallel with her antagonist. 

Five minutes after the " Huascar's " conning tower 
was struck by a shell, which exploded in it, shattered it, l 
and blew Admiral Grau to pieces — only one foot and a 
few fragments of his body being found. Grau usually 
directed the movements of his vessel with his head and 
shoulders above the tower, and the shell, therefore, proba- 
bly hit him at about the waist. 

This shot also killed Lieutenant Diego Ferre, the Admi- 
ral's Aid, who was at the fighting wheel, and only sepa- 
rated from the conning tower by a light wooden grating. 
Ferre' s death appears to have been caused by concussion, 
as no wounds were found upon his body. This shot also 



704 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

damaged the fighting wheel, and the ship ran off to the 
eastward until the damage was repaired, when she again 
headed to the northward. 

About this time a shell penetrated the armor of the 
turret, which was trained on the port-quarter, in the thick- 
est part, to the left of the port of the right gun. This 
shell killed or disabled most of the two guns' crews. 

Among these were two gun-captains, Englishmen, who 
had been trained on board the gunnery-ship, " Excellent," 
and Commander Carbajal, who had come to inform the 
second in command, Commander Elias Aguirre, that he 
was now in command. 

The left gun was not injured, and relief crews were 
sent to it ; but the firing was very wild. The right gun 
was disabled by the compressor and cap-square being bent. 
At this time Lieutenant Rodriguez, who was looking out 
of the gun-port, had his head taken off. This, in connec- 
tion with the previous casualties, so demoralized the Peru- 
vians that most of the subsequent fighting was done by 
the foreigners of the " Huascar's " ship's company. By 
this time the fire from the Nordenfelt guns and the small 
arms of the Chilians had driven most of the officers and 
men of the " Huascar " down into the ward-room. Some 
of these were wounded, but the most were merely taking 
refuge there. 

The " Cochrane " now attempted to ram, coming at 
right angles to her adversary. She missed the " Huas- 
car," going close astern of her, but a shot from one of 
her port-guns pierced the armor of the " Huascar," on 
the starboard quarter, exploding, and doing much dam- 
age — among other things, carrying away the steering 
apparatus. 

The "Huascar" now again headed to the eastward: 
but a shell pierced the armor, abreast of the engine-room, 



HUASCAR. 705 

covering the engine with fragments of all kinds, and kill- 
ing and wounding many persons. Among these were 
Surgeon Tavara, and Mr. Griffiths, the master of the 
English schooner " Coquimbo," captured a few days 
before, and whose crew had been forced to render service 
during the action. 

The relieving tackles, by which the "Huascar" was 
now steered, were not only exposed to shot, but had 
a very bad lead, and the steering was very uncertain, not 
only from that cause, but because Commander Aguirre 
had to command the vessel from one of the look-out hoods 
of the turret, and the word had to be passed clear aft, on 
the lower deck, to the men at the relieving tackles. There 
was, probably, not much real control of the "Huascar" 
after the conning tower was destroyed, Grau killed, and 
the main steering- wheel disabled. 

The "Cochrane" now again attempted to ram the 
"Huascar," firing her bow-gun, at two hundred yards, and 
coming on at right angles. She again missed her blow, 
and passed astern. 

It was by this time ten o'clock, and the " Blanco " arrived 
on the scene of action, passing between the "Huascar" 
and the "Cochrane," just as the latter was preparing to 
ram, for the third time. The "Cochrane," to avoid the 
imminent danger in which she was placed by her consort's 
ram, was forced to turn to port, and then to run north- 
ward, increasing her distance to about twelve hundred 
yards. 

The "Huascar" then turned to starboard, and headed 
for the "Blanco," with the intention of ramming her, at 
the same time firing some ineffectual shots at her. The 
"Blanco" sheered to starboard also, and passing close 
under her stern, poured a broadside into that vulnerable 
part, which killed or wounded all the men at the relieving 
45 



706 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

tackles, as well as many of the wounded, and the others 
who had taken refuge in the officers' quarters. The 
wounded were now removed to the coal-bunkers and 
store-rooms; and the "Huascar" stood to the westward. 

On account of a number of shot having passed through 
her smoke-stack, driving down soot, debris of all kinds, 
and smoke into the fire-room, it was impossible to see 
the gauges. In consequence, the water got too low in 
one of the boilers, and the tubes were burned through, 
which caused a great escape of steam; so that the 
Chilians thought they had struck one of the boilers. 

There had been four men stationed at a Gatling gun, 
in the "Huascar's" top, but three were killed, and the 
other driven below, by the fire from the Chilian tops, 
although the "Huascar's" top had a screen of boiler- 
iron. 

About half-past ten the flag-staff, with the "Huascar's" 
colors, was shot away, and for some moments all firing 
ceased, as it was supposed she had surrendered; but a 
Frenchman, who was a loader at one of the guns, went 
aft, and hoisted another flag at her gaff. Just then another 
shot penetrated the turret of the "Huascar," killing or 
mortally wounding every man in it, including Commander 
Aeuirre. This shot had such terrible effect that when this 
officer's body was found and identified, all the upper part 
of the head was gone, the lower jaw only remaining. In 
addition his body was most fearfully mutilated. Another 
officer was terribly wounded by this shot. 

The command of the " Huascar " had now devolved 
upon the fourth officer, Lieutenant Pedro Garezon. 
The vessel was almost unmanageable, and on fire in 
several places, but the engines were kept going, and 
an occasional gun fired. 

The " Cochrane " now returned, and again tried to ram, 



HUASCAR. 707 

and was only prevented from doing so by a chance move- 
ment of the " Huascar." 

Both Chilian ships then followed up the Peruvian, using 
great guns, musketry and machine guns. They were 
both in good condition, although the "Cochrane" had 
been struck on her unarmored stern, and had some ten 
men killed and wounded. 

The " Covadonga " now came up, and joined the other 
Chilian vessels, and Lieutenant Garezon, after a council 
with the surviving officers, determined to sink the 
" Huascar," by opening her valves, and thus deprive his 
enemies of the satisfaction of taking possession of her. 

Chief Engineer McMahon succeeded in partially ac- 
complishing this, by opening the circulating valve of the 
condensers, but to do this he had to stop the engines. 
They were at work on the main injection valve when 
Lieutenant Simpson, of the "Cochrane," who had boarded 
her, interfered with the operation, revolver in hand. 

While this was going on, some of the "Huascar's" 
men waved towels and handkerchiefs, and the Chilians, 
on seeing this, ceased firing, and the " Huascar's " flag 
was then hauled down. 

It was at this moment that Simpson boarded her, and 
then came surgeons and engineers from the Chilians. 

On taking possession they found three or four feet of 
water in the hold. Some of the holes made by projectiles 
in her sides were nearly awash, and in a few minutes 
more the vessel would have sunk. She was also found 
to be on fire in several places, one of which was danger- 
ously near the magazine. Fortunately the sea was smooth. 
The valves were closed, the steam pumps started, and 
the fires extinguished. The wounded and the prisoners 
were then transferred to the Chilian ships. 

The "Huascar's" engines were uninjured, as were three 



708 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

out of her four boilers, and they were able to get her into 
port, at Mexillones, that same afternoon ; and in two 
days, after temporary repairs, she was sent to Valparaiso. 
Here p roper plates were found, which had been sent out 
from England for the " O'Higgins ;" and by the 8th of 
the succeeding December she was in active service again 
under the Chilian flag. 

The scene presented on board the " Huascar," when 
boarded by her captors, was most terrible. Hardly a 
square yard of her upper works had escaped injury, 
including her smoke-stack, conning tower, boats, davits, 
mast and chain-plates. Her bulwarks, poop, forecastle 
and hatch-combings were much injured, while her capstan 
was struck and knocked entirely overboard. During the 
latter part of the fight, indeed, the Peruvian had been 
little more than a floating target for the Chilian's accurate 
fire. 

Eighteen dead bodies were taken out of the cabin, and 
the turret was full of the remains of the two sets of guns' 
crews. 

The light wood-work, ladders and bulkheads were all 
destroyed. The ship's log-book had been destroyed, but 
complete working drawings of the " Blanco" and " Coch- 
rane" were found on board, 

The action lasted one hour and a half; and during this 
time the "Huascar " lost her commander and the three 
next senior officers, either killed or disabled, and had 
twenty-eight officers and men killed, and forty-eight 
wounded, out of a crew of about two hundred. 

Nearly every time she was struck the greatest 
temporary damage possible was inflicted, and yet no 
permanent injury was caused. The armor was really a 
disadvantage to her, for it served to explode the enemy's 
projectiles, which only stopped when they struck at the 



HUASCAR. 709 

very smallest angles. The backing and inner skin only 
served to increase the number ol fragments, which were 
driven in with deadly effect. The shell which passed 
through the thin sides of the forecastle did not explode, 
and did but little damage. Each shell which pierced the 
armor exploded, and each explosion set the ship on fire 
in a new place. The Chilian small-arm men and the 
Nordenfelt machine gun drove all the Peruvians off the 
deck, and away from the unprotected guns there. The 
"Cochrane" fired forty-five Palliser shells. The "Blanco" 
fired thirty-one. It is thought that the "Huascar" fired 
about forty projectiles from her turret guns. 

The " Cochrane" was hit three times. The " Blanco " 
was untouched, while the "Huascar" received at least 
sixteen large Palliser shells, besides Nordenfelt bullets 
and shrapnel. The shot-holes in the "Huascar" were so 
jagged and irregular that no ordinary stoppers could be 
of any service. 

The officers who have given us the account of this 
action make a number of practical deductions and sug- 
gestions of great importance, but not necessary to be 
quoted here. 



STEEL TORPEDO BOAT AND POLE. 



710 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



XLIX. 

BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 
JULY 11TH, A.D. 1882. 




'T would be rather presumptuous for any one 
to attempt at this time to give the real 
causes of the bombardment of Alexandria, 
and of the subsequent operations of the 
British army in Egypt. The Egyptian 
leader, Arabi Pasha, has been tried, and the 
tribunal, while sparing his life, sentenced him 
to be banished to Ceylon, where he is now. 
Nothing definite was made public, however, as to the 
assurances of support and sympathy which he is supposed 
to have had, not only from the Sublime Porte, but from 
other nations. 

Egyptian politics may be symbolized by a tangled skein 
which time alone can unravel. Some day it may be 
known whether the ostensible reasons brought a great 
calamity about, or whether secret and less worthy motives 
caused the action of the British ministry, and controlled 
their fleet and army. 

In the summer of 1882 Arabi Pasha, who had complete, 
control of the military force of Egypt, although the 
Khedive had not been formally deposed, was strengthen- 
ing the forts about Alexandria, and increasing their 
armament. As he was opposed to English or any 
foreign control in Egypt, England naturally felt alarm 
for the safety of the Suez Canal, which is so vitally 




Ilfllllil !'■& ...rf ■ WJMs', , ^r^i':!:i ; ::;1iiM'Pi 



BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 711 

important for her communications with her great Eastern 
empire, as well as for her general commerce. Admiral 
Sir Beauchamp Seymour, with a powerful squadron of 
the largest ironclads and a number of gun-boats, had been 
ordered to Alexandria, in observation. 

The city of Alexandria, named from its founder, Alex- 
ander the Great, has experienced many vicissitudes. The 
modern city is built on a peninsula, which was formerly 
the Island of Pharos, and on the isthmus connecting it 
with the mainland. The ancient city was on the main- 
land, where its ruins cover a vast extent of surface. 

Founded nearly three and a half centuries before the 
Christian era, it rose, under the liberal and beneficent 
sway of the Ptolemies, to great eminence as a seat of 
learning, as well as of commerce. Under the Roman 
Empire it continued to be a very splendid and influential 
city, second only to Rome herself, and engrossing the 
lucrative traffic with India. Its library was one of the 
wonders of the world — 400,000 volumes being in the 
Museum, and 300,000 in the temple of Serapis. The 
former was accidentally destroyed by fire during the war 
with Julius Caesar; and the latter was burnt by command 
of Caliph Omar, upon the Mohammedan conquest, in the 
year 640. After the discovery by the Portuguese of the 
route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, its commerce 
fell off, and its population dwindled to a few thousands. 
Gradually it revived again, and for a long time has been 
the most important commercial city of the Levant, with a 
very large foreign as well as native population. But, to 
return: On July 6th, 1882, Admiral Seymour sent an 
ultimatum to Arabi and his council, which had the effect 
of stopping work upon the fortifications for a short time, 
and produced a promise that such work should not be 
renewed. 



712 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

But on the following night a powerful electric light, on 
board the ironclad Alexandra, of the English squadron, 
disclosed the fact that, under cover of the darkness, guns 
were being mounted on the forts commanding the 
entrance to the great port, or western harbor — there 
bein£ two harbors, one east and one west of the isthmus. 
New guns were placed in position on the north side, also, 
on the peninsula where the Harem, or residence of the 
Khedive is situated, and which forms the protection to 
the main anchorage. Earthworks were also being thrown 
up there by a very large force. 

Seymour telegraphed these facts to the British govern- 
ment, summoned a council of his officers, and made 
preparations for battle. He then sent a demand to the 
Egyptian authorities for the surrender of the forts to 
him within twenty- four hours, with a view to disarma- 
ment, under penalty of bombardment. 

There was a French fleet in the port, which had been 
ordered to take no part in any aggressive measures ; and 
there were also naval vessels of several other nations, 
among which were some of our own, the commanders of 
which had been very active in affording refuge to Ameri- 
cans resident in Egypt, as well as to citizens of other 
countries who were not represented by men-of-war. 

The French fleet, seeing hostilities imminent, got under 
way, and steamed out into the offing, followed by the 
other foreign men-of-war and merchant vessels. Many 
of these were crowded with refugees, but there were left 
in the city a large number of Greeks, Italians, Maltese, and 
Syrians. 

The British ships then proceeded to take up their 
stations before the forts, and a panic ensued among the 
inhabitants, who quitted the city, as did most of the 
Europeans who had remained. This they effected with 



BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 713 

great difficulty, and there was a prospect of the renewal 
of the massacre which had taken place some weeks 
before. The cash chest of the European Director of 
Customs, which were managed for the benefit of the 
foreign bondholders, was seized by Arabi, but the officials 
managed to get away. 

On the ioth of July a deputation of Egyptian notables 
came off to the English flag-ship, to know the meaning 
of these warlike preparations. They had not heard of 
the ultimatum, which had not reached them, by some 
blunder, whether on the part of the English or the natives 
does not appear ; and, indeed, the document was brought 
off to them while they were still on board the ship, by 
messengers who had been searching for them. They 
then went on shore, to consider it. 

Very early next morning, the i ith of July, a deputation 
of Egyptian officials came off to say that they were willing 
to dismount the guns of the forts themselves. This would 
appear to be all that the English Admiral had originally 
demanded ; but whether he suspected a ruse, or whether 
he was determined to take offensive measures at any 
rate, he refused to entertain the proposal, saying that the 
time for negotiation had expired. 

At seven in the morning the first shot was fired from 
the Alexandra, and eight English ironclads, of the heaviest 
description, with five heavy gun-boats, opened upon the 
different forts. These were the heaviest guns and the 
thickest armor, by far, that had ever been in action. To 
mention only one, the Inflexible had four 8i-ton guns, 
and armor from sixteen to twenty-four inches thick, 
and measures 11,400 tons. 

The Egyptian forts constituted two distinct systems of 
defence. The first consisted of those which protected 
the new port and eastern town ; and the second those 



714 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

which covered the entrances to the outer western harbor. 
Seymour divided his fleet so as to simultaneously bom- 
bard the whole. His ironclads and wooden gun-boats 
were fitted, in addition to heavy guns, with torpedoes, and 
Nordenfelt and Gatling machine guns. 

The Invincible (flag-ship), Monarch and Penelope, with 
the Temeraire outside, took up a position at the entrance 
of the western harbor, about opposite Fort Meks, and 
about twelve hundred yards from another important 
work, Fort Marsa-el-Kanat. 

They attacked these forts, on the shore of the mainland, 
while the Superb, Sultan, and Alexandra attacked and 
totally destroyed the lighthouse fort, and another near it 
on the peninsula. The Inflexible took up a position 
between the two divisions, and with her enormous guns, 
assisted in the work of both. 

The gun-boats attacked the "Marabout" batteries, at the 
entrance of the harbor, running close in, and soon silencing 
them. One of the gun-boats afterwards covered a landing 
party, which blew up the heavy guns in Fort Meks. 

The Egyptian artillerists surprised the English by the 
determination with which they fought their guns ; but 
they were all silenced by four o'clock in the afternoon— 
rather a long time, it would seem, for vessels carrying- 
guns of such power, if they were properly pointed. By 
this time four of the forts had been blown up, and the 
Khedive's palace and harem was in flames. The English 
fire ceased about half-past five in the afternoon. 

The casualties of the English were five killed and 
twenty-eight wounded. This is rather a high number, 
considering the character of the vessels employed. The 
Egyptians seemed to have fired only solid shot, and these, 
in some cases, entered the ships, and caused most of the 
injuries by splinters. 




THE VICE ADMIRAL POPOFF. 
(Circular Ironclad of the Russian Navy. 




ITALIAN IRONCLAD, "DUILIO." 1880. 

(With Projecting Ram and Torpedo Apparatus. The most powerful War Vessel afloat. Thickness 
of Armor, 16 to 24 inches. Armament, four 100-ton guns. Ordinary charge for each gun, 551 pounds 
of powder and a 2000-pound projectile.) 



BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 715 

The Egyptian loss was great, but will probably never 
be known. It is said that the gunners in the forts were 
mostly blacks — Soudanese — who are as remarkable for 
their bravery and bull-dog tenacity, as they are for the 
very dark color of their skin. 

The English are reported to have burst the guns in the 
ruined forts with dynamite. 

Fort Napoleon, a very strong work, somewhat inland, 
and dating from the French occupation, and Fort Gabarrie, 
had not been thoroughly bombarded on the first day, and 
still held out ; and arrangements were made to have the 
Invincible, Monarch and Penelope go in the next day to 
attack them. In the meantime the Invincible had silenced 
some outlying batteries, and had sent on shore a party 
which had burst nine large guns. During the night the 
Egyptians had repaired an outside battery, but when the 
inflexible and the Temeraire opened on it, it did not reply, 
and was found to be abandoned. On the mornine after 
the bombardment the Khedive's palace was still burning, 
and there were other fires in the town. 

The wind had risen, and a swell was coming in, which 
prevented accurate firing, and at one p. m. all fire ceased, 
on both sides, having not, of course, been so sustained 
and continuous as on the preceding day. A white flag- 
was now shown in the town, and a gun-boat was sent up 
the inner harbor to the Arsenal, with a flag of truce flying. 
The Arsenal is the official residence of the Ministers of 
War and Marine, but the gun-boat found no one there, 
in authority, and no one, in consequence, able to tell the 
meaning of the white flag flying in the city. The officer 
sent up, therefore returned to Seymour. Night now drew 
on, and the fires in the town were evidently extending. 

At daybreak, next morning, the whole of the forts 
were found to be abandoned, and the English Admiral 



716 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

telegraphed to the fleet not to open fire. Half the city 
appeared to be in flames, with a dense cloud of smoke 
hanging over it. The conflagration was, in fact, tremen- 
dous, and involved the whole European quarter and the 
Grand Square. The Egyptian army had retreated. 

Towards morning a body of about one hundred 
Europeans fought their way down to the beach, and were 
taken off by armed boats from the fleet. They had spent 
a terrible night, defending - themselves in the building" of 
the Ottoman Bank, and other buildings adjacent. During 
the night hundreds of people were massacred, mostly 
Christians, and for the two succeeding days Alexandria 
was the scene of horrors hardly equalled by Paris during 
the Commune. 

An uncontrolled soldiery, released convicts and the 
scum of the population were let loose, and murder and 
pillage went on. Petroleum was used to fire many 
buildings in the best part of this fine and flourishing city. 

The Khedive was helpless, and really in great danger 
of his life, in his palace at Ramleh. 

Seymour and his officers and men looked on at " this 
sad spectacle of awful and unexpected catastrophe, which 
they had no power to prevent." 

It is hard to tell whether to blame most the want of 
statesmanlike forethought, or the want of military per- 
ception in the English naval Commander, who precipi- 
tated this dreadful state of affairs, without having the 
means, in the shape of troops, to land and seize the 
town. 

To disinterested observers it was an indefensible 
act, to bombard a city with such a mixed population, 
many of whom were prone to rapine and murder, without 
having the power promptly to put things in order. 

The English Government seems to have thought 



BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 717 

Admiral Seymour's conduct good, for they have just 
made him a Baron. 

The sailors and marines of the fleet were landed as 
soon as it was ascertained that Arabi's forces had 
retreated. These were joined by detachments from the 
German and American men-of-war, for the purpose of 
protecting their consulates, in the first place, and then they 
assisted in extinguishing fires, seizing marauders, and 
rescuing many terror-stricken people from the most 
imminent danger; patrolling the streets, and assisting, in 
every way, to restore order. 

As regards the bombardment itself, it may be said that 
the Egyptian batteries were served steadily and rapidly ; 
and their aim was good. The officers appear to have 
set a good example to their men, appearing often upon 
the parapet, to watch the effect of their shot. All the 
batteries facing the sea were destroyed by the heavy 
guns opposed to them, and their guns dismounted. An 
explosion of a magazine, in one fort, is said to have 
killed all of the garrison. The faces of the batteries were 
pulverized, and large holes were made in the masonry 
of the lighthouse, and the large stone fort adjoining was 
reduced to ruin, and all its guns dismounted. The loss 
of life in the garrisons of these forts must have been 
frightful. The harem palace was damaged extensively by 
shell and by fire. 

The Arab quarter behind Fort Pharos caught all the 
shell which missed the batteries ; and here all was chaos 
and destruction. 

Of the English ships, the Penelope was struck five 
times, and had eight men wounded, and one gun disabled. 
The Invincible was struck many times, and six shots 
penetrated. She had six .wounded, and some spars shot 
away. The Monarch, which kept under way, was not hit. 



718 



NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 



The Superb had her funnel injured, and plates damaged. 
The Alexandra suffered slight damage in her hull. The 
Sultan had her main-mast and funnel shot through, and 
her hull pierced several times in the unarmored part. 
Two of the 1 8-ton guns of the Alexandra were disabled 
by shot, which passed in at the port-holes. 




THE ALEXANDRA. 1877. 

(Ironclad, English Navy. Her appearance after being launched.) 



OUR NEW NAVY. 



719 



L. 

OUR NEW NAVY. 




INCE the last of the naval battles recorded 
in preceding chapters was fought more 
than a decade has elapsed, and in that time 
the advance in ships, engines, and guns 
has been such that a war-ship, even of the 
time of the bombardment of Alexandria, or 
the engagement between the Huascar and 
her Chilian opponent may be considered 
almost completely obsolete. 
The use of armor for ships is so recent, only dating 
from the time of our civil war, that modern war-ships 
have been little in action. In fact the war between 
England and the United States, in 1812-15, was the last 
important naval war previous to the introduction of 
steam. The revolution in naval tactics caused by steam 
was very great, but our civil war afforded little experi- 
ence in fleet actions, the important naval affairs being 
for the most part attacks of fleets upon land fortifica- 
tions. The only fairly well-matched, stand-up fight of 
that war between vessels was that of the Kearsaree and 
Alabama. 

Steel has come into use for the hulls of vessels — and 
the invention, by our own citizens, of nickel-steel, and 
of the Harvey process for plates, has caused a revolu- 
tion in the application of defensive armor. 

We may instance the armor for the battle-ship Maine, 



720 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

which vessel will carry on her sides alone four hundred 
and seventy-five tons of metal — Harveyized nickel-steel. 
The plate which was tried at the Naval Proving Ground, 
at Indian Head, on the Potomac, and upon the proof of 
which depended the receiving of the whole quantity from 
the contracting company, was thirteen feet seven inches 
long, seven feet wide, and twelve inches in thickness at 
the top, tapering to six inches. These measurements 
may give some idea of the tremendous power of the 
implements employed in forging and tempering such a 
mass of metal. 

It successfully resisted four shots from an eight-inch 
rifled gun, firing, at only a few yards' distance, the best 
armor-piercing shot, breaking the latter to fragments. 
Then a ten-inch gun was tried upon the same plate. 
Again the shot was broken up, and the plate, already hit 
four times before, was cracked, but remained still capa- 
ble of affording perfect protection. It is not at all prob- 
able that any one plate would be hit five times in the 
course of an action — and so this armor is considered as 
near perfection as it is possible for metallurgists to 
come, in the present state of knowledge. The Maine 
and Texas, and the battle-ships of the Iowa class, as 
well as the great monitors, Puritan and Monadnock, all 
of which vessels are of the latest construction, have 
these plates, thereby saving much weight, and allowing 
of additional armor protection to the upper works. 
The heavy armor extends from one barbette to the 
other, in the Iowa being about 180 feet, and from four 
and a half feet below the water line to three feet above 
it. At the level of the belt is a curving steel deck, three 
inches thick, to deflect plunging shot; while the mass of 
coal is so arranged in the bunkers as to protect the boil- 
ers and machinery. 



OUR NEW NAVY. 721 

The Iowa carries four 1 2-inch rifles, mounted in 
pairs in two turrets, eight 8-inch rifles, also mounted in 
pairs in turrets, six rapid-fire 4-inch rifles, and an am- 
ple secondary battery of twenty 6-pounder and six 
i-pounder rapid-fire guns, and two gatlings — all high 
powered breech-loading guns of the best American 
manufacture. 

In the last few years there have also been great 
changes and improvements in different forms of explo- 
sives, the development of torpedo boats and torpedo- 
catchers, and modes of defence against such attacks. 
Almost all the large vessels have double bottoms, 
divided in many separate cells like honeycombs — and 
packed with a preparation of cocoa-nut fibre, which 
swells when in contact with water, thus effectually stop- 
ping shot holes. There are also many transverse bulk- 
heads, making many compartments of the vessel's hull ; 
while the engines are so cut off by them that one is in- 
dependent of any injury to the other. There are also 
many small engines, for various purposes, and electric 
light makes the deepest part of the interior of the great 
ship's hull as plain as the upper deck, in full sunlight. 
Lastly, the great increase in speed and power of engines 
tend to make the war-ship a very different thing from 
what she was at the time spoken of in the previous 
chapter. 

There are, of course, limitations to the ranee and 
efficiency of the new Navy, owing to the necessity of 
replenishing supplies of fuel, — a most difficult and ex- 
tremely costly process in many parts of the world. 
Such modern cruisers as the Columbia carry, to be sure, 
an immense quantity of coal — and there are others, such 
as the New York and the Olympia, which not only 
possess great speed, but also carry more fuel than most 

46 



722 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

vessels of their class. They need to do so, for our coal- 
ing stations abroad are very few. 

Some nations', especially the Italians, who have a very 
formidable navy, and one far above their means, have ex- 
perimented extensively with petroleum, in its crude form, 
as a fuel, and, it is stated, with a certain degree of success. 
But this for the most part is a consideration for those 
nations which have no mines of coal under their own 
control, and we must remember that, in time of war, the 
supply of petroleum might be cut off even more effectu- 
ally than that of coal. But to return : — The use of steel 
for the hulls of vessels, the armor, protective decks, 
and other purposes of construction, has greatly multi- 
plied the strength of those parts, while it has made the 
whole much lighter, so that the same expenditure of 
steam will carry the structure much farther and much 
faster. We have already stated that nickel-steel is able 
to resist very effectually the most modern projectiles 
from« the latest guns. When, a few years ago, such 
qualities were claimed for it by us, the English experts 
in such matters rather sneered at the idea, and said that 
more extensive trials should be had before they could 
believe in its value. The experiments were so tri- 
umphantly successful that not only was all opposition 
withdrawn, but the object then was to get hold of the 
process as soon as possible. Nickel-steeHs what may be 
called a great fact, and subsequent discoveries in metal- 
lurgy will never destroy its value for certain purposes. 

The Harvey process was another thing upon which 
the Europeans looked with great doubt until the perfect 
success of armor made in that way, in trials against 
very powerful guns at short range, opened their eyes. 
This process consists in the hardening of the outside 
surface of a thick plate to a certain depth, leaving the 



OUR NEW NAVY. 723 

back part of the plate with the toughness of the untem- 
pered metal, so that the shot which strikes it has to 
encounter obstacles of two kinds — the hardness which 
breaks it up, and the toughness which prevents serious 
entry. 

As it is, the contest between gun and armor is con- 
tinually going on. When armor is found which resists 
very powerful guns and the newest explosive, a more 
powerful gun is built, which makes another increase in 
armor necessary. At the present time there is no pre- 
dicting how long this contest may go on, for the im- 
provements in guns and armor keep equal pace. 

New explosives have the same story to tell. They 
vary in name and in effect, but most of them are based 
upon the same chemical principles. Some keep better 
than others, and are thus best suited for preservation 
in the magazines of ships, where, especially in case of 
faulty construction, or of prolonged stay in hot climates, 
the delicate chemical combination of which the modern 
explosive consists is very much more likely to undergo 
change than the old-fashioned "black power" — especially 
when the latter was well made. 

There is, therefore, constant experimenting, and con- 
stant change in opinion in regard to explosives. 

Torpedoes are another source of trouble to experts in 
naval warfare ; the fact being that they have never been 
sufficiently tried in actual service to settle completely 
their respective values. Of the mobile torpedoes one 
was used with destructive effect during the Chilean War, 
and some spar-torpedoes were effective during our Civil 
War, and during the Russo-Turkish War, where mobile 
torpedoes were also used, but it is still a matter of doubt 
with many naval officers of experience as to what part 
the mobile torpedo is to play in any future contest. 



724 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

As regards torpedo-boats, which launch their tor- 
pedoes one at a time, and directly in the line in which 
the boat is pointed, the opinion is that they will prove 
very useful for coast and harbor defence, but unfit for 
severe weather or heavy seas, very wearing upon their 
crews, liable to accidents of a serious nature, and only 
able to carry fuel for short runs. Many of the accidents 
to this class of boats have involved loss of life, and, 
while the French and English have increased their 
number, other nations, such as the Italians and the 
Germans, have rather decided against their increase. At 
one time in the last decade the Italians encouraged tor- 
pedo-boats, and in Germany one of the most successful 
of all builders is the Shichau Company, which has built 
boats for all the world but France, America, and 
England. 

The "torpedo catchers," so called, are quite different 
affairs from the ordinary torpedo-boat. They are quite 
large and swift vessels compared with the ordinary tor- 
pedo-boat, and are intended as " counter-miners," and, 
by speed, and ability to keep the sea better, to prevent 
the swarm of ordinary torpedo-boats from doing serious 
damage. Sufficient experience has not been gained in 
the experimental trials to know just how much these 
vessels will do in case of actual warfare, but much is 
expected of them. Very lately a well-known English 
builder of torpedo boats and other small craft has 
launched a boat which is said to have made twenty- 
seven knots, or about the average speed of a pas- 
senger train on a good railroad. 

Submarine torpedo-boats have received much attention 
of late years, when improvements and inventions, espe- 
cially in electricity, have rendered them comparatively 
easy to handle. In France and Spain, especially, very 




:;< 




OUR NEW NAVY. 725 

successful boats have been experimented with. In our 
own country, where the idea originated early in the 
century, there have been several submarine boats built 
which have remained for a long time under water, beino- 
directed by the crew in any wished-for course. Not long 
ago Congress appropriated a large sum for building a 
sub-marine torpedo boat ; but experiments conducted to 
show whether an explosion effected by such means would 
not be also fatal to the boat herself, led to hesitation on 
the part of the authorities as to expending the money in 
that way, and to a proposal to build surface torpedo 
boats instead. 

Speed is becoming more and more a factor in naval 
problems. Speed, fuel capacity, a powerful battery, and 
protection, especially to the vital parts and to the crew, 
are now recognized as the requisites which go to make 
a fine, or capable ship, and one most likely to be gener- 
ally useful in war. Among such vessels may be men- 
tioned the New York, O/ympza^nd the Co/umdia, of our own 
navy. The battle-ships, so called, come under a different 
category — being heavily armored, and supposed to be 
able to resist heavy projectiles at close quarters. We 
have a few of these under construction, but none of the 
great size which we see in some foreign navies, princi- 
pally for the reason that many of our ports will not 
admit vessels of such great draught of water — and that 
our authorities consider smaller vessels capable of being 
more readily manceuvered. The largest battle-ships we 
are building will only measure 10,200 tons, while in foreign 
navies they have them of 15,000 tons. But the best 
naval opinion is that the latter are too large ; and experts 
are advocating a return to smaller size and greater num- 
ber—just as a reaction has taken place against no-ton 
guns. 



726 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

We have now approaching completion the lozva, Indi- 
ana, Massachusetts and Oregon, all of 10,200 tons, with 
twin screws, and carrying sixteen guns in the main 
battery, beside smaller ones of the most modern type. 

The Maine and Texas are battle-ships of the second 
class — of about 9000 tons, with twin screws, and carry- 
ing about ten guns in the main battery, and a proportion 
of rapid-fire smaller guns. 

Such great battle-ships as these have never been tried 
in a close general engagement, and, though viewed with 
some distrust — especially since the accidental sinking by 
collision of the Victoria — nations go on building them in 
rivalry, and the end is not yet. In case of a grand battle 
between fleets of these giant ships, the force being any- 
where near equal, the chances would be in favor of the 
fleet which is best handled. That is all that anyone can 
say at present. It may give the reader some idea of these 
great armaments to say that, in 1894, England had in her 
Mediterranean fleet twenty-four vessels of the first class, 
none less than 7350, and most of them above 10,000 tons. 
Thirteen of these were battle-ships, and eleven protected 
cruisers. 

France and Russia, combined, had at the same period 
in those parts thirty-three ships, none of which were 
below 4000 tons, and most of which were of 10,000 tons 
or more. 

In addition to this we must count numerous torpedo- 
boats, despatch vessels and gunboats in such fleets. 

The Italian navy is now a very powerful one, and con- 
tains in its list some of the largest men-of-war afloat ; 
and the German navy has made great strides in advance. 
The Spaniards have some fine ships, but mostly of the 
fast cruiser class, armed with powerful guns. 

We have heard very much of late regarding the 



OUR NEW NAVY. 727 

Chinese and Japanese navies. The vessels which 
compose these forces have mostly been constructed in 
France and England — and a few, of moderate size, have 
been built at home. The Chinese have a very fine gun- 
factory, as well as shops for repairs, but many of their 
vessels, especially in what has been called their Southern 
fleet, are in very bad condition as to hulls, engines — and 
especially as to the discipline of the crews. This has 
become much worse since they dispensed with the ser- 
vices of European officers. Their Northern fleet is in 
much better condition, but time alone can prove what it 
is worth. Neither China nor Japan have any vessels 
above 8000 tons displacement, and many are much 
smaller. Their important fighting craft consist of what 
are called cruisers — protected and unprotected — but 
armed with excellent modern high-powered guns, and 
torpedoes of the latest model. 

The vessels of the Japanese navy are kept in excep- 
tionally good condition in every respect, and their 
officers are considered the more able, and their men, 
with a natural aptitude for the sea, are in excellent train- 
ing and discipline. Thus Japan should prove superior 
to China, if only on account of the better personnel. 
Many of the Japanese officers have passed through our 
own naval school with credit, and others have been 
educated in the German service. Some of them, thus 
educated, have already attained high command — and all 
show great enthusiasm and military ardor. 

Naval battles between these two fleets will, no matter 
how deficient they may be in some respects, be most 
instructive lessons to the navies of the world at large. 

While we do not pretend to say that we need such a 
navy as England (the national life of which country 
depends upon her ability to furnish food and clothing 



728 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

from abroad for her population), it is evident to anyone 
who thinks for a moment that a country like ours, with the 
most extensive coast-line of any, should have a moderately 
large and very effective navy, if only as a matter of sea- 
police for our own shores, while the protection of our 
vessels and of citizens living and doing business abroad 
comes under another head. 

Persons, especially those living in the interior of our 
great country, are apt to think, and to say, that there is 
little chance of our becoming embroiled with any of the 
nations of whose great navies we have just been speak- 
ing. But we have to go back a very few years to show 
in what danger we have been of having our coasts in- 
vested by hostile fleets for want of proper force to resist 
them. Spain was very threatening in the troubles about 
Cuba in 1873. The attitude of Italy, with her powerful 
vessels, at the time of the difficulty about the New 
Orleans riots, was disquieting for a time, and, had her 
financial condition been better, that country would have 
certainly made a naval demonstration here. Then there 
was the still more threatening attitude of Chili, which 
might have been very serious. However sure we might 
be of eventually putting down that warlike little country, 
immense damage might have been done by her in a 
naval raid on our west coast. There is constant need 
for ships in China ; not only for the protection of Ameri- 
cans, but to assist in keeping down piracy, a very present 
danger in that part of the world. Few months pass that 
it is not necessary to send ships to Hayti, always on the 
verge of revolution, or actually in the throes of civil war; 
and the same may be said of the countries comprising 
Central America. Then Brazil may be added to the list 
of unsettled countries, and we have a large and impor- 
tant trade there. Of the troubles in Hawaii, and of the 



OUR NEW NAVY. 729 

cruising against the seal robbers in the North Pacific, 
the whole country has heard more than enough, and 
everyone knows that without a navy we should be per- 
fectly helpless in such emergencies. The very establish- 
ment and maintenance of great dock-yards and naval 
stations at Vancouver, Halifax and Bermuda by England 
admonishes us to at least partially prepare to resist the 
threats of naval coercion which was that nation's favorite 
mode of treating with us not so many years ago. 

The necessary police of the seas is recognized by all 
nations, and all who can afford to do so should take a 
part in it. Frequent visits to foreign ports by men-of- 
war increase the influence and materially assist the busi- 
ness consideration of citizens who may reside abroad for 
business purposes, and thus directly increase the national 
revenue ; while there is damage to our national pride 
when men-of-war of other nations have to protect our 
citizens abroad, as has frequently happened in times of 
trouble, from want of a sufficient number of ships in our 
navy to permit of wide distribution. There are many 
persons in our large country who would be mortified 
and shocked at such a thing as the bombardment of 
New York or of San Francisco with lono--rano-e 
guns — either of which events has been possible within 
the last ten years. Such a proceeding would not only be 
humiliating to us as a nation, but would probably cause 
more damage than a powerful fleet of defensive iron- 
clads would cost to build and maintain — not to speak of 
such a thing as ransom-money demanded. 

There is no fear of any nation making an effectual 
landing upon our shores: the only danger is that some 
swift and sudden blow, when we are unprepared, might 
cause immense damage to our great seaboard and lake 
cities, which would not only cost untold millions in dam- 



730 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

age, and in the subsequent expenditure necessary to re- 
pay the blow, but in the injury to our national pride and 
prestige among nations. 

MERCHANT VESSELS. 

The decay of merchant shipping in our country from 
the proud position it held before the great Civil War is 
due to many causes, chief among which is the substitu- 
tion of iron for wood, and steam for sails. There are 
very many people living, and still active, who remember 
the time when the whole of the passenger traffic between 
Europe and the United States was in the hands of 
Americans — for the reason that their ships were more 
staunch, more comfortable, and very much faster, while 
their seamen were more enterprising. The same was 
the case with the China trade ; the American clippers 
carried all before them : while, in the race to the 
Pacific, in the early days of California, none could com- 
pare with our vessels in rapidity and the comfort of pas- 
sage. 

For some years those interested in such matters al- 
most despaired ; but there is a brighter outlook ahead 
now. The great lake fleet of steamers and sailing ves- 
sels has vastly increased. The tonnage passing through 
the Sault de Ste. Marie is really greater than our whole 
ocean tonnage of forty years ago : and the improvement 
in the quantity and size of merchant vessels built during 
the last few years for ocean service, while not keeping 
pace with the lake traffic, on account of foreign competi- 
tion, is still very gratifying. 

We have already spoken of the ability shown by 
Americans, during the last few years, to produce the 
best armor in the world, guns equal to any, and war- 
ships of the very first class, in hull and machinery. 



OUR NEW NAVY. 731 

This is all a preparation and education for taking our 
proper place as builders of the very best merchant ves- 
sels. Builders could not afford the extensive apparatus 
and machinery necessary for such construction unless 
they had been encouraged by government orders in the 
beginning. Such works as those at Bethlehem, in 
Pennsylvania, would never have constructed the largest 
steam-hammer in the world, if it had not been for the 
encouragement afforded by government orders. Now 
they are prepared to forge shafts, and other great 
pieces, for the largest merchant steamers, for the ob- 
taining of which we formerly had to send abroad. 

As for plants for iron or steel ship-building, we now 
have many. Cramps' establishment, in Philadelphia, is 
said to be the third largest in the world — and will soon 
rank higher ; there are other great works for merchant 
vessels on the Lakes and the Mississippi, and at New- 
port's News, near Hampton Roads. After these come 
the works at South Boston and the different establish- 
ments at New York. The purely naval building-yards 
and plants at the New York navy yard, and at Norfolk, 
are well known ; while the Union Iron Works at San 
Francisco have turned out some of the finest vessels 
afloat, both men of war and merchantmen. There £re 
also such works in Bath, Maine. 

But the least effect of these great plants is shown in 
their production up to this time. They are not only 
educational to ship and engine builders, but they foster 
a number of most valuable trades — such as ship-car- 
penters, plumbers, copper-smiths, joiners, and many 
others. Above all come the naval designers or archi- 
tects. Men so trained are well paid, and are required 
to turn out the very highest grade of work ; and thus 
we are forming a force, at many points of our great 



732 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

country, fitted, when the time comes (and it must soon 
come), to build up our sea-going mercantile marine to an 
equality with the sister service on the Great Lakes, so as 
to enable it to carry our products abroad, and bring back 
the returns, without depending upon foreign bottoms for 
that service. A few years ago there was no place in 
this country where a young man could go to learn the 
business of designing and building iron vessels — now 
there are many such places — and they are constantly in- 
creasing in number. 

MACHINERY. 

Not the least wonder of our day is the improvement 
in the machinery of steam-vessels of all kinds. 

The engineer's department of a first-class cruiser or 
battle-ship is a bewildering and wonderful sight to one 
not accustomed to it. The complicated engines, with 
their numerous cylinders, which use the steam over and 
over, seem almost too delicate, and too like a fancy crea- 
tion, to be capable of driving the propellers at such a rate 
as they do. Instead of the rude levers of former days, 
these giant machines are managed by the turning of 
wheels which look like playthings as compared with the 
forces which they control so easily. 

The boilers not only serve to drive the main engines, 
but there are others devoted to different uses ; among 
which the principal are the distilling of salt into fresh 
water, and thus giving an abundant supply of one of the 
very first necessaries of life, and rendering the vessel 
and the crew independent of the shore in that respect. 
It is also most conducive to health ; for much of the 
disease found on ship-board, within even recent times, was 
due to the character of the water obtained from the shore. 
Then there are the electric dynamos, and their boilers, 




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OUR NEW NAVY. 733 

which must run when the ship is at anchor, as well as 
when she is under weigh; while her steam steering- 
gear, when in motion, renders her guidance very easy in 
the hands of one man, when four or six would be re- 
quired at the wheels of vessels in the/old days. 

As for war-ships, the vessel is under complete control 
of one man, the Captain, who, with the helmsmen, occu- 
pies the fighting-tower. He is informed by indicators 
of what is going on all over the great craft below him, 
and his orders to the engineers, to the gun divisions, and 
to all other parts, are transmitted in the same way. But 
ordinary speaking-tubes and such matters are not forgot- 
ten, in case hostile shot should destroy the other means 
of communication ; while, far below the water-line, is the 
old-fashioned steering-wheel, secure from shot or shell, 
to be used in case the more delicate and more exposed 
steering-gear should be shot away. The number of 
trained and experienced men which such a complicated 
machine as a modern war-ship or first-class passenger 
vessel requires, is very great. There is less need for 
old-fashioned sailors — who could go aloft in any weather 
to reef and furl — but there is seamanship still required 
to navigate, to heave the lead, to man and manage boats, 
and many other things, beside the mere drilling and 
working of artillery and small arms. It requires some 
training even to be able to take care of one's self in bad 
weather, especially in a large ship, where places to hold 
on are far apart. Of course, in a modern ship the en- 
gineer's force, as well as those immediately in charge of 
dynamos, of electric lights, and of search-lights, com- 
prise a much larger proportion of the whole ship's com- 
pany than in former times ; and the vigilance, experience, 
and foresight which have to be displayed in the depths 



734 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

of the vessel is equal to that required upon the spar- 
deck and bridge. 

OFFICERS AND MEN. 

Now that our administrations, of both political parties, 
have for some years committed themselves to a gradual 
increase of our navy, to consist of the very newest ships 
and guns, it may be safely supposed that in a few years 
we shall have a respectable navy, in point of numbers, as 
it is now in point of quality. 

After all, the best ships are of no use without the pres- 
ence of men trained to manage them, and to conduct 
successfully the well-being and discipline of a large num- 
ber of people. In a first-class man-of-war, the elements 
may be compared to a civil organization in this way: 
the Captain is the Mayor, except that he has much more 
power and authority than most mayors ; the Lieutenants 
are the executive and police officers, as well as leaders 
in battle ; the Junior officers are in training for such po- 
sitions. The Marine officer and his men represent the 
militia, adding police duties ; and the medical staff looks 
out for the general health. Then there is the Paymaster 
and his clerk, who attend to financial matters of all kinds ; 
the engineer corps, which keeps the whole thing going, 
and lights as well as propels the great machine. Lastly, 
there is a Chaplain, who not only attends to divine ser- 
vice (as required by the Articles of War), but in many 
ways makes his influence known. The subdivision of 
duties on board a man-of-war often makes landsmen won- 
der whether such a course is necessary ; but the experi- 
ence of many generations teaches that it is. 

NAVAL ACADEMY. 

It may be of interest to our readers to know some- 
thing about the way in which the officers of the navy are 



OUR NEW NAVY. 735 

trained for their important duties. For many years after 
the foundation of the navy, boys of tender years were 
appointed midshipmen through the influence of friends 
of the President or the Secretary of the Navy. They 
then were sent to sea at once, in a cruising man-of-war, 
and, after five or six years, went to a naval school, as it 
was called, for a few months. At the end of six years 
they became passed-midshipmen, if found able to pass 
a simple examination ; after which they had to wait for 
vacancies in the list above them to become lieutenants, 
commanders, and captains. The latter was, up to the 
time of the late civil war, the highest grade in the navy, 
and corresponded in rank with colonel in the army. 
Those officers who commanded squadrons or stations 
were, by courtesy, termed commodores. The manner 
of education of the young officers who were destined to 
high command in the navy had long been felt to be 
faulty, although under it such officers had been reared as 
Farragut and Rowan, Porter, and John Rodgers ; and it 
was thought that a school something on the lines of West 
Point, which had long existed for the army, would be of 
benefit to the service and to the country. About this 
time a change took place in the manner of appointment 
of naval cadets, and the Congressmen of the various 
States had them put in their hands, with a limited number 
left in the hands of the President, who was apt to bestow 
them on the sons of worthy officers of the army or navy 
who had died in the service. This is the usual practice at 
present. Representatives are notified when an appoint- 
ment falls due in their district, and some Congressmen 
put such appointments up for public competition among 
the lads of proper age and health, who, on going to the 
Naval Academy to enter, have to pass a close physical 
examination, as well as one in elementary branches of 



736 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

learning. Many are rejected, from one cause or another, 
and the custom has arisen of appointing an alternate, 
who maybe examined for the position if the first one 
fails, either physically or mentally. Those who are suc- 
cessful in the examination receive $500 a year, during 
their academic course, which is an ample sum for their 
support at the school. During the course many drop 
out ; some from ill conduct ; some from inability to follow 
the course ; and some few from failure of health ; although 
the healthy regimen and good hours often improve boys 
who are a little delicate or backward. But it must be 
remembered that it is useless for any lad who is thoroughly 
lazy and unambitious to enter there, as he is sure to be 
weeded out. Many classes do not graduate more than 
half of their original members. 

The Naval Academy, at Annapolis, Maryland, was 
founded in 1845, through the enlightened policy of Mr. 
Bancroft, the celebrated historian, who was then the Sec- 
retary of the Navy, under President Polk. Commander 
Buchanan (who was afterwards Admiral Buchanan of 
the Confederate Navy) was the first officer in charge. 

The site of the Academy was secured by the transfer 
from the War to the Navy Department of Fort Severn 
and its surroundings, one of the defences of Annapolis, 
at the mouth of the Severn river, near its entrance into 
Chesapeake bay, and with plenty of water for naval 
work. In 1849 a Board was organized to make regula- 
tions which were to conform, as much as possible, to 
those of the Military Academy at West Point. In 1851 
the course of study was fixed at four years, with annual 
examinations, and summer cruises in practice ships to 
familiarize the lads with sea duties. There was also a 
board of visitors, to be appointed by the President, who 
reported, annually, upon the annual examinations and 




DESPATCH BOAT DOLPHIN. 




COAST DEFENCE MONITOR MIANTONOMOH. 



OUR NEW NAVY. 737 

the general condition and requirements of the school. 
This board consisted of Senators and citizens distin- 
guished for their acquirements in science, as well as 
officers of different corps of the Navy. 

Owing- to the Civil War the school was transferred, in 
1861, to Newport, Rhode Island, where it remained until 
1865, when it was returned to Annapolis. The grounds 
have been greatly enlarged and improvements of every 
kind made, until now it is one of the most beautiful and 
perfect establishments in the world. There is no place 
in Europe, devoted to naval training, which has any- 
thing like the space, the buildings and material, and the 
equable climate which the Annapolis school possesses. 
Although the country is flat, the fine expanses of water, 
and the wealth of foliage, give the situation great 
attractions, while the old and historic town of Annapolis, 
so connected with the Colonial period and the Revolu- 
tion, retains its curious plan, and its old church, court- 
house, and residences, much as they were when 
Washington resigned his commission. 

When the school was re-established at Annapolis the 
course of studies was rearranged to suit the advance in 
such matters as steam, gunnery, and mathematics — and 
has remained much the same ever since — only adopting 
improved methods as the occasion arose. 

The course of instruction is a long one — too long- to 
be given here, but we may mention some of the studies 
pursued. There are seamanship and naval construction, 
naval tactics, practical exercises, signals, swimming, 
gymnastics, etc., ordnance and gunnery, including infan- 
try tactics, field-artillery and boat-howitzer exercise, 
great guns, mortar practice, and fencing ; mathematics 
up to the calculus ; steam engineering, with practical 
exercise, and the theory, fabrication, and designing' of 
47 



738 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

steam engines ; astronomy, navigation, and surveying ; 
physics and chemistry ; mechanics, and applied mathe- 
matics, and theoretical naval architecture; English 
studies, and history and law ; French and Spanish ; 
drawing and chart-making; and other kindred studies. 

Any one who shows great aptitude is put into the en- 
gineering branch, and enters the Engineer Corps ; others 
enter the Marine Corps, as second lieutenants ; and 
sometimes, when there are no vacancies, those who grad- 
uate honorably, although at the foot of their class, are 
enabled, by Act of Congress, to take an " honorable dis- 
charge " from the service, with a year's pay. 

When a lad succeeds in passing the examination and 
entering the Naval Academy, he is required to sign arti- 
cles which bind him to serve in the Navy eight years, in- 
cluding his time at the Academy, unless sooner dis- 
charged. The system of examination comprises 
monthly, semi-annual, and annual examinations, which 
are conducted in writing, the members of a class all 
receiving the same questions. If a cadet fails to pass 
the semi-annual or annual examinations he is dropped. 

With the theoretical studies there are the sail, spar, 
boat, gun, and small-arm drills, all of which, with good 
conduct, go to make up the total of "marks" of the 
cadet. Misconduct or insubordination leads to the 
receipt of " demerits," which may become so numerous 
as to prevent a cadet from continuing at the Academy, 
even when distinguished in his studies. Some of the 
same officers who have charge of the cadets during the" 
scholastic year are detailed for the practice ships during 
the summer cruise, so that they have complete knowl- 
edge of the acquirements of their pupils. The summer 
cruise of the cadets at Annapolis corresponds to the en- 
campment of the West Point cadets ; being almost 



OUR NEW NAVY. 739 

entirely practical in its nature. The cadet engineer 
class, instead of a long voyage, go on board a practice 
steamer, and visit navy-yards, and ship-yards, rolling- 
mills, foundries, machine-shops, etc., where practical 
illustration may be had of a part of their studies. The 
academic grounds, inside the walls, consist of fifty 
acres, while outside there are one hundred acres more. 
On this fine property there are a great number of build- 
ings, for quarters, mess-halls, class rooms, armory, 
steam-building, etc., beside an observatory, all of which 
are amply provided with models and apparatus. There 
is a fine library, contained in a lovely old house formerly 
inhabited by the governor of Maryland ; a chapel ; and 
numbers of houses for officers' quarters. There is also 
a hospital, and, on the outlaying land one of greater 
size, which is used in epidemics, and for the seamen of 
the practice-ships, and the marines of the guard. At 
large and convenient docks upon the Severn are moored 
the practice ships, steamers, steam and sailing launches, 
and cutters, for the use and instruction of the cadets. 
The average number of these is about two hundred, and 
they are, as a rule, exceedingly well-trained in battalion 
drill, so that a dress-parade during the evenings of the 
spring and fall months, with the faultless drill and evo- 
lutions, and the music afforded by the fine band, never 
fails to attract crowds of strangers, as well as the town's 
people and officers' families. 

MARINE CORPS. 

It is proper, at this point, to give some account of the 
United States Marine Corps, of which many persons not 
familiar with naval affairs have a very vague idea. 

They are sea-soldiers, or soldiers enlisted for service 
either on shore or on board ships-of-war, and who are 



740 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

known as Marines, although all sea-going persons are 
really marines. 

Most powers which possess navies have also marines, 
France being an exception. They constitute a separate 
military body from the seamen and other enlisted men 
of a war-ship, and are trained to fight either as infantry 
or as artillerists, and especially for participation in naval 
engagements. They are organized, clothed and equipped 
very much like soldiers of the army, and their preliminary 
instruction is the same. In fact, some of their very best 
service has been on shore ; while their being accustomed 
to the sea makes them doubly valuable for expeditions 
by water. Their headquarters, barracks and depots are 
on shore, and from them details are made when required 
for service on shipboard. These detachments vary in 
size with the ship, from a dozen men under a ser- 
geant to a hundred under one or more commissioned 
officers. 

The history of sea-soldiers is very ancient, dating back 
to at least five centuries before the Christian Era, when 
there was a class of soldiers which constituted the fight- 
ing men of a war-ship, while an entirely different class 
navigated, managing- the oars and sails. Some of the 
most gallant acts which have distinguished G ur own 
navy have been performed by the marines, who have 
served without blemish in every quarter of the world, 
and in all the wars in which we have been engaged. 
The marines have generally manned some of the broad- 
side guns whenever hard fighting was going on, and 
have always been relied upon under the most despe- 
rate circumstances ; nor have they failed to justify that 
reliance. 

Our own Congress has nineteen times, by joint reso- 
lution, tendered thanks to the marines for their gallant 



OUR NEW NAVY. 741 

behavior, and some of the greatest generals have added 
their tributes to those of naval commanders. Napoleon 
Bonaparte, when viewing the marines of the English ship 
Bellerophon, where he took refuge after his downfall, 
exclaimed: "What mio-ht not be done with a hundred 
thousand such men?" General Winfield Scott, when 
commanding in the Mexican War, said of our marines 
that he " put them where the heaviest work was to be 
accomplished, and had never found his confidence mis- 
placed." General Grant, on the quarter-deck of the 
Vandalia, which man-of-war was taking him to Egypt, on 
his voyage round the world, remarked of the marines at 
their exercise, that they were " as fine soldiers as he 
had ever seen." 

In our own service the marine corps is as ancient as 
the navy. In Revolutionary days they wore green coats 
with white facings, but their uniform has from time to 
time become more and more assimilated with that of 
the infantry of the army. 

REVENUE MARINE. 

Another branch of the public service connected with 
the sea is the Revenue Marine, of which very little is 
known outside of maritime States, although it is one of 
the most important and hard-working branches. 

This sea force was organized in 1 790, more than a 
century ago, for the protection of the revenues of the 
General Government from duties upon imports. The 
Act of Congress provided for the building and equipping 
of the revenue cutters, "to be officered and manned by 
one master and not more than three mates, who should 
be appointed by the President, and be deemed officers 
of the customs." 

This was done under the administration of Alexander 



742 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, and one of 
the shining lights of our early days as a nation. He 
sucro-ested giving the officers military or naval rank, 
"which," he added, "will not only induce fit men to en- 
o-ao-e, but attach them to their duties by a nicer sense of 
honor." 

The first vessels built for this service were brigs or 
schooners, and they were commanded by excellent offi- 
cers and sailors, who were proud of their position. They 
had not only to look after the collection of the revenue 
from imports, but to preserve order in ports, and had many 
other onerous duties. They had to make returns of all 
vessels boarded, as well as any special duties which the 
Secretary of the Treasury might direct. They were to 
succor vessels in distress — and, to this day, the Revenue 
vessels cruise on our coasts during the very worst win- 
ter weather to succor vessels, and many a cargo, as well 
as many lives, have been saved by their exertions. 

Any one, even those who are not familiar with ships, 
can tell a revenue vessel by the flag she carries — be- 
cause, while the union is the same as in other flags of the 
United States, the stripes run vertically instead of hori- 
zontally. 

Formerly the revenue cutters were almost always of 
schooner rig, and generally very neat and trim, and very 
beautiful and picturesque vessels, especially under sail, 
but at present and for many years past, the " Cutters " 
are able sea-going steamers. In former days the rev- 
enue cutters, in addition to the protection afforded to 
commerce, had to attend to the placing of buoys, and 
the supply of lighthouses, under the direction of Collec- 
tors of Customs of districts. But in 1852 the present 
Light House Board was established — and special vessels 
devoted to that service, than which there is none better 



OUR NEW NAVY. 743 

in the world. The Revenue Marine has often taken 
part with the Navy in operations of various kind, such 
as the War of 1 8 1 2 ; the Florida War ; the Mexican War ; 
the Paraguay Expedition ; the Civil War ; the Seal Fish- 
ery patrol, and numerous other occasions, eivino- the 
best of service cheerfully and promptly. 

As regards appointment of officers in the Revenue 
Marine, we may say that the service is entirely separate 
from the Navy, and controlled by the Treasury Depart- 
ment. This Department appoints cadets, not less than 
eighteen and not more than twenty-five years of age, who 
maybe promoted to third lieutenants after two years' ser- 
vice, and after having passed a satisfactory examination. 
This takes appointments out of the line of personal or 
political preference. The cadets are first sent on a 
practice cruise at sea in a revenue cutter, and then 
trained in practical seamanship and navigation, and dur- 
ing the winter study mathematics and other thino-s neces- 
sary to fit them for their duties. If successful in passing 
as third lieutenants they have a reasonable chance of 
rising to Captain. Revenue cutters, beside their ordinary 
duty, are often called upon to make special cruises in 
search of missing vessels, or to enforce neutrality laws 
when expeditions may be fitting in our ports against 
neighboring and friendly governments. Since Alaska 
has been acquired some of the most remarkable cruises 
have been made in Arctic waters, not only for the succor 
of whalers, but for the protection of the natives from 
smugglers who would try to introduce poisonous spirits. 
Officers of the revenue service are also detailed as in- 
spectors and assistant inspectors of life-saving stations, in 
which capacity they have done excellent service, and 
added much to the value of that noble branch of our 
public work. 



744 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

The whole of the Revenue Marine Service is in charge 
of a chief, called the Chief of the Revenue Marine, in 
the Treasury Department, at Washington, forming a 
separate bureau. This chief must be a man of ability, 
for he has great responsibility, and must have legal 
and scholarly attainments in order to be able to meet all 
the calls upon him. In regard to nautical matters he is 
supposed to avail himself of the advice of competent 
senior officers of the service, and also as far as the per- 
sonnel of the Revenue Marine is concerned. 

MARINE HOSPITAL SERVICE. 

It may be of interest to many persons in the interior 
of our country, who are not brought in contact with 
water transportation, or even with river boats of any kind, 
to know what is meant by the " Marine Hospital Service'," 
which has existed from our earliest days as a nation, and 
yet has nothing in common with the Revenue Marine, 
or with the Naval Service. The Naval Service has its 
own hospitals, and the Revenue Marine make arrange- 
ments for their sick and wounded at proper places. The 
Marine Hospital Service provides for all sick men who 
follow the water in the merchant service, whether they 
are salt water or fresh water men, whether they are on a 
Mississippi steamboat, or on a vessel just arrived from 
a China voyage. Its authority, under the law, dates 
from the year 1798, but it also provided that a tax of 
twenty cents a month should be exacted from every 
officer and seaman for the support of hospitals. In the 
following year the same provision of tax was made for 
the navy, and all officers and men have paid it for nearly 
a hundred years ; so that the Marine Hospitals and 
the Naval Hospitals have never cost the nation anything, 
the money for their support having come purely from 



OUR NEW NAVY. . 745 

this personal tax. Every merchant sailor pays that ; and 
every naval person, from an admiral to a messenger boy, 
has twenty cents a month deducted from his pay for hos- 
pital service. 

The Marine Hospital Service has of late years been 
more serviceable than ever, especially in the prevention 
of the introduction of cholera and of yellow fever into 
our'country. 

The organization is complete and excellent. There is 
a supervising Surgeon-General, who has great powers 
and great responsibilities, a medical purveyor, surgeons, 
passed-assistant surgeons, and assistant surgeons. These 
treat an immense number of cases, and not a few have 
lost their lives in combating epidemics. These officers 
are selected by examination and entirely removed from 
any politics, and are bound to go wherever they are 
ordered, and obey regulations. 

LIGHT HOUSES. 

Another interesting and most exceedingly important 
institution connected with naval affairs is the United 
States Light House Establishment. From small begin- 
nings this has grown to be one of the most important 
administrative branches of our government, and one 
which, we may say with pride, reflects the greatest 
honor upon us in the eyes of the world at large ; for a 
reliable and thorough system of the kind is a blessing 
and a safeguard to mariners and travelers of all nation- 
alities. 

The first light house built in the country which is now 
the United States of America is said to have been that 
at Little Brewster Island, in Boston Harbor, Massa- 
chusetts, about 17 1 5. Then followed others, all sup- 
ported by the Provinces in which they were placed, of 



746 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

course. There were by the year 1789 twenty-five 
light houses on the Atlantic coast, ranging from Maine 
to Georgia. They were supported by a tax upon 
vessels which used them, and the tax was paid as part 
of the port dues, according to the lights the vessel must 
have passed in reaching her destination. In 1789, the 
National Government took charge of such matters, and 
the collectors of customs appointed by the President had 
charge of Hants, and collected the dues. The service 
was often unsatisfactory, and so, in May, 1838, Congress 
created a Board of naval officers to determine where lights 
were actually needed, and to settle other points in the 
same connection. This led to increased usefulness, 
and at last, in 1852, the Light House Board was created 
by Act of Congress, which has usefully existed ever 
since, the result of their work beino- a liorit house 
system equal to any. 

The new Board consisted of three officers of the navy, 
three officers of the engineer corps of the army, and 
three civilians, one of whom was the Secretary of the 
Treasury, and the remaining two persons of high scien- 
tific attainments. Such a constitution took its mem- 
bers out of the pale of political appointment, and 
enabled them to lay out plans which they could them- 
selves hope to see carried into effect. 

This Board divided the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, the 
Gulf of Mexico, the Great Lakes, and the great western 
rivers into districts, to each of which an inspector, who is 
an officer of the navy, and an engineer, who is an officer 
of the army, is assigned. These, under direction of the 
Board, keep up the light houses and lights, and are 
charged with the discipline of the light keepers. They 
make constant visits and report upon the condition of 
lights, and of the behavior of the keepers, so that the 



OUR NEW NAVY. 747 

system is as nearly perfect as it can be made when we 
consider the exposed position and solitude of many of 
the lights. The great subject of light ships, of whistling 
buoys, of gas-lighted buoys, and other warnings to 
mariners, belongs to the same subject, but would require 
a large book to treat them properly. Our people at 
large do not appreciate the service of our light house 
establishment, not only on the sea coast, but on the 
great rivers and lakes, because they do not see it. If 
they did see it, they would see what it has accomplished, 
and how commerce would be hampered without it. 

It is a magnificent work, and now, in our country, the 
immense number of lights, beacons, lightships, buoys, 
and fog-signals are kept up entirely by the general gov- 
ernment, without making any charge in the way of light 
duties against ships of any country. 

TRAINING SHIPS. 

Naval Training Ships, for the education of appren- 
tices, are to be noticed in connection with other matters 
treated of in this chapter. This was begun at least fifty 
years ago, when it was thought to be proper to correct 
the large proportion of foreign seamen in our Navy by 
training native-born boys to man our squadrons. Many 
boys were, under the law then enacted, enlisted to serve 
between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one, and to be 
brought up as naval sailors. For a time things went 
very well. A large number of boys became excellent 
seamen and petty officers before they arrived at twenty- 
one. But many boys enlisted under the idea that the 
apprentices were to be made midshipmen, and, as that 
did not take place, great dissatisfaction occurred, and the 
system was gradually broken up. 

In 1863 a renewed attempt was made at establishing 



748 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

a Naval Apprentice System, and a great deal of labor 
of brain was spent by officers upon it. There was suc- 
cess, but it was hampered very much by the fact that all 
the boys put in the apprentice ships took away from the 
number of men allowed by law to man cruising vessels 
of the Navy. Still, the officers persevered, and there is 
now, at New York, and Newport, a well established 
naval apprentice system, which graduates many lads of 
intelligence and sufficient education to make them valu- 
able persons on board our modern men-of-war, when 
they become petty officers. 

The Naval Training Ships for Apprentices must not be 
confounded with the Training Ships belonging to Phila- 
delphia and to New York and Boston, which have been 
in successful operation for some years. These vessels 
are loaned By the government to the cities which pay the 
expense of their maintenances, except the salaries of the 
officers, who are detailed from the Navy. The " School 
Ships," as these are commonly called, are sailing vessels 
of the old type, without their guns, so that they are more 
comfortable ; and every effort is made to preserve the 
health of the boys who are received. These ships make 
— as a general rule — two voyages in the year. One is 
to Europe, in summer, and one to the West Indies in the 
winter. In the Philadelphia ship there are generally 
about eighty or ninety boys, with a sufficient number of 
old sailors to teach them how to pull and haul. Some 
of the graduates of this ship, after two years' service 
and study, have obtained very good berths in merchant 
vessels; and are in a fair way to being masters. But it 
all depends upon themselves and how much they are 
really worth. 

A wrong impression has gone out about these train- 
ing ships, in many quarters, which is that boys who were 




DYNAMITE CRUISER VESUVIUS. 




TORPEDO BOAT CUSHING. 



OUR NEW NAVY. 749 

bad, or unmanageable, went to them. In old times bad 
boys were sent to sea to be beaten into shape, but they 
do not take that kind now. 

To be admitted on board an apprentice ship a lad 
has to be physically sound, and to have good certificates 
as regards his moral character. The great mistake per- 
sons make is in regarding these ships as penal institu- 
tions for the reform of boys. On the contrary, the 
moment a lad is convicted of theft, or of any disgraceful 
proceeding, he is discharged; and the standard on board 
is kept high in that way. What we have said will be 
sufficient to indicate the purposes of the Training Ships. 

LIFE-SAVING SERVICE. 

A most interesting department of the government 
service connected with nautical matters is the "Life- 
Saving Service of the United States," to give it its legal 
title. This admirable institution was first organized by 
Act of Congress, in 1878. It is remarkable that it is 
the only existing government institution of the kind in the 
world, and our general government is abundantly 
justified for its creation by the results. 

In England, and the British Islands generally, where 
so many wrecks occur, owing to the large traffic and 
the uncertain and stormy weathers so frequently met 
with, the admirable life-boat system is provided and 
supported by a society, to which society all honor is due. 
But their life-boats would be of little service on our 
coasts or lakes, where an entirely different kind of craft 
is, for the most part, in use. The British life-boat 
system is of very great interest, but has no place here. 

Previous to 1878 the principal systematic efforts in the 
direction of succoring ship-wrecked persons along our 
coasts were due to the Massachusetts Humane Society, 



750 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

which, as early as 1 789, had caused huts to be erected 
at some of the most desolate points on that coast for 
the shelter of ship-wrecked persons who were fortunate 
enough to reach the shore. The first life-boat station 
was established by this society at Cohasset, the scene 
of many dreadful wrecks, in 1807. This society still 
exists and does much good, although, of course, 
superseded at some points by the government estab- 
lishment. In other parts of the country such societies 
were established, and saved many lives and much 
property, but are now, for the most part, discontinued. 
The first step toward a distinctively national life-saving 
service was taken in 1848, when Congress appropriated 
$10,000 for providing surf-boats and other appliances for 
rescuing life and property from shipwreck on the New 
Jersey coast, where such disasters are so common, 
owino- to the numbers of vessels bound to the ereat 
ports, and the nature of the coast. Buildings and 
apparatus were provided at eight different points along 
this coast, and the system worked so well that the next 
year a larger appropriation was made for the coast of 
Long Island, and to increase the number upon the Jersey 
coast. Then the system grew very rapidly, extending 
to Rhode Island, North and South Carolina, Georgia 
and Texas, as well as the Great Lakes, especially Lake 
Michigan. It now extends to the Pacific Coast, and 
even points on our great western rivers. Up to 1878 it 
was a branch of the Revenue Marine Service, but in 
that year Congress separated it, and made it a definite 
establishment under its own head. 

As now organized there are twelve districts and more 
than 200 stations, which are known as life-saving stations, 
life-boat stations, and houses of refuge. The life-saving 
stations have quite nice and pretty houses, with wide doors 



OUR NEW NAVY. 751 

on the ground floor, out of which the life-boat is rolled 
when about to be put in service, and in another room 
are stored the life-car, wreck-gun, lines, and other appa- 
ratus. Up-stairs there are rooms for the men of the 
crew, and extra cots for use in emergencies. 

At life-boat stations the houses are smaller, being 
made to accommodate only the life-boat, gear and crew. 
The houses of refuge are found only on the long, lonely 
stretches of the Florida coast, and can accommodate 25 
persons. Here are stored wood, food for that number 
for ten days, means of lighting a fire, and other such 
things, which would allow of ship-wrecked persons who 
reached there refreshing themselves so as to be able to 
march. These houses have also a boat-house with a 
galvanized iron boat and oars. 

There are regular inspectors, who are officers of the 
Revenue Marine, who visit these stations regularly, and 
see that the men are in good drill, can handle boat and 
apparatus properly, and that everything is kept in order 
for instant use. ■ 

Each station is in charge of a keeper, who selects his 
own crew under proper regulations. He is by law an 
inspector of customs, must prevent smuggling, and take 
in charge any wrecked property which may come on 
shore, and is responsible for everything in the station 
and for the conduct of his men. 

The keeper and his men are always hardy and skilled 
men, familiar with the surf, and the methods of handling 
a boat in it. At night they patrol the beach with lan- 
terns and 'night signals, and also keep strict watch by 
day, especially in bad weather. This system of patrol- 
ing is a distinctive feature of the United States Life- 
saving Service, and its proved value in discovering 
stranded vessels causes it to be maintained with oreat 



752 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

vigilance and the manner of its performance to be strictly- 
watched. Any evasion of this duty is promptly punished. 
When stations are only a few miles apart, on such fre- 
quented and dangerous coasts as those of New Jersey 
and Long Island, the patrolmen pass, at night, along the 
beach until they meet the patrol from the next station ; 
then they exchange tokens to prove that they have met, 
and set out to return. It is boasted by the Life-saving 
Service that most lives are saved on wrecked vessels, 
when it is humanly possible to reach them, either by boat 
or line ; and it is also boasted that no life-boat man has 
ever shown the ''white feather" in the discharge of his 
duties. 

No more interesting or instructive sight can be wit- 
nessed on cur ocean or lake shores than a life-saving 
crew T at its exercise. Dunne the Columbian Exhibition 
at Chicago crowds were always attracted when these 
exercises took place. Especially interesting was the 
throwing of the line by means of the bomb-gun, the 
establishment of communication with a supposed wreck, 
and the bringing safely on shore by this means several 
men. 

THE FLAG. 

Perhaps it may be of interest to give some slight 
sketch of the history of the Flag, in this connection, the 
flag of which we are all so proud, and which flies over 
such an extent of country and has penetrated the most 
remote seas. The hoistinof of the "colors," or national 
flag, on board a ship-of-war is a matter of considerable 
ceremony, and the same is the case when it is hauled 
down at sunset. 

When the time for " colors " comes — which is gener- 
ally at eight o'clock in the morning — the music is called 
(the band paraded, if there is one), and, as the bell 



OUR NEW NAVY. 753 

strikes, the flag is run up to the gaff, or the staff, while 
everyone faces toward it and raises the cap and the band 
plays one of the national airs. In the evening, as the 
sun dips below the horizon, the same ceremony takes 
place. Different-sized flags are used according to the 
weather ; from the " storm-flag," hardly bigger than a 
boat-ensign, to the great flag which flies on the Fourth 
of July and other grand occasions, but always, when in 
port, a ship-of-war in commission has the flag flyino- 
during the day. During-the day, also, every boat which 
leaves a man-of-war for any purpose, must show her flag, 
and this is especially necessary in foreign ports, where 
so much of the time of our national vessels is passed. 
Most persons know that the " stars and stripes," or " old 
glory," as the soldiers used to call it during the civil 
war, was not at once adopted upon the breaking out of 
hostilities between England and her American colonies. 
The national flag of the United States assumed the form 
which it now has after many experiments, and was the 
subject of much thought and discussion. 

The flags used by the Colonies before their separation 
from the mother country would naturally be those of 
England, and these were mostly borne during such times 
as the French and Indian wars. But it was not always 
the case, for several flags, differing more or less from 
those of the kingdom, were adopted by some of the 
Colonies at different times previous to the Revolution 
which was followed by independence. But the Colonies, 
as a rule, used what was called the " Union Flag," which 
was the cross of St. George and that of St. Andrew 
combined, and typifying the union of England and 
Scotland. 

When the Colonies revolted a committee was appointed 
by the Continental Congress to consider the subject of a 

48 



754 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

proper flag. Dr. Franklin was the chairman of the com- 
mittee, which assembled in the camp at Cambridge, on 
January I, 1776. They selected and displayed the flag 
of the " United Colonies." It was composed of seven 
red and six white stripes, with the red and white crosses 
of St. George and St. Andrew conjoined on a blue field 
in the corner, denoting the union of* the Colonies. This 
was the basis of our present national colors, but it was 
some time before these were adopted. 

In the beginning of the hostilities the Connecticut 
troops had standards displaying the arms of the Colony, 
with the motto. The flag displayed by General Putnam 
had a red field with the motto of Connecticut: "Qui 
transtulit sustinet " (" He who transplanted us will sustain 
us "), on one side ; on the other, "An appeal to Heaven." 
The floating batteries at the same time had a flag with 
a white ground, a tree in the middle, and the motto 
"Appeal to Heaven." 

Trumbull, who was both soldier and artist, in his cele- 
brated picture of the battle of Bunker Hill, represents 
our troops as displaying a flag combined of the two last 
mentioned — a red flag with a pine tree on a white field 
in the corner — and it is probable that just such a flag 
was used in that battle. 

When, in 1775, South Carolina displayed a flag at the 
taking of Fort Johnson by Colonel Moultrie, it is de- 
scribed as one having a crescent in the quarter of a blue 
field. There were various others, but they were soon 
supplanted by the " Great Union Flag " we have spoken 
of already. 

In 1776, a flag was presented to Congress by Colonel 
Gadsden for the use of the infant navy. It had a yellow 
field, a rattlesnake with thirteen rattles, coiled to strike, 
and the motto, " Don't tread on me." The device of a 



OUR NEW NAVY. 755 

rattlesnake was a favorite one with the colonists at this 
period, and was frequently adopted as a heading by the 
newspapers of the day ; being represented as cut into 
thirteen parts, and the initial of one of the colonies on 
each, with the motto "Join or die." The British used to 
make great fun in those times of many peculiarities of 
the .Rebels, as they were called, and one of the jokes 
was directed against the fondness of the Americans for 
the number thirteen, which was suggested, of course, by 
the number of the Colonies. Some of the witticisms in this 
connection were personal and rather vulgar, but one was 
that " every well-organized rebel household has thirteen 
children, all of whom expect to be generals and members 
of the high and mighty Congress of the thirteen United 
States when they attain thirteen years ; that Mrs. Wash- 
ington has a mottled torn cat (which she calls in a com- 
plimentary way Hamilton) with thirteen yellow rings 
round his tail, and that his flaunting- it suggested to the 
Congress the adoption of the same number of stripes 
for the rebel flag." 

The Province of Massachusetts adopted a flag to be 
worn by the cruisers of that Colony, which was white, 
with a green pine tree in the middle, and the inscription 
"Appeal to Heaven;" being the same as that used on 
the floating batteries. The great Union flag, without 
the crosses, and with a rattlesnake and " Don't tread on 
me," was also used as a naval flag. Different corps also 
carried different flags, with many devices, in the land 
service, but the "Great Union Flag," which was first un- 
furled on the first of January, 1776, over the new Conti- 
nental army at Cambridge, was particularly the banner 
of the United States. 

The stars and stripes, substantially as we see them to- 
day, were not adopted for the standard of the United 



756 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

States until some time after the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. On the 14th of June, 1777, Congress passed a 
resolution, which was not made public until the following 
September, that the " flag of the thirteen United States be 
thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, that the union 
be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a 
new constellation." The new constellation, which it was 
intended should be represented, is supposed to be Lyra, 
which in ancient times was the symbol of harmony and 
unity among men. The difficulty of representing a con- 
stellation on a standard probably led to a modification 
of the plan, and a circle of thirteen stars was chosen, 
signifying union and eternal endurance. Red is the em- 
blem of courage and fortitude ; white, of purity ; and 
blue, of constancy, love, and faith. 

The flag, as thus authorized, was used at the surren- 
der of Burgoyne at Saratoga, October, 17th, 1777. 
Admiral George Preble, whose history of the flag is the 
greatest and most exhaustive work upon the subject, 
says : " It will probably never be known who designed 
our union of stars, the records of Congress being- 
silent upon the subject, and there being no mention or 
suggestion of it in any of the voluminous correspond- 
ence or diaries of the time, public or private, which 
have been published. It has been asked why the stars 
on our banner are five-pointed, while those on our coins 
are six-pointed, and always have been so. The answer 
is, that the designer of our early coins followed the 
English, and the designer of our flag, the European 
custom. In the heraldic language of England, the star 
has six points ; in the heraldry of Holland, France, and 
Germany, the star is five-pointed." 

But, in the same work, an account is given, which 
is of the highest interest, in regard to the actual manu- 



OUR NEW NAVY. 757 

facture of the flag which we know so well, and revere 
so greatly. 

In June, 1776, almost a year before the present flag 
was adopted by solemn resolution of Congress, General 
Washington was in Philadelphia for about a fortnight, 
being called on from New York to advise with Congress 
on the state of affairs just previous to the Declaration 
of Independence. 

At that time there lived in. Philadelphia a Mrs. Ross, 
whose house is still standing at what was formerly No. 
89, and now 239 Arch street. It is little changed to-day 
from its general appearance of more than a century ago. 

Mrs. Ross was a well-known upholsterer, and a com- 
mittee, which had been considering the important question 
of a flag, visited her, in company with General Washing- 
ton, as the most likely person to be able to carry out their 
views, and asked her to make a flag from a certain 
design of which they produced a rough drawing. At her 
suggestion, it is said, this was redrawn by General Wash- 
ington in pencil in Mrs. Ross' back parlor. From this 
she made a specimen flag, which was afterwards adopted 
by Congress. Mr. Canby, who wrote a paper about 
this origin of the actual flao\ which he read before the 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, in 1870, was a de- 
scendant of Mrs. Ross on the mother's side, and at the 
time he wrote the paper there were three daughters of 
Mrs. Ross living, and a niece, then ninety-five, who all 
relied for their accounts of the transaction upon what 
Mrs. Ross had told them. They said that when " Colo- 
nel George Ross and General Washington visited Mrs. 
Ross and asked her to make the flag, she said : " I don't 
know whether I can, but I'll try ; " and directly suggested 
to the gentlemen that the design was wronor t ne stars 
being six-cornered and not five-cornered (pointed), as 



758 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

they should be. This was altered and other changes 
made. 

Whether this account is correct or not has been made 
a matter of much discussion by persons interested in the 
early history of our country. There is one thing certain ; 
it came from report of three people, reduced to writing, 
and not from tradition. Mr. Canby said that he was 
eleven years old when Mrs. Ross died in his father's 
house, and he well remembered her telling the story. 
The mother and two of the sisters of Mr. Canby were 
then living and in good memory. One of his aunts sue. 
ceeded to the business, and continued making flags for 
the navy-yard and arsenals, and for the mercantile 
marine for many years, until, being conscientious on the 
subject of war, she gave up the government business, 
but continued the mercantile until 1857. 

It is altogether probable that General Washington, 
with Colonel Ross, who was no relation of Mrs. Ross, 
and Robert Morris, did call upon Mrs. Ross to make 
flags, for General Washington knew Mrs. Ross very 
well. In fact, she made his shirt ruffles and many other 
things, especially while he resided in Philadelphia as 
President of the United States. 

The first change in the flag provided by the Act of 
Congress which we have quoted was in the year 1794. 
Then Congress' passed a resolution : "That from and 
after the first day of May, Anno Domini one thousand 
seven hundred and ninety-five, the flag of the United 
States be fifteen stripes, alternate red and white. That 
the union be fifteen stars, white in a blue field." This 
was approved on January 13th, 1794. Already new 
States had been formed. 

The next change was in 1818 ; when the resolution of 
Congress was that: " From and after the fourth day of 



OUR NEW NAVY. 759 

July next, the flag of the United States be thirteen hori- 
zontal stripes, alternate red and white ; that the union be 
twenty stars, white on a blue field; and that, on the ad- 
dition of a new State into the Union, one star be added 
to the union of the flag; and that such addition shall 
take effect on the fourth day of July next succeeding 
such admission." The present arrangement of the stars 
on the flag is well known, and the arrangement is such 
as to admit of addition when a new State is admitted. 

In regard to the use of flags in the navy we may 
say that there are no admirals or vice-admirals at pres- 
ent allowed by law. Our navy now has only rear-admi- 
rals. When the three grades existed the distinguishing 
flags were of blue bunting, bearing four, three, or two 
stars, according to the rank of the officer : and, in the 
same way, carried at the main, fore, or mizzen. 

Sometimes it happens that two or more admirals 
are in company, and then the senior flies the blue 
flag, the next in rank the red, and the last the white, 
each with the stars as described. The Secretary of the 
Navy, when on aboard a vessel of the navy always flies 
a flag peculiar to his office — being a blue flag with the 
stars — in other words, the union of the national flag. 

When the President embarks in a naval vessel the fact 
is denoted by hoisting the national colors at the main, 
he being Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy. 

The courtesy of the flag on board a man-of-war em- 
braces so many points that they would be wearisome to the 
ordinary reader. We may only say that, in the case of 
two vessels meeting at sea, the national flag is always 
displayed. If one ship is a warship and the other a mer- 
chant vessel of another country, or of her own, and she 
does not respond, the man-of-war is apt to compel her to 
do so, especially under any suspicious circumstances. 



M 



o'd 



760 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

When a man-of-war leaves a harbor at an earlier hour 
than that usual for hoisting the colors she always 
hoists hers first as she proceeds seawards, and each ship 
lying in the port hoists her ensign until the outgoing 
vessel has passed, when it is hauled down again, to 
await the regular hour for hoisting it with the honors. 

In seaports, when the flag of a newly-arrived man-of- 
war is saluted, that flag is always shown at the fore of 
the saluting vessels at the first gun, and promptly hauled 
down when the last Q-un of the salute is fired. 



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